Non-compliance with Russian legislation by the video hosting service and Google (refusal to localize Russian user data; failure to delete materials recognized in Russia as "extremist" or "discrediting the Russian army"; blocking of pro-state materials and channels supporting and justifying the Russian invasion of Ukraine).
Statements by independent media:
Censorship in the Russian Federation during the Russian invasion of Ukraine:
Use of TSPU (Technical Solutions for Threat Countermeasures) to artificially throttle access speeds.
The process of targeted (artificial) limiting of access speed to the video hosting serviceYouTube within the territory of Russia began in July 2024. It was initiated by the Russian government as a pressure measure against Google (the platform's owner) due to non-compliance with Russian legislation, including the blocking of pro-state channels and the distribution of content recognized in the Russian Federation as "illegal".
According to monitoring services, the first mass complaints about the deterioration of access quality to the platform began in July 2024, when users faced the inability to play videos or extremely slow content loading.[1][2]Roskomnadzor and representatives of the Russian authorities explained the situation as a "degradation" of the Google Global Cache (GGC) infrastructure — a data caching system that Google ceased to service in Russia following the termination of its Russian subsidiary's activities in 2022 amidst the Russian invasion of Ukraine.[3] However, independent experts and some media outlets suggested that the throttling might be the result of deliberate limitation of traffic via technical means for countering threats (TSPU), implemented under the "Sovereign Internet Law".[2][4]
By December 2024, the problem had worsened: a "third wave" of throttling affected not only stationary devices but also mobile networks, leading to mass user complaints.[1][5]Vladimir Putin, commenting on the situation during the "Direct Line", placed the responsibility on Google, stating that the company "created problems for itself" by reducing funding for Russian infrastructure and ignoring the requirements of Russian law, including data localization and the removal of prohibited content.[3][6] Google denied involvement in the slowdown, stating that it "is not the result of technical problems or actions on their part".[1][3]
The economic and social consequences of the YouTube throttling proved significant. Russian bloggers and advertisers dependent on the platform faced a loss of income, and users faced limited access to educational and entertainment content.[1][7] Part of the traffic shifted to domestic analogues such as Rutube, VK Video, and "Platforma"; however, experts noted their lack of development compared to YouTube, particularly in terms of monetization and interface convenience.[1][4] In parallel, authorities toughened the fight against bypassing blockades via VPN, complicating access to YouTube.[6] Against this backdrop, the question of a potential full blockade of the platform remained open, although officials emphasized the priority of developing national alternatives.[4]
The conflict between Russian authorities and YouTube (owned by the American company Google) had a long history prior to the events of 2024 but escalated sharply against the backdrop of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In 2012, the then Head of the Ministry of CommunicationsNikolay Nikiforov first publicly stated the possibility of blocking YouTube in Russia due to the hosting of the film Innocence of Muslims, which led to partial blocks of the service in Chechnya, Dagestan, Omsk, and Volgograd at the initiative of local authorities.[8] In 2015, YouTube twice faced federal blocking and inclusion in the Single Register of Prohibited Sites — first due to a video titled "Creation of the Russian Insurgent Army", and then due to the publication of full episodes of TV series from TNT (Fizruk and Chernobyl: Zone of Exclusion), which violated copyright.[8] These precedents demonstrated the platform administration's willingness to make concessions to Russian demands to avoid blocking by removing disputed content at the request of Roskomnadzor.[8]
A turning point occurred on March 11, 2022, when YouTube began blocking the channels of Russian state media, including the parliamentary channel "Duma TV", citing the need to comply with platform rules. The rules prohibited content "denying or minimizing documented violent events".[9] This measure was perceived by Russian authorities as an element of "information war". On March 14, Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Information Policy Anton Gorelkin stated that YouTube could suffer the fate of the previously blocked Facebook and Instagram if the platform "does not stop participating in the information war".[10] On March 18, Roskomnadzor issued an official demand to Google to stop "spreading threats against Russian citizens", calling YouTube's actions "terrorist" — the formal pretext was advertisements containing political provocations.[11]
In April of the same year, the blocking of the State Duma channel caused a new round of criticism. Russian Foreign Ministry representative Maria Zakharova urged Russians to prepare for a complete blocking of YouTube and to archive content, while the head of the Federation Council Committee on Constitutional Legislation, Andrei Klishas, stated that the platform was moving towards an "outlaw" status in Russia.[8] In parallel, Roskomnadzor began systematically imposing multi-billion ruble fines on Google for "failure to remove prohibited content", primarily related to coverage of the war in Ukraine, which Russian authorities characterized as "fakes".[10][11] By July 2024, the total number of channels blocked at the request of Russian authorities exceeded 200, including accounts of musicians, writers, and public figures.[8]
Despite the escalation, a complete blocking of YouTube was considered unlikely for a long time. As analysts noted, the video hosting service is integrated into the Google ecosystem, and its blocking could disrupt the operation of other critical services, including mapping, cloud storage, and especially the Android operating system, which dominates the Russian mobile device market.[10]Minister of Digital DevelopmentMaksut Shadaev repeatedly emphasized that blocking is an "extreme measure" that "will bring more harm than good due to the lack of decent Russian analogues".[8] In 2022–2023, on prediction markets, the probability of YouTube being blocked within a year fluctuated from 90% (spring 2022) to 10-15% (autumn 2022), reflecting observers' uncertainty about the authorities' resolve.[8]
In early 2024, the situation regarding access to YouTube in Russia continued to develop against the backdrop of continuing contradictions between Russian authorities and Google. In May–June 2024, YouTube blocked about 3,600 channels distributingRussian propaganda, which accounted for 38% of the total number of such blocks since 2020. This sharp increase in restrictions, according to some media, may have served as the immediate trigger for retaliatory measures by Russian regulators.[13] As early as June, Anton Gorelkin publicly stated the possibility of slowing down the video hosting service in Russia, arguing this was necessary to counter the platform's "anti-Russian policy".[13]
"First Wave"
On July 12, 2024, Rostelecom warned of glitches in YouTube's operation.[14] The turning point came in July, when the chairman of the State Duma Committee on Information Policy, Alexander Khinshtein, officially confirmed the preparation of measures to artificially limit the speed of access to YouTube. In his statement, he indicated that by the end of July, the download speed on stationary devices would decrease by 40%, and by the beginning of August, it would reach 70%. Khinshtein characterized these actions as a "forced step, directed not against Russian users, but against the administration of a foreign resource," which, he claimed, systematically ignores Russian legislation.[15] This was the first direct admission of intentional slowdown by officials, whereas previously such assumptions were consistently rejected by government representatives and telecom operators.[15]
"Second Wave"
The practical implementation of restrictions began on August 1, 2024, when users across Russia massively encountered the inability to play videos or extremely slow loading of content on personal computers and Smart TVs.[2] Independent studies showed that the data transfer speed for video content from `googlevideo.com` domains was limited to 128 kbps, which allowed viewing video only in the minimum resolution of 240p.[2] Russian telecom operators, including Rostelecom, publicly blamed Google for the deterioration in service quality, citing the "degradation" of the Google Global Cache infrastructure due to the company ceasing its maintenance after leaving the Russian market in 2022 following the escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian war.[16] In response, Google representatives categorically rejected their involvement in the problems, stating that the slowdown "is not the result of any technical problems or actions on our part"[3].
In November 2024, temporary expectations arose regarding a possible easing of restrictions after a meeting between Mosfilm General Director Karen Shakhnazarov and Vladimir Putin. Shakhnazarov spoke about the inadvisability of blocking YouTube, to which the president replied: "I will look into it".[17] However, no subsequent official changes in access policy occurred, and a short-term improvement in service operation recorded by monitoring platforms turned out to be local and did not lead to the restoration of normal speeds.[2][17]
"Third Wave"
The most significant tightening of restrictions occurred in mid-December 2024, when the slowdown massively affected mobile devices for the first time. According to the service Sboy.rf, the number of user complaints increased sharply from 1,000 (December 17) to 5,200 (December 18), and by December 19 exceeded 40,000 requests.[18][19] Google statistics recorded a 20% drop in traffic on December 18 compared to the previous day and a further 7% drop on December 19. Experts characterized these events as the "third wave" of throttling, noting its total nature, unlike previous stages.[18][19] This situation coincided with the "Direct Line with Vladimir Putin", during which blogger Vlad A4 asked a question about the advisability of blocking YouTube. In response, the president repeated the thesis about Google's responsibility.[18]
After the West began to impose restrictions, Google reduced funding, reduced the supply of appropriate equipment here, and thus created problems for itself.
Throughout the entire period of throttling, Roskomnadzor maintained an ambivalent position. On the one hand, the agency did not officially confirm its participation in the restrictions, continuing to attribute problems to "technical degradation of equipment" by Google.[18] On the other hand, statements emphasized that "numerous violations of Russian legislation, disrespect for our country and citizens are grounds for taking measures against YouTube", and the regulator has "enough tools to motivate the company"[18]. In November 2024, the amount of fines on Google exceeded 2 undecillion rubles, which exceeds all global wealth.[20] By the end of 2024, the total volume of fines imposed by Russian courts on Google since 2021 exceeded 34.5 billion rubles, creating additional legal barriers to normalizing the service's operation.[3]
Causes
Official statements by Russia
Russian authorities, represented by Roskomnadzor and senior officials, consistently presented the actions (or inaction) of Google itself as the reason for the service's deterioration. A key argument was the claim of alleged "degradation of Google Global Cache within Russia." This system of caching servers, designed to speed up content delivery to users, ceased to be properly maintained and updated after the cessation of operations of Google's Russian subsidiary in 2022 against the backdrop of the war and the imposition of international sanctions. Roskomnadzor and telecom operators such as Rostelecom stated that Google does not supply new equipment and does not fund the support of existing equipment, which led to capacity overload and physical wear of servers, especially noticeable under conditions of growing traffic.[21] This position was subsequently supported by Russian President Vladimir Putin during the "Direct Line".[21][22]
Simultaneously, authorities linked the slowdown to Google's systematic non-compliance with Russian legislation. Key grievances included: refusal to localize Russian user data within the Russian Federation, failure to remove content recognized by Russian courts as extremist or otherwise prohibited (including materials about the invasion of Ukraine), and the blocking of pro-state Russian channels and mass media, which began as early as March 2022.[7] Roskomnadzor and representatives of the State Duma (e.g., Anton Gorelkin and Alexander Khinshtein) repeatedly accused YouTube of participating in an "information war", "disrespect for the country", and applying "politically motivated censorship". Authorities positioned the throttling not as an end in itself, but as a "forced measure of pressure" on the company to compel it to comply with Russian laws, threatening a possible complete blockade in case of further disobedience.[4][22]
Other independent versions
Google categorically rejected accusations of involvement in the service's degradation for technical reasons. The company stated that the slowdown "is not the result of any technical problems or actions" on its part.[21][22] Instead, Google pointed to deliberate actions by Russian regulators to limit traffic. This view was supported by many independent experts, IT analysts, and human rights activists. They put forward the version that the state used technical means for countering threats (TSPU), implemented under the "Sovereign Internet Law".[4] TSPUs are deep packet inspection (DPI) devices installed on telecom operator networks and managed by Roskomnadzor and the Ministry of Digital Development. Experts, such as Vitaly Listratkin (founder of the telecom groupInterra), explained that it is these tools, not the telecom operators, that implement the slowdown or blocking policy based on rules downloaded daily by the regulator.[4] Some media sources (e.g., Gazeta.ru) and analysts suggested that references to GGC problems serve as a cover for the gradual introduction of restrictions, tested first on stationary versions (where throttling reached 40-70% according to Khinshtein's statements) and then extended to mobile internet.[4]
Version regarding competition between Gazprom and YouTube
Against the background of the YouTube slowdown, a significant role in discussions is played by the policy of import substitution of digital platforms, actively promoted by state structures and state corporations.[23] One of the key versions is the hypothesis of deliberate actions by Russian authorities to weaken the position of the foreign video hosting service in favor of domestic platforms affiliated with state structures and companies, such as Gazprom-Media. Analysts and experts, including foreign media, note that the slowdown of YouTube traffic coincided with the active development and promotion of Russian alternatives, primarily Rutube (controlled by Gazprom-Media) and VK Video (part of the VKontakte ecosystem, where Gazprom is the largest indirect shareholder via a fund).[9][24] This strategy is interpreted as an attempt to create artificial competitive advantages for national services that have actively invested in infrastructure: for example, Rutube announced plans to spend 30 billion rubles on updating its technical base, and VKontakte deployed a CDN network of 10,000 servers.[24][25]
Indirect confirmation of the economic-political undertone of the slowdown is provided by statements from Russian officials linking YouTube's problems to the need to comply with local legislation and support "national digital products." Khinshtein, commenting on the situation in July 2024, emphasized that "the degradation of YouTube is a forced step, directed not against Russian users, but against the administration of a foreign resource" ignoring Roskomnadzor's requirements.[26][27] At the same time, as noted by the BBC, VK Video and Rutube received administrative support, including legislative initiatives facilitating their development, such as the mandatory registration of bloggers with Roskomnadzor for monetization, which created barriers for bloggers.[9]
The motivation for this approach, according to political analysts, lies in the realm of controlling the information space. YouTube, remaining the largest video platform in Russia (95.5 million users in June 2024), retained the role of a key channel for independent media and opposition bloggers, whose content was often recognized by authorities as "undesirable".[25][27] The slowdown allowed, on the one hand, limiting access to such content, and on the other, stimulating the migration of the audience and creators to Rutube or VK Video, where the moderation policy meets state requirements.[9][28] The effect is confirmed by statistics: after the start of the slowdown, Rutube recorded a 7.5-fold increase in views, and its audience increased to 80 million users by mid-2025.[24] At the same time, as noted by human rights activists, the YouTube slowdown became part of the general trend of restrictions on the Runet.[9]
Blogger BadComedian in an interview with Daily Storm expressed a similar assumption that the YouTube slowdown may be part of a competitive struggle. In his opinion, the goal is to redistribute the audience and content in favor of Russian platforms such as VK Video and Rutube, which are affiliated with the Gazprom-Media holding.[29][30] Bazhenov noted that despite active promotion, Rutube and VK Video, in his assessment, remain less convenient for users and content creators. He criticized the design, recommendation algorithms, and administrative policy of these platforms, stating that they are incapable of fully replacing YouTube.[30] BadComedian emphasized that his criticism is based on personal experience using the platforms. He called for considering the YouTube slowdown in the context of the lack of adequate competition from Russian services.[29] The blogger also linked the situation to the desire of Russian authorities and affiliated structures to develop national analogues, even if this is done by artificial methods.[29][30]
There are no other platforms. Speaking objectively. Take VK — a terribly laggy service, disgusting. VK itself. VK on TV — they completely copied YouTube, it's good. Here I won't lie, it really is a normal app, but that's only on TV. On a computer, it's a disgusting, terrible thing. And they [pro-Russian YouTube analogues] will never catch up to YouTube in terms of content quantity. Also, the recommendations there are ordinary, not just what's trending, but simply suggested videos filled by admins: some TNT show, some "Voice". Not internet stuff at all. They made a part of TV on Rutube — it's uninteresting and you don't want to post anything there. It seems to me there is no sense in switching to these platforms. It's better to watch on YouTube itself. Or look for ways around it, but watch on YouTube.
In response to the Russian authorities' decision to slow down YouTube, users began actively applying technologies to bypass restrictions, including VPNs and tools to counter DPI (Deep Packet Inspection).
Official services
In January 2026, Russian internet service Beeline updated their mobile app, adding the ability to watch YouTube videos without any block circumvention services. The feature is available with a "Plan B" subscription and does not allow watching videos outside the Beeline app.[31]
Using VPN services
VPNs remain one of the most common ways to bypass restrictions. They allow masking the user's real IP address, redirecting traffic through servers in other countries. According to TechRadar, after the introduction of YouTube throttling in July 2024, demand for VPNs in Russia rose sharply, especially for services supporting Xray and obfuscation protocols, which are harder to detect using DPI.[32] Some providers offered specialized solutions for accessing YouTube, highlighting high speed and ease of setup.[33] However, Russian authorities tightened control over VPNs: in July 2025, about 25 VPN applications were removed from Google Play and the App Store, and the use of such services in some cases began to fall under the law banning the bypassing of blockades.[32]
Using DPI services
An alternative to VPNs became tools that neutralize deep packet inspection (DPI) methods used by Russian internet providers. For example, one of the most famous and used programs among citizens, GoodbyeDPI, developed by Valentin Vazhdik (known by the nicknameValdikSS), allowed bypassing restrictions by manipulating TCP packets and fragmenting requests. Users reported that changing parameters (such as `--dpi-desync-fooling=md5sig` to `--dpi-desync-fooling=badseq`) could temporarily restore access to YouTube.[34][35] Another solution was the Zapret project, which used a combination of DNS over HTTPS and DPI desynchronization methods. However, by mid-2025, its effectiveness decreased due to updates to the "Golden Dome" filtration system, limiting the volume of transmitted data to 16 KB per request.[34]
Regional features and recommendations
The effectiveness of bypass methods varied depending on the provider and region. For example, Rostelecom users in the Moscow region noted the success of parameter `-11` in GoodbyeDPI, whereas in the Krasnodar Krai, simpler settings like `-1 -e1` worked.[35] Experts from Roskomsvoboda recommended combining several tools, including self-hosted VPNs (e.g., Amnezia VPN) and alternative browsers (Tor, FreeBrowser), to reduce the risk of blocking.[32]
Reaction and criticism
Russian authorities
Russia denied involvement in the slowdown. Anton Gorelkin called the problems "the result of inaction by Google", which "did not invest in infrastructure maintenance" after leaving the Russian market in 2022.[36][37] However, Google publicly rejected these accusations, stating that the slowdown "is not the result of technical problems or actions on its part"[36].
Roskomnadzor supported the position of the Russian leadership, which states that Google was caught in "numerous violations of Russian legislation" and "disrespect for Russia and its citizens". Accusations were also made regarding the refusal to delete 300 materials about VPN services.[6][38] In July 2024, Khinshtein announced a reduction in YouTube speed on stationary devices by up to 70%, calling it a "forced measure" against the resource's administration. At the same time, he denied the artificial nature of the slowdown, explaining it by the "degradation" of Google Global Cache due to the company ceasing maintenance of its servers in Russia.[38] The Ministry of Digital Development, in turn, announced the absence of deterioration in user experience, citing the flow of traffic to Russian platforms such as Rutube and VK Video.[6]
Position of political forces
Criticism of the official course came from opposition deputies. Denis Parfenov from the "CPRF" sent a request to Roskomnadzor demanding an end to the slowdown, pointing out that it affects the interests of ordinary citizens who use YouTube for education, travel, and entertainment, while domestic analogues "do not differ in variety of content and are inferior in convenience".[38] The "New People" party launched a petition against the slowdown, collecting over a million signatures. The party's statement emphasized that blocking YouTube without an adequate alternative deprives hundreds of thousands of Russians of work, and millions of access to educational resources.[38]
In Russia, they tell us that YouTube is slowing itself down. Certain particularly radical politicians are already demanding a ban. But in reality, they are slowing us all down.
They are slowing down entrepreneurs and journalists who earn on the platform and pay taxes in Russia. Students who watch lectures here. Young scientists popularizing science. Musicians who post their clips here. They are slowing down millions of people across Russia who watch YouTube every day.
Starting a campaign against YouTube (one can explain it however one likes, but in fact, it is specifically a campaign against YouTube), officials offer no alternative. Rutube, over all these years, has not become like a world-class video hosting service. Before his blocking on YouTube, Shaman, Gagarina, and Gazmanov posted their songs there, not on the Russian analogue. And other bloggers blocked on YouTube, who gathered millions of views on the Western platform, get 10,000 views and 20 comments on the Russian analogue.
Rutube has no normal monetization, the recommendation system works haphazardly, and the interface is still inconvenient. All this — despite billions spent on advertising and development. For the homeland of Yandex, VK, 2GIS, and Gosuslugi, such import substitution is not the level.
There is nothing pleasant about depending on Western platforms, but there is no adequate analogue right now. Slowing down or blocking YouTube without a normal alternative means depriving hundreds of thousands of people of work, and millions of a space for education and entertainment. Recent research data suggests that 78.5 percent of Russian residents use YouTube monthly. Banning or slowing down the hosting is banning 78.5 percent of Russian citizens.
Deputies of the "New People" party and our supporters across the country are against such a ban. Now it is important to show that officials are slowing us all down.
Critics regarded the slowdown as an instrument of censorship directed against content about the Russo-Ukrainian war. According to the CPJ, authorities "have long spoken out against YouTube", calling it a platform for "spreading fakes" following the blocking of state media channels in March 2022.[11] Independent journalist Andrey Zakharov noted in a podcast on July 29, 2024, that technical restrictions coincided with Roskomnadzor's demands to unblock pro-Kremlin channels, indicating political motivation.[40]
Russian and international media were divided in their interpretation of events. RIA Novosti and TASS broadcast Roskomnadzor's position, accentuating the "technical degradation" of YouTube.[6]Meduza and DW cited sources in the telecom sector about artificial throttling via technical means for countering threats installed on operator networks. DW also noted a paradox: the Kremlin continued to use YouTube for publications aimed at foreign audiences, despite restrictions inside the country.[38][41] Tech blogger Wylsacom disputed Roskomnadzor's version, suggesting that the failures could have been caused by a "major accident at operators," but did not rule out complex reasons.
One of the telecom operators had a very major accident. So major that the domino effect hit other providers too. It will take some time to restore. However, the main thing here is that no artificial slowdown occurred.
Analysts from Cyber Media and Content Review pointed to the lack of viable alternatives to YouTube in Russia, emphasizing the weakness of monetization and interfaces of platforms like Rutube.[41] The committee to Protect Journalists characterized these actions as a "flagrant attempt to restrict access to information", aimed at suppressing independent media, including publications in exile, for whom YouTube remains a key platform for content distribution.[11]Gulnoza Said, CPJ's Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, warned that such measures "threaten further isolation of Russian users from global discourse"[11].
Technical experts and independent investigations disputed the official version of Roskomnadzor and Russian internet providers (such as Rostelecom) that the slowdown was caused by "degradation of Google Global Cache equipment." In July 2024, cybersecurity analysts presented evidence of targeted throttling of traffic via technical means for countering threats, which identified requests by SNI tags `googlevideo.com` and artificially limited data transfer speed by dropping TCP packets.[42] According to Meduza, from August 1, 2024, access speed to YouTube for most users was limited to 128 kbps (for TCP connections) and 512 kbit/s (for QUIC), which is sufficient only for playing audio or video in a resolution not exceeding 240p.[43]
Social and economic consequences also became a subject of criticism:
Content creators, especially Russian-speaking ones, faced a loss of up to 25% of their audience.[44] Many were forced to move channels to international versions of YouTube, encountering adaptation difficulties, including "language barriers" and monetization issues;[44]
Users complained about the inability to view educational materials, children's content, and instructions. According to surveys, the daily audience of YouTube in Russia exceeded 50 million people, and the monthly audience exceeded 90 million, highlighting the scale of the impact of the restrictions;[44]
By December 2024, the slowdown spread to mobile networks, making the platform practically unavailable without bypass tools such as VPN or technologies like DPI.[45]
Google
Google consistently rejected accusations, stating that the slowdown is not the result of technical problems or actions on their part. The company emphasized adherence to global moderation standards, rather than "Russophobic policy", as it was characterized by Russian officials. Experts, including Valery Ivanov from Cyber Media, allowed that Google could have deployed CDN servers in neighboring countries to alleviate the situation, but this would have required investments complicated by sanctions>.
Consequences
The slowdown entailed significant economic, social, and technological consequences. According to the Rosteleset association, which unites over 200 telecom operators, users began massively terminating contracts with providers due to the inability to use the service via home internet, mistakenly believing that the cause of the problems was the operators, not the regulator's actions.[38] Economic damage affected a wide range of digital market participants. Russian bloggers, whose income depended on content monetization, faced a loss of audience and advertising revenue. Advertisers oriented towards YouTube were forced to redistribute budgets in favor of less popular domestic platforms, which were inferior to YouTube.[25]
Social consequences manifested in limited access to educational resources, independent news, and cultural content. The problem particularly acutely affected educational materials, video lectures, and children's content (including the YouTube Kids app), which caused a wave of public discontent.[7][38] Demand for VPN and DPI services rose sharply, and commercial offers for "YouTube acceleration" appeared in online stores, which were subsequently blocked as fake.[38] In parallel, Roskomnadzor began sending demands to media outlets to remove instructions on bypassing blockades under threat of sanctions.[38] Despite the pressure, the YouTube audience was partially preserved: according to VCIOM, by June 2024, the platform remained the leader in reach (95.6 million users), although by August traffic from Russia decreased fivefold, and the active audience decreased by 30 million.[9][38] Part of the traffic was redistributed through VPNs in the Netherlands and Germany, which was reflected in Google Transparency statistics.[9]
The political reaction to the slowdown proved ambiguous. The "New People" party collected over a million signatures on a petition calling for the restrictions to be lifted, arguing this with the lack of an adequate alternative and the threat to jobs.[38] Parfenov sent an official request to the RKN, pointing out that the slowdown violates the interests of citizens using the platform for education and entertainment.[38] In several cities, including Moscow and Chelyabinsk, notifications of protest rallies were filed, but authorities banned them, citing "COVID restrictions" or "security considerations".[38] At the same time, even within power structures, opinions were divided: representatives of the Ministry of Digital Development had previously stated that a complete blockade would bring more harm than good due to the lack of developed national analogues.
A technological consequence of the slowdown was the forced growth of Russian video platforms. VK Video, owned by Gazprom structures, and the state-owned Rutube received additional funding and infrastructure support (e.g., deployment of CDN networks), but continued to face problems: the lack of an effective recommendation system, low monetization quality for creators, and manual view inflation, as noted by the publication The Bell.[9][25] Despite administrative resources, these services failed to compensate for functional gaps, leaving users dependent on technical solutions to access YouTube.
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