Burned house horizon

Last updated
A map showing the extent of the Burned House practice in Southeastern Europe, based on Tringham. Burned House Horizon Map.PNG
A map showing the extent of the Burned House practice in Southeastern Europe, based on Tringham.

In the archaeology of Neolithic Europe, the burned house horizon is the geographical extent of the phenomenon of presumably intentionally burned settlements.

Contents

This was a widespread and long-lasting tradition in what are now Southeastern Europe and Eastern Europe, lasting from as early as 6500 BCE (the beginning of the Neolithic in that region) to as late as 2000 BCE (the end of the Chalcolithic and the beginning of the Bronze Age). A notable representative of this tradition is the Cucuteni-Trypillian culture, which was centered on the burned-house horizon both geographically and temporally.

There is still a discussion in the study of Neolithic and Eneolithic Europe whether the majority of burned houses were intentionally set alight or not. [1]

Although there is still debate about why the house burning was practiced, the evidence seems to indicate that it was highly unlikely to have been accidental. There is also debate about why this would have been done deliberately and regularly, since these burnings could destroy the entire settlement. However, in recent years, the consensus has begun to gel around the "domicide" theory supported by Tringham, Stevanovic and others. [2] Recent studies in paleogenetics from ancient mass burial sites of possible victims of epidemic disease, showing no visible signs of trauma, have yielded DNA of Yersinia pestis (Plague). [3] It is possible that survivors of recurring plague events discovered the technique of high intensity fire destruction of all buildings in a community (domicide) would halt the spread of plague by sterilizing the bacteria, carriers and hosts. This would strongly support the domicide theory of Tringham, Stevanovic and others.

Cucuteni-Trypillian settlements were completely burned every 75–80 years, leaving behind successive layers consisting mostly of large amounts of rubble from the collapsed wattle-and-daub walls. This rubble was mostly ceramic material that had been created as the raw clay used in the daub of the walls became vitrified from the intense heat that would have turned it a bright orange color during the conflagration that destroyed the buildings, much the same way that raw clay objects are turned into ceramic products during the firing process in a kiln. [4] Moreover, the sheer amount of fired-clay rubble found within every house of a settlement indicates that a fire of enormous intensity would have raged through the entire community to have created the volume of material found.

Evidence

Although there have been some attempts to try to replicate the results of these ancient settlement burnings, no modern experiment has yet managed to successfully reproduce the conditions that would leave behind the type of evidence that is found in these burned Neolithic sites, had the structures burned under normal conditions. [1]

There has also been a debate between scholars whether these settlements were burned accidentally or intentionally.

Whether the houses were set on fire in a ritualistic way all together before abandoning the settlement, or each house was destroyed at the end of its life (e.g. before building a new one) it is still a matter of debate. [5]

The first theory, holding that the burning of the settlements was due to reasons resulting from accident or warfare, originated in the 1940s, and referred only to some of the Cucuteni-Trypillian sites located in Moldova and Ukraine. [6] [7] The second theory that holds that the settlements were burned deliberately is more recent, and broadens the focus to include the entire region of the culture, and even beyond (McPherron and Christopher 1988; [8] Chapman 2000; [9] and Stevanovic 1997 [4] ).

Although the phenomenon of house burning is pervasive throughout the Cucuteni-Trypillian culture's existence, it was by no means the only southeastern European Neolithic society that experienced this. [1] The British-American archaeologist Ruth Tringham has coined the term Burned House Horizon to describe the extent of the geographical region that indicates this repetitive practice of house burning in southeast Europe. She, along with Serbian archaeologist Mirjana Stevanović, mapped out this phenomenon from archaeological sites throughout the entire region, and came to the conclusion that:

Although I have referred to the ubiquity of burned building rubble in south-east European Neolithic settlements as the burned house horizon (Tringham 1984; [10] 1990 [11] :p.609), it is clear from Stevanović's, Chapman's and my own analyses, that 'the burned house horizon' is neither a chronologically nor regionally homogenous phenomenon (Chapman 1999; [12] Stevanović 1996, [13] 2002; [14] Stevanović and Tringham 1998 [15] ). For example early Neolithic houses have more artifacts deposited in them, and it is in these early Neolithic phases that burned human remains are most likely to occur (Chapman 1999 [12] ). Human remains occur again in the late Eneolithic (Gumelniţa/Karanovo VI). The presence or absence of human remains in the rubble of burned houses is clearly of great significance. [1] :p.101–102

Periodization table of Neolithic cultures that practiced house burning
Name of CultureLocation of cultureDuration of Practice
Criș culture Bulgaria, Moldavia, Serbia, Wallachia 5900 to 4750 BC
Starčevo culture northwest Bulgaria, Eastern Croatia, Serbia, Drina Valley in Eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina, southern Vojvodina 5750 to 5250 BC
Dudești culture southeast Muntenia 5500 to 5250 BC
Vinča culture Serbia, Transylvania 5500 to 4000 BC
Szakálhát group southern Hungary, Vojvodina, northern Transylvania5260 to 4880 BC
Boian culture northern Bulgaria, Muntenia, southeast Transylvania5250 to 4400 BC
Tisza culture Hungary, Moldavia, Slovakia, Transylvania, western Ukraine, Vojvodina4880 to 4400 BC
Gumelnița-Karanovo culture eastern Wallachia, northern Dobruja 4400 to 3800 BC
Bubanj-Sălcuța-Krivodol group northwestern Bulgaria, Oltenia, southern Serbia4300 to 3800 BC.
Cucuteni-Trypillian culture Moldavia, Transylvania, Western Ukraine to Dnieper River 4800 to 3200 BC.
Note: Data based on Ruth Tringham, 2005, [1] and Liz Mellish and Nick Green. [16] All locations and dates are approximate.

Although the practice of house burning took place among a handful of different Neolithic cultures in southeast Europe, it is most widely known among the Cucuteni-Trypillian culture for a number of reasons:

Accident vs. intentional debate

Accidental fire argument

Some of the burned sites contained large quantities of stored food that was partially destroyed by the fires that burned the houses. Additionally, there was a high risk of fire due to the use of the primitive ovens in these homes. These two facts support the theory that the buildings were burned accidentally or due to enemy attack, as it could be argued that nobody would intentionally burn their food supplies along with their homes. [19]

Intentional fire argument

Some historians claim that settlements were intentionally burned in a repeated cycle of construction and destruction. [20] Serbian archeologist Mirjana Stevanovic writes: "it is unlikely that the houses were burned as a result of a series of accidents or for any structural and technological reasons but rather that they were destroyed by deliberate burning and most likely for reasons of a symbolic nature". [4]

Some of the modern house-burning experiments include those done by Arthur Bankoff and Frederick Winter in 1977, [21] Gary Shaffer in 1993, [22] and Stevanovic in 1997. [2] [4] In their experiment, Bankoff and Winter constructed a model of a partially dilapidated Neolithic house, and then set it on fire in a way that would replicate how an accidental fire would have perhaps started from an untended cooking-hearth fire. They then allowed the fire to burn unchecked for over thirty hours. Although the fire rapidly spread to the thatched roof, destroying it in the process, in the end less than one percent of the clay in the walls was fired (turned into ceramic material), which is counter to the large amount of fired-clay wall rubble that is found in the Cucuteni-Trypillian settlement ruins. Additionally, the experimental burning left the walls almost entirely intact. It would have been relatively easy for the roof to have been repaired quickly, the ash cleared away, and the house reoccupied. [21] These results are typical for all of the modern experiments that have been done to try to recreate these ancient house burnings. [2] Stevanovic, an expert archeological ceramicist, [23] describes how in order to produce the large amount of fired clay rubble found in the ruins, that enormous quantities of extra fuel would have had to be placed next to the walls to create enough heat to vitrify the clay. [4]

Recreation of a Cucuteni-Trypillian house burning; note the amount of extra fuel (straw and wood) added to the outside of the clay walls to increase the temperature needed for ceramic vitrification. ArhExp3 Arheoinvest.jpg
Recreation of a Cucuteni-Trypillian house burning; note the amount of extra fuel (straw and wood) added to the outside of the clay walls to increase the temperature needed for ceramic vitrification.

Theories

An analysis of the possibilities for why the Cucuteni-Trypillian settlements burned periodically produces the following theories: [1]

  1. Accidental: According to this theory, the houses were burned by accidental fire. To support this theory, the following conditions are to be found at these sites:
    1. Close proximity of the houses to one another
    2. Grain, textiles and other highly combustible materials were stored in the house
    3. Improperly stored grain in the house increased the risk of spontaneous combustion
    Although this theory may explain how some of the structures might have burned, it does not satisfactorily explain the cause for all of them. As discussed above, experimentation has given very strong evidence that would make it difficult to support the theory that these settlements were periodically burned as a result of accidental fires. [2]
  2. Weatherproofing: In 1940, the Russian archaeologist Evgeniy Yuryevich Krichevski proposed the theory that the Cucuteni-Trypillian houses were burned as a way to strengthen the structure of the walls, and to insulate the floor against dampness and mold. Krichevski proposed that the fire would harden the clay within the walls and floors, effectively turning it into a hard ceramic surface. However, arguments against this theory point out that the archaeological evidence includes burned rubble that came from the collapsed walls and destroyed floors. Additionally, valuable artefacts were also found burned and buried within the rubble, which would not likely have happened if the inhabitants set the fires to harden the clay in the structure, since they would most likely have removed such items before starting the fire. [6]
  3. Aggression: This theory holds that the settlements were burned as a result of attacks from enemies. However, as with the accident theory, this theory is also unable to satisfy all of the archaeological evidence that has been found at Cucuteni-Trypillian sites. For instance, there have not been any human remains discovered within the burned ruins of the buildings. Neither have there been found any human remains with projectile points such as arrow or spear heads lodged within the skeleton. This would indicate that, although acts of aggression were possible, they actually were not very common. Certainly, it indicates that warfare did not play a large role in the life of these people. Thus, due to the lack of supporting evidence for aggression, it is difficult to support this theory as the reason for the cyclical and repetitive burning of these settlements. [2]
  4. Recycling of building materials: In 1993, Gary Shaffer used archaeomagnetic dating and experimentation to test the theory that old, dilapidated houses were burned for the purpose of recycling the clay within their structure to use in the construction of new buildings. Wattle-and-daub construction is prone to dilapidation, which would suggest that after a period of time the buildings would naturally begin to show signs of much wear and disrepair, posing a potential threat to its occupants and others. In such a case, it could be argued that the solution would be to have an entire settlement's structures burned in such a way as to produce a plentiful supply of hardened, fired ceramic material to use in reconstructing new houses out of the old. Shaffer discovered some of the walls in a Cucuteni-Trypillian site that had been partially constructed from recycled ceramic wattle-and-daub material from a previous building, thus lending support to this claim. [2]
  5. Fumigation: Another theory posits that the fires were used for sanitary reasons to smoke or fumigate a building, in order to get rid of pests, disease, insects, or witches. However, the evidence does not support this viewpoint. All of the structures within these settlements were completely burned and destroyed. Because the damage from the fire was almost total for the entire settlement, it would be illogical if fumigation was the only intent. [2] [4]
  6. Demolition to create space: This hypothesis argues that the residents of Late Neolithic sites burned their own structures in order to free up space within the walls of the settlement. However, the archeological record shows that houses were rebuilt directly on top of the pre-existing foundations of the destroyed buildings. It would be a logical conclusion that the inhabitants of the destroyed home would take up residence in the new house built directly on top of it. This would indicate that no new building space was created by burning the old structures. [2]
  7. Symbolic end of house: Some scholars have theorized that the buildings were burned ritually, regularly and deliberately in order to mark the end of the "life" of the house. The terms "Domicide" and "Domithanasia" have been coined to refer to this practice. [1] This theory postulates that members of the Cucuteni-Trypillian culture may have been animistic, believing that inanimate objects, including houses, had souls or spirits. It also possibly indicates that these people believed in reincarnation, in that the "soul" of the old, burned house would be "reborn" into the new, rebuilt structure above it (compare this to the Buddhist concept of Saṃsāra). Using this theory, objects belonging to the house (including food, containers, and ritual objects) could possibly have been viewed as sharing the same "spirit" as the house structure itself. In destroying the house, it would then also be logical to destroy various other items that were deemed to be part of the house, which would explain why these kinds of items have been found buried in the rubble. The physical act of destroying the entire settlement by intentionally burning it to the ground would have required an organized joint-community effort, involving stacking huge amounts of fuel around the walls of the structures, and then torching the entire settlement. Such a systematic act of destruction would leave behind the kind of evidence that is to be found in the archeological sites. [1] [2] [4]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Çatalhöyük</span> Archaeological site in Turkey

Çatalhöyük is a tell of a very large Neolithic and Chalcolithic proto-city settlement in southern Anatolia, which existed from approximately 7500 BC to 6400 BC and flourished around 7000 BC. In July 2012, it was inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Neolithic</span> Archaeological period, last part of the Stone Age

The Neolithic or New Stone Age is an archaeological period, the final division of the Stone Age in Europe, Asia and Africa. It saw the Neolithic Revolution, a wide-ranging set of developments that appear to have arisen independently in several parts of the world. This "Neolithic package" included the introduction of farming, domestication of animals, and change from a hunter-gatherer lifestyle to one of settlement. The term 'Neolithic' was coined by Sir John Lubbock in 1865 as a refinement of the three-age system.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Neolithic architecture</span> Structures dated about 10,000 to 2,000 BC

Neolithic architecture refers to structures encompassing housing and shelter from approximately 10,000 to 2,000 BC, the Neolithic period. In southwest Asia, Neolithic cultures appear soon after 10,000 BC, initially in the Levant and from there into the east and west. Early Neolithic structures and buildings can be found in southeast Anatolia, Syria, and Iraq by 8,000 BC with agriculture societies first appearing in southeast Europe by 6,500 BC, and central Europe by ca. 5,500 BC (of which the earliest cultural complexes include the Starčevo-Koros, Linearbandkeramic, and Vinča.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cucuteni–Trypillia culture</span> Neolithic–Eneolithic archaeological culture

The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture, also known as the Cucuteni culture or the Trypillia culture, is a Neolithic–Chalcolithic archaeological culture of Southeast Europe. It extended from the Carpathian Mountains to the Dniester and Dnieper regions, centered on modern-day Moldova and covering substantial parts of western Ukraine and northeastern Romania, encompassing an area of 350,000 km2 (140,000 sq mi), with a diameter of 500 km.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Trypillia</span> Rural locality in Kyiv Oblast, Ukraine

Trypillia is a village in Obukhiv Raion (district) of Kyiv Oblast in central Ukraine, with 2,800 inhabitants. It belongs to Ukrainka urban hromada, one of the hromadas of Ukraine. Trypillia lies about 40 km (25 mi) south from Kyiv on the Dnipro.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sredny Stog culture</span> Archaeological culture in Eastern Europe

The Sredny Stog culture or Serednii Stih culture is a pre-Kurgan archaeological culture from the 5th–4th millennia BC. It is named after the Dnieper river islet of today's Serednii Stih, Ukraine, where it was first located.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Proto-city</span> Prehistoric settlement that has both rural and urban features

A proto-city is a large, dense Neolithic settlement that is largely distinguished from a city by its lack of planning and centralized rule. While the precise classification of many sites considered proto-cities is ambiguous and subject to considerable debate, common examples include Jericho, Çatalhöyük and the mega-sites of the Cucuteni-Trypillia culture. Sites of the Ubaid period in Mesopotamia have also been classed as proto-cities. These sites pre-date the Mesopotamian city-states of the Uruk period that mark the development of the first indisputable urban settlements, with the emergence of cities such as Uruk at the end of the Fourth Millennium, B.C.

A burdei or bordei is a type of pit-house or half-dugout shelter, somewhat between a sod house and a log cabin. This style is native to the Carpathian Mountains and forest steppes of Eastern Europe.

Maidanetske is a village located within the Zvenyhorodka Raion (district) of the Cherkasy Oblast (province), about 235 kilometers (146 mi) driving distance south of Kyiv. It belongs to Talne urban hromada, one of the hromadas of Ukraine.

Shypyntsi, a village in Ukraine, is located within Chernivtsi Raion (district) of Chernivtsi Oblast (province), about 530 kilometers (330 mi) driving distance southwest of Kyiv, and about 30 kilometers (19 mi) northwest from the provincial capital of Chernivtsi. Shypyntsi is about 48 kilometers (30 mi) from the Ukrainian/Romanian border, about 64 kilometers (40 mi) from the Ukrainian/Moldovan border, and about 80 kilometers (50 mi) from the city of Suceava, Romania. Boxing champion Oleksander Usyk is from this village, which is located on the left bank of the Prut River, amid rolling hills covered with farms and forests, in the region generally known as the Dniester Hills. It belongs to Kitsman urban hromada, one of the hromadas of Ukraine.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Bilche-Zolote</span> Place

Bilche-Zolote is a Ukrainian village located within the Chortkiv Raion (district) of the Ternopil Oblast (province), about 460 kilometers (290 mi) driving distance southwest of Kyiv. It hosts the administration of Bilche-Zolote rural hromada, one of the hromadas of Ukraine. This rural community is located in a small valley adjacent to the Seret River, which is surrounded by plateaus covered with farms, broken by occasional stands of mixed forest. Bilche-Zolote is home to a remarkable park of 1,800 hectares, of which 11 hectares is covered with virgin timber, including some trees up to 400 years old. Bilche-Zolote is also the location of the large gypsum karst Verteba Cave, as well as a significant Neolithic Cucuteni-Trypillian culture archaeological site, and attracts tourist and spelunker visitors from many countries.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Settlements of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture</span>

The study of the settlements of the Cucuteni-Trypillia culture provides important insights into the early history of Europe. The Cucuteni-Trypillia culture, which existed in the present-day southeastern European nations of Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine during the Neolithic Age and Copper Age, from approximately 5500 to 2750 BC, left behind thousands of settlement ruins containing a wealth of archaeological artifacts attesting to their cultural and technological characteristics.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Architecture of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture</span> Remains of an ancient Eastern European society

The chalcolithic Cucuteni-Trypillia culture, in Eastern Europe, left behind thousands of settlement ruins, c. 6000 to 3500 BC, containing a wealth of archaeological artifacts attesting to their cultural and technological characteristics.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Religion and ritual of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture</span>

The study of the religion and ritual of the Cucuteni-Trypillia culture has provided important insights into the early history of Europe. The Cucuteni–Trypillia culture inhabited the present-day southeastern European nations of Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine during the Neolithic and Copper Ages. It left behind many settlement ruins that contain archaeological artifacts attesting to their cultural and technological characteristics.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Economy of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture</span>

Throughout most of its existence, the Cucuteni-Trypillia culture was fairly stable. Near the end it began to change from a gift economy to an early form of trade called reciprocity, and introduced the apparent use of barter tokens, an early form of money.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Decline and end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture</span>

Due partly to the fact that this took place before the written record of this region began, there have been a number of theories presented over the years to fill the gap of knowledge about how and why the end of the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture happened. These theories include invasions from various groups of people, a gradual cultural shift as more advanced societies settled in their region, and environmental collapse.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Boian culture</span> Neolithic archaeological culture

The Boian culture, also known as the Giulești–Marița culture or Marița culture, is a Neolithic archaeological culture of Southeast Europe. It is primarily found along the lower course of the Danube in what is now Romania and Bulgaria, and thus may be considered a Danubian culture.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Talianki (archaeological site)</span> Archaeological site in Ukraine

Talianki or Talianky is an archaeological site near the village of the same name in Cherkasy Oblast, Ukraine. It was the location of a large Cucuteni-Trypillian settlement dating to around 3850–3700 BC, currently the largest known settlement in Neolithic Europe. The settlement, built on a bluff between the Talianka River and a smaller stream, was made up of ovular, concentric rows of interconnected buildings. Built on top of the older Cucuteni-Trypillian settlement are the remains of some Yamnaya culture tumuli dating to the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, as well as some graves from the late Bronze Age.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Nebelivka (archaeological site)</span> Large archaeological settlement in Ukraine dating to 4000 BC

Nebelivka, or Nebelovka, located in the village of the same name in Kirovohrad Oblast, Ukraine, is the site of an ancient mega-settlement dating to 4000 B.C. belonging to the Cucuteni-Trypillian culture. The settlement was for the time huge, covering an area of 260-300 hectares and home to perhaps 15,000 - 17,000 people. The settlement within the boundary ditch includes over 1200 structures. Research from 2012 to 2014 imply "the possibility of state-level societies", contemporary with similar developments in Uruk. Mega-structures "suggest the presence of public buildings for meetings or ceremonies".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Verteba Cave</span> Gypsum cave system in Bilche-Zolote, Ukraine

Verteba Cave is a karstic cave near the village of Bilche-Zolote, Chortkiv Raion, Ternopil Oblast, Ukraine. It sits near the Seret river, on a high plateau known as the Podolian Upland, and is one of several such caves in the region formed in gypsum. Verteba is the only cave in this cluster to show signs of prehistoric occupation. In Copper Age Europe, the cave was inhabited periodically by the Cucuteni–Trypillia culture. Thousands of artefacts, including ceramic vessels, clay figurines, bones, and tools, have been found inside. Human remains—which mainly consist of disembodied skulls—have been found bearing injuries consistent with having been intentionally killed.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Tringham, Ruth (2005), "Weaving house life and death into places: a blueprint for a hypermedia narrative" (PDF), in Bailey, Douglass W.; Whittle, Alasdair W.R.; Cummings, Vicki (eds.), (Un)settling the neolithic, Oxford: Oxbow, ISBN   978-1-84217-179-0, OCLC   62472378, archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-07-19. Lichter, C. (2016), "Burning Down the House - Fakt oder Fiktion." In: K. Bacvarov; R. Gleser (eds.): Southeast Europe and Anatolia in Prehistory. Bonn: Habelt ISBN   978-3-7749-4066-6 p.305-316.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Patel, Nisha K. (2004), House construction and destruction patterns of the Early Copper Age on the Great Hungarian Plain (PDF), The Körös Regional Archaeological Project, archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-05-16A senior honors thesis, presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with distinction in anthropology in the undergraduate colleges of the Ohio State University, and published online by The Körös Regional Archaeological Project{{citation}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link)
  3. [23] Zimmer C (2015-10-22). "In Ancient DNA, Evidence of Plague Much Earlier Than Previously Known". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Stevanović, Mirjana (December 1997). "The Age of Clay: the social dynamics of house destruction". Journal of Anthropological Archaeology . 16 (4). Orlando, FL: Academic Press: 334–395. doi:10.1006/jaar.1997.0310. ISSN   0278-4165. OCLC   7810050.[ dead link ]
  5. Menotti, Francesco (2007), "The Tripolye house, a sacred and profane coexistence!", 6th World Archaeological Congress (WAC6), Dublin, OCLC   368044032 {{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  6. 1 2 Кричевский (Krichevski), Евгений Юрьевич (Evgeniye Yurivich). "Трипольские площадки ; по раскопкам последних лет (Triploskiye ploshchadki : po raskopkam poslednič let)" [Trypillian ploshchadki : on the excavations of recent years]. Советская археология (Sovyetskaya Arkheologiya Soviet Archeology) (in Russian). 6. Moscow: институтом археологии АН СССР (Archeological Institute A.N. USSR): 20–45. ISSN   0869-6063. OCLC   26671888. This journal later changed its title to Российская археология (Russian archeology).
  7. Passek, Tatiana Sergeyevna (1949), Periodizatsiia tripolʹskikh poseleniĭ, iii-ii tysiacheletie do n. ė. [Trypillian settlement periodization…)], Materialy i issledovaniia po arkheologii SSSR (in Russian), vol. 10, Moscow: Izd-vo Akademii nauk SSSR, OCLC   27000780, OL   22401126M
  8. McPherron, Alan; Christopher, K.C. (1988). McPherron, Alan; Srejović, Dragoslav (eds.). "The Balkan Neolithic and the Divostin Project in perspective". Divostin and the Neolithic of Central Serbia (Book: Government publication). Ethnology monographs #10. Pittsburgh, Pa.: Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh: 463–492. ISBN   978-0-945428-00-8. OCLC   18844214.
  9. Chapman, John (2000), Fragmentation in archaeology: people, places, and broken objects in the prehistory of south eastern Europe, London, New York: Routledge, ISBN   978-0-415-15803-9, OCLC   41886018
  10. Tringham, Ruth (1984). "Architectural investigation into household organization in Neolithic Yugoslavia". Program of the 83rd annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association. 83rd Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association. Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association. OCLC   73208263.
  11. Tringham, Ruth (1990). "Conclusion". In Tringham, Ruth; Krstić, Dušan (eds.). Selevac: a Neolithic village in Yugoslavia. Monumenta archaeologica (University of California, Los Angeles. Institute of Archaeology). Vol. 15. Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles. pp. 567–616. ISBN   978-0-917956-68-3. OCLC   21409843.
  12. 1 2 Chapman, John (1999). "Burning the ancestors: deliberate housefiring in Balkan Prehistory" (PDF). In Gustafsson, Anders; Karlsson, Håkan; Nordbladh, Jarl (eds.). Glyfer och arkeologiska rum: en vänbok till Jarl Nordbladh[Glyphs and archaeological room: a fanbook for Jarl Nordbladh]. GOTARC, Series A (in Swedish and English). Vol. 3. Göteborg, Sweden: Göteborg University, Department of Archaeology. pp. 113–26. ISBN   978-91-85952-21-2. OCLC   49282940.
  13. Stevanović, Mirjana (December 1997). Renfrew, A. Colin (ed.). "The Age of clay: the social dynamics of house destruction". Journal of Anthropological Archaeology . 16 (4). New York: Academic Press: 334–395. doi:10.1006/jaar.1997.0310. ISSN   0278-4165. OCLC   7810050.
  14. Stevanović, Mirjana (2002). Gheorghiu, Dragos (ed.). "Burned houses in the Neolithic of southeast Europe". British Archaeological Reports . BAR International series (Supplementary). Fire in archaeology, no. 1089. Oxford: 55–62. ISSN   0143-3059. OCLC   107498618.
  15. Stevanović, Mirjana; Ruth Tringham (1998). "The significance of Neolithic houses in the archaeological record of south-east Europe" [Proceedings honoring Dragoslav Srejović]. In Živko Mikić (ed.). Zbornik posvecen Dragoslavu Srejovicu. Zbornik posvecen Dragoslavu Srejovicu (Proceedings honoring Dragoslav Srejović) (in Serbian and English). Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. pp. 193–208.
  16. "South East Europe history - pre-history maps". www.eliznik.org.uk. Archived from the original on 4 August 2010. Retrieved 12 January 2022.
  17. Khol, Philip L. (2002). "Archeological transformations: crossing the pastoral/agricultural bridge". Iranica Antiqua . 37. Leiden: E.J. Brill: 151–190. OCLC   60616426 . Retrieved 21 November 2009.
  18. Mallory, James P (1989). In search of the Indo-Europeans: language, archaeology and myth . London: Thames and Hudson. ISBN   978-0-500-05052-1. OCLC   246601873.
  19. Cucoș, Ștefan (1999). "Faza Cucuteni B în zona subcarpatică a Moldovei" [Cucuteni B period in the lower Carpathian region of Moldova]. Bibliotheca Memoriae Antiquitatis (BMA) (Memorial Library Antiquities) (in Romanian). 6. Piatra Neamț, Romania: Muzeul de Istorie Piatra Neamț (Historical Museum Piatra Neamț). OCLC   223302267. Archived from the original on 2010-10-09. Retrieved 2010-01-14.
  20. Маркевич (Markevič), Всеволод Иванович (Vsevolod Ivanovič); Массон (Masson), Вадим Михайлович (Vadim Michailovič) (1981), Позднетрипольские племена Северной Молдавии Pozdnetripolskie plemena Severnoi Moldavii[Late-Tripolian tribes of Northern Moldavia] (in Russian), Kishinev, Moldovan SSR (Chișinău, Moldova): Штиинца (Shtiintsa), OCLC   251415547
  21. 1 2 Bankoff, H. Arthur; Winter, Frederick A. (September 1979). "A house-burning in Serbia: what do burned remains tell an archaeologist?" (PDF). Archaeology . 32. New York: Archaeological Institute of America: 8–14. ISSN   0003-8113. OCLC   1481828. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 June 2011. Retrieved 6 December 2009.
  22. Shaffer, Gary M. (1993). "An archaeomagnetic study of a wattle and daub building collapse". Journal of Field Archaeology . 20. Boston: Boston University: Association for Field Archaeology: 59–75. doi:10.1179/009346993791974334. ISSN   0093-4690. OCLC   470139946. Archived from the original on 24 January 2008. Retrieved 6 December 2009.
  23. "Remixing Çatalhöyük". ©Çatalhöyük Research Project. Archived from the original on 31 October 2009. Retrieved 28 November 2009.