Aboriginal cultures of Western Australia

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Before the arrival of Europeans, the land now known as Western Australia was home to a diverse range of traditional Australian Aboriginal cultures, spread across numerous language groups, many of which remain today. [1] The border delimiting Western Australia from South Australia and the Northern Territory was drawn by the British colonists, at the 129th meridian east, [2] without regard to the boundaries of existing Aboriginal groups. Consequently Aboriginal cultural groupings are not limited by it; some "Western Australian" Aboriginal groups extend across the border into other states.

Contents

Culture groups

Generalised ranges of the culture blocs of the Aboriginal peoples in Western Australia Culture blocs of Western Australia.png
Generalised ranges of the culture blocs of the Aboriginal peoples in Western Australia

Grouping the various peoples of Western Australia, the largest of these groups being called "culture blocs", is a subjective endeavour often done by anthropologists. [3] [4] Groupings have been made that do not reflect how the Aboriginal peoples included in the groupings saw themselves, one example being the "aggregation of clan groups in north-east Arnhem Land who lack a single name for themselves", but whom Warner collectively labels the "Murngin". [5]

In Western Australia, some large cultural blocs that are well attested are: Noongar, Western Desert cultural bloc, Kimberley peoples and Yamatji. [6] [7] [8] Of these, Noongar and Yamatji are (at least post-colonisation) often self-identified, with the former being a cultural system that has existed prior to colonisation. Western Desert cultural bloc refers to a dialect continuum which contains many communities that before colonisation recognised "their own dialectical affiliations, and [had] no overall term for themselves". [6] [9] The Kimberley peoples are a collection of smaller cultural blocs in the region. [8]

Kimberley region

The Kimberley region is linguistically complex, containing around 27 languages in 5 language groups. It is also one of the major rock art regions of Australia, as well as being a trading focus of pearl shell, shields, myths, rituals and body paint patterns. [10]

Due to the region's rugged terrain and distance from coloniser population centres, it was one of the last areas to be colonised; graziers began moving in in the 1880s. Colonisation was resisted in "drawn-out guerilla warfare" but many massacres still occurred. It was only in the 1920s, after the Forrest River massacre, that public outcry resulted in Aboriginal people being treated in a "less brutal" manner. [10]

Aboriginal divers were often central to the region's pearling industry in the 19th century, this being a "major platform for black-white relations". [10] [11]

The peak Indigenous body in the region is the Kimberley Land Council. [12]

Noongar region

The Noongar people's homeland is the southwest corner of Western Australia. Dialects of the Noongar language were spoken across the region, estimates of the number of dialects range from 3 to 15. [13] [14]

The Noongar people exhibit a distinct material culture. Traditionally this includes wearing stitched kangaroo skin as an adaptation to the cool, moist winter climate, or using a particular style of axe and saw-like knife. Also constructed were temporary but waterproof semicircular dome huts made with a framework of tied branches and paperbark or grass-tree thatch. [15] [16]

Intensive contact with Europeans began in 1825 with the founding of a military base at Mammang Koort (King George Sound) and with the subsequent colonisation of the Swan River area from 1829. By 1840, seven massacres had taken place; this includes the Pinjarra massacre, where fifteen to eighty Pinjarup Noongar people were killed. [17] [18] Pushed off their lands, Aboriginal communities survived around small towns in the southwest while maintaining familial ties across the region. [19]

In 2022, the Noongar people began to be represented by six organisations known as "Noongar Regional Corporations", each representing a different region within Noongar Country. The South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council, previously the peak native title representative of the region, transitioned to provide administrative, corporate and financial services to the six Noongar Regional Corporations. [20] [21]

Western Desert region

The Western Desert cultural bloc covers much of Western Australia, as well as parts of South Australia and the Northern Territory, occupying area of approximately 670,000 square kilometres (260,000 sq mi). [22] The Western Desert language is a dialect continuum that extends over much of the region. [23]

A region of low rainfall and temporary rivers. Its aridity was a limiting factor on population densities, with areas of sandy desert potentially varying as low as one person per 200 square kilometres (77 sq mi) to one person per 13 square kilometres (5.0 sq mi) in regions with more permanent water sources. People would gather at permanent water sources in summer and spread out after rain. Waterholes are prominent features of the stories, songs and paintings of the peoples of the region. [24]

Mission stations and pastoral properties greatly affected the Desert peoples who moved into them, creating large population centres, a number of which have come under Aboriginal control. There has also been an extensive outstation movement. [24]

Yamatji region

Originally a Wajarri word for 'man', it has become a general name for Aboriginal people from the northwest the Murchison and Gascoyne districts of Western Australia. [25]

The peak representative body in the region is the Yamatji Marlpa Aboriginal Corporation, which also represents those in the Pilbara. [26]

Drainage basins and culture blocs

Australia's major drainage basins have been found to correspond with the main culture blocs. This has been explained as a result of the basins' margins being poor in plant, animal and water resources; consequently there is less cultural exchange on their margins than in their interiors. [27] [28] Simultaneously, drainage basins are not understood to be a strong indicator of historical or social similarities, and are instead one of many elements used in the analysis of social and cultural dynamics. [29]

There is also some correspondence between the traditional boundaries of language groups and Australia's bioregions. [30]

Identity systems found in Western Australia

In moiety systems, members of the community take one of two identities, these being based on the identity/moiety of a parent and are known as filial moieties. In matrifilial moieties, the identity of the mother is adopted, while the identity of the father is adopted in patrifilial moieties. Moieties often shared the name of an animal or plant, these becoming one of a person's totems. There are also generational moieties, where, in addition to their filial moiety, a person has the moiety of their grandparents. [31]

In general, moiety systems promoted marriage between certain identities. In patrifilial and matrifilial moieties, a person was meant to marry someone of the opposite moiety (exogamy). While in generational moieties, a person was meant to marry someone of the same moiety (endogamy). [a] Land and water could also be classified by patrifilial moiety and peoples' roles in ceremonies could be determined by their moieties. [31]

Noongar

Many of the Noongar peoples divided themselves into filial moieties named manitchmat (western corella people) and wordungmat (Australian raven people). [b] [33]

In the southwest, some groups were matrifilial and others were patrifilial. [33] While knowledge of the full system of social categorisation over the entire region has been lost, according to anthropologist Ian Keen the Mineng at King George Sound people were matrifilial. [34] [33]

Fieldwork and interviews conducted in the early 2000s and mid-to-late 2010s has found that while knowledge of an original moiety system is limited, belief in totems remains strong and are a part of contemporary Noongar belief. The moiety system seems to have been replaced by a system that prohibits marriage between close family members, continues to promote totemic exogamy and which has "ideal marriage" rules. [35] [36]

Yamatji

  • Nganda type: Patrilineal totemic local descent groups, no moieties or sections. Includes Nganda and Nandu.
  • Inggadi-Badimaia gtype: Sections not well defined, Patrilineal totemic local clans grouped into larger divisions. Includes Inggada, Dadei, Malgada, Ngugan, Widi, Badimaia, Wadjari, and Goara.
  • Djalenji-Maia type: Sections correlated with kin terms, Matrilineal descent groups. Includes Noala, Djalenji, Yinigudira, Baiyungu, Maia, Malgaru, Dargari, Buduna, Guwari, Warianga, Djiwali, Djururu, Nyanu, Bandjima, Inawongga, Gurama, Binigura and Guwari.
  • Nyangamada type: Sections with indirect matrilineal descent, with patrilineal local descent groups. Includes Bailgu, Indjibandji, Mardudunera, Yaburara, Ngaluma, Gareira, Nyamal, Ngala, and Nyangamada. [37] [ better source needed ]

Wankai

Occupying the Goldfields and Nullarbor regions of Western Australia affected from the 1880s onwards, represented today by the Goldfields Land and Sea Aboriginal Council Corporation:

  • Galamaia-Gelago type: Like Nyunga, but practising circumcision. Includes Galamaia, Ngurlu, Maduwongga, and Gelago.
  • Mirning type: Patrilineal local totemic descent groups, No moieties or sections. Similar to the Western Desert type. Includes Ngadjunmaia, Mirning. [37] [ better source needed ]

Kimberley peoples

  • Garadjeri type: As for Nyangamada. Includes Garadjeri, Mangala, Yaoro, Djungun, Ngombal, Djaberadjabera, and Nyulnyul.
  • Bardi type. Patrilineal local descent groups, no moieties or sections. Includes Warwar, Nimanburu, Ongarang, Djaul Djaui.
  • Ungarinyin type: Patrilineal. Includes Umedi, Wungemi, Worora, Wunumbul [37] [ better source needed ]

Impact of colonisation

Aboriginal traditional cultures have been greatly impacted since the colonisation of Australia began. During the late 19th and early 20th century it was assumed that Aboriginal Australians were a dying race and would eventually disappear. [38] [ page needed ]

While Aboriginal populations in Western Australia did decline until the 1930s, they have since increased.[ citation needed ] Today, all Aboriginal cultures have been impacted by degrees of marginalisation and exclusion from participation in the dominant culture of Australia. This has resulted in higher than average rates of infant mortality, and lower life expectancy, education and rates of employment.[ citation needed ]

191 Aboriginal languages have been documented in Western Australia, [1] but as of 2018 only 31 were spoken. [39]

See also

Notes

  1. More specifically, they were meant to marry someone "not of his or her parents' or children's (or sibling's children's) generation."
  2. Manitch being the Noongar name for the western corella, wardong for Australian raven and mat for 'stock', 'family', 'leg'. [32]

References

  1. 1 2 AIATSIS.
  2. Porter 1990.
  3. Memmott & Long 2002, p. 40.
  4. Redmond 2011, pp. 290–293.
  5. Redmond 2011, p. 293.
  6. 1 2 Berndt & Berndt 1980, p. 7.
  7. Kaartdijin Noongar 2025a.
  8. 1 2 Kimberley 2019, p. 3.
  9. Palmer 2016, pp. 204–208.
  10. 1 2 3 Horton 1994a, p. 548.
  11. Nayton 2011, pp. 85, 88.
  12. Kimberley Land Council 2024.
  13. Noongar Boodjar Language Cultural Aboriginal Corporation 2025.
  14. Horton 1994b, pp. 194, 1010.
  15. Palmer 2016, pp. 22, 24.
  16. Horton 1994b, p. 1010.
  17. Ryan et al. 2017a.
  18. Ryan et al. 2017b.
  19. Horton 1994b, p. 1012.
  20. Department of the Premier and Cabinet 2024.
  21. Department of the Premier and Cabinet 2025.
  22. Paterson 2014.
  23. Dousset 2011.
  24. 1 2 Horton 1994a, pp. 273–275.
  25. Horton 1994b, p. 1215.
  26. Yamatji Marlpa Aboriginal Corporation 2025.
  27. Mulvaney & Kamminga 2020, p. 78.
  28. Peterson 1976, pp. 61–68.
  29. Dousset 2018, pp. 68–70.
  30. Fourmile 1996, p. 42.
  31. 1 2 Keen 2006, p. 137.
  32. Kaartdijin Noongar 2025b.
  33. 1 2 3 Keen 2006, p. 158.
  34. Palmer 2016, p. 62.
  35. Palmer 2016, pp. viii, 114, 132, 204–205.
  36. Robertson et al. 2021, pp. 6, 100–102.
  37. 1 2 3 Jarvis 1979, p. 32.
  38. McGregor 1997.
  39. Productivity Commission 2023.

Sources

Further reading