The Cultural Revolution (1980–1983; Persian : انقلاب فرهنگی: Enqelābe Farhangi) was a period following the Iranian Revolution, when the academia of Iran was purged of Western and non-Islamic influences (including traditionalist unpolitical Islamic doctrines) to align them with the revolutionary and political Islam. The cultural revolution sometimes involved violence in taking over the university campuses, as higher education in Iran had many secular and leftist forces who were opposed to Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic state in Iran. [1] [ clarification needed ] The official name used by the Islamic Republic is "Cultural Revolution".
Directed by the Cultural Revolutionary Headquarters and later by the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, the revolution initially closed universities for three years (1980–1983) and after reopening banned many books and purged thousands of students and lecturers from the schools. [2] The resistance of Khomeiniist control at many universities was largely unsuccessful. How many students or faculty were killed is not known. [1] [3] [4]
The government's process of censoring foreign influences has not been without consequences. In addition to interrupting the freedom, education and professional livelihood of many, and striking "a major blow to Iran's cultural and intellectual life and achievement," it contributed to the emigration of many teachers and technocrats. This loss of job skills and capital weakened Iran's economy. [5]
In the early years of the revolution, cinemas were either burned or shut down, and both Iranian and Western pop music were banned (although Iranian and Western classical music, as well as Iranian folk music, were allowed). Public spaces became strictly segregated by gender, and dress codes were enforced for both men and women, with women facing much stricter restrictions. Censorship was strictly implemented, and schools were required to prioritize religious education, with recognized religious minorities permitted to include their own faith teachings. [6]
Since February 1979, and prior, universities in Iran had been important sites for political and ideological debates. Upon his return, Ruhollah Khomeini praised student activists for their opposition to the Shah. In the early months following the revolution, the Islamic Republic Party (IRP) held significant influence within the universities, winning a dominant position in student elections. However, by early 1980, leftist groups including the MEK had replaced the IRP in these elections. [7]
During the electoral campaign, the Revolutionary Council identified the universities as centers of counter-revolutionary activity. Khomeini asserted that "all the major problems of the last fifty years" could be linked back to the universities, which, he claimed, had been a breeding ground for the "gharbzadegi" (Westernization) virus, spread by academics, "liberals, and other intellectuals." [8] On April 18, 1980, after Friday prayers, Khomeini gave a speech harshly attacking the universities.
We are not afraid of economic sanctions or military intervention. What we are afraid of is Western universities and the training of our youth in the interests of West or East. [9]
His remarks are thought to have "served as a signal for an attack that evening on the Tehran Teachers Training College" by his supporters, the Hezbollahi. One student was reportedly lynched, and according to a British correspondent, the campus was left looking like an "a combat zone." The next day, Hezbollahis ransacked left-wing student offices at Shiraz University. Some 300 students required hospital treatment. Attacks on student groups also took place at Mashad and Isfahan Universities." [10] Attacks continued April 21 and "the next day at the Universities at Ahwaz and Rasht. Over 20 people lost their lives in these university confrontations. The universities closed soon after the April confrontation for Islamization. They were not to open for another two years." [10]
The main theme of the movement was to purify the universities and education system of foreign influences. In his original letter, Khomeini wrote: Set yourselves free from any " –ism" and " –ist" belonging to the East and the West. Be self-dependent and do not expect any help from the foreigners. [11]
After shutting down the universities on 12 June 1980, Khomeini issued a letter, stating: [12]
The need for Cultural Revolution which is an Islamic issue and demand of the Muslim nation has been recognized for sometimes but so far no effective effort has been made to respond to this need and the Muslim nation and the devoted and faithful students, in particular, are concerned and are worried of the machinations of plotters, which every now and then become evident and the Muslim nation are worried that God forbidden the opportunity is missed and no positive action is taken and the culture remains the same as the time of the corrupt regime which the cultured officials put these important centers under the disposal of colonialists. Continuation of this disaster which is, unfortunately, the objective of some the foreign oriented groups would deal a heavy blow to Islamic Revolution and Islamic Republic and any indifference towards this vital issue would be great treason against Islam and the Islamic country.
The "Committee for Islamization of Universities" carried out the task by ensuring an "Islamic atmosphere" for every subject from engineering to the humanities. [13] The headquarters deleted certain courses such as music as "fake knowledge," and committees "came to similar conclusions concerning all subjects in the humanities such as law, political sciences, economy, psychology, education and sociology". [2] In its early stages, the committee included academics such as Abdolkarim Soroush, although he would later become a strong critic of the authoritarian path taken by the Islamic Republic. [14]
The 1979 Revolution gave power to a number of "religious intellectuals" who were charged with redefining educational policies and media within the new Islamic framework. [15] When the institutions reopened, purges continued for five more years with special focus on "Islam’s enemies". [16] Students were screened by committees and those found unfit were not allowed to continue their studies. [17] Students in the University instructor program, for example, "were required to be practicing Muslims, to declare their loyalty to ... the doctrine of the vice regency of the faqih. Non-Muslims were required to refrain from behavior 'offensive to Muslims,' and were excluded from all fields of study except accounting and foreign languages." [18]
In 1981, mobs in Tehran and other provinces began randomly assaulting university campuses. They beat and injured students, expelled leftists from their offices and paramilitary bases, and subsequently took control of the campuses. [19] Outside of the universities, the Cultural Revolution affected some non-academic cultural and scientific figures who it publicly denounced, and the broadcasts of Iranian radio and television, which were now limited to religious and official programs. [20]
The Cultural Revolution united the theological schools in Qom with state universities and brought secular teachers to Qom for a time. This had the unexpected result of exposing many students in Qom to Western thought so that it is possible to find "Islamic scholars and teachers of theology who know something of contemporary Western thought and philosophy."
Another aspect was that many teachers, engineers, economists, doctors, and technocrats left Iran to escape the Cultural Revolution. [21] While the revolution achieved its goal of ridding the universities of Western influence, it also greatly weakened Iran in the fields of science and technology needed for development. [22] Another aspect of the Cultural Revolution was a strict anti-narcotics campaign. [23]
Between June 1981 and March 1982, the government of Iran carried out the largest political massacre in the country's history. This took place as part of the Cultural Revolution in Iran decreed by Ruhollah Khomeini on 14 June 1980, with the intent of "purifying" Iranian society of non-Islamic elements. [24] [25] Initiated by an order from Ayatollah Khomeini on June 14, 1980, the revolution aimed to "purify" higher education by removing Western, liberal, and leftist elements, leading to the closure of universities, the banning of student unions, and violent occupations of campuses. During this period, Shi’a clerics imposed policies to Islamize Iranian society, including mandatory hijabs for women, the expulsion of critical academics, the suppression of secular political groups, and the persecution of intellectuals and artists. [24] [26] [27] [28] According to official records the Iranian government labeled all its political opponents as "moharebs," "mufsids," counterrevolutionaries, "hypocrites," terrorists, "apostates," or pro-Western mercenaries. State-sponsored violence was not directed at a single group but aimed to eliminate a wide range of political ideologies that could challenge the state. These included liberals, nationalists, ethnic minorities, communists, Mujahedin-e Khalq (the largest opposition group), socialists, social democrats, monarchists, or followers of the Bahá'í Faith. [24]
The Cultural Revolution Headquarters was established June 12, 1980, and charged by Ayatollah Khomeini with making sure that the cultural policy of the universities was based on Islam, that selected professors were "efficient, committed and vigilant," and dealing with other issues relevant to the Islamic academic revolution. [29]
It was continued by the Supreme Cultural Revolution Council in December 1984. It was described as "the highest body for making policies and decisions in connection with cultural, educational and research activities within the framework of the general policies of the system and considered its approvals indispensable." The body is not stipulated in the Constitution but "was formed under the special circumstances that were prevailing in the early stages of the revolution. The council took its legitimacy from the 9 December 1984 decree of the founder of the Islamic Republic." [2]
This group of seven (in 1980-83) and then 17 (in 1984) that was later expanded to 36 in 1999 was expected to compile and organize all the cultural policies of the country. Hojjatol-Islam Mohammad Khatami was appointed as a member of the High Council for Cultural Revolution [30] in 1996 [31] [ citation needed ] and became its head in 1997. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad became the head of the Council in 2005, succeeding Khatami; Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has oversight over the Council.
The Council was active in repressing the student movement of 1983–1989, "banning many books and purging thousands of students and lecturers." The council controls the affairs of the universities and their students by supervising the selection of applicants to the university and by controlling the formation of collegiate institutions. [2]
Since 2001, the Council has frequently called for or demanded either outright state control or governmental filtering of the internet to prevent the dissemination of blasphemy, insults to Iran's Supreme Leader, opposition to the Constitution, the creation of "pessimism and hopelessness among the people regarding the legitimacy and effectiveness of the [Islamic] system", and similar offensive content. [2]
Some 700 University professors from Iran's academic institutions in a short time. [32]
| Name | Title |
|---|---|
| Ruhollah Khomeini | Co-founder |
| Ali Khamenei | Co-founder and head of the council |
| Mohammad Javad Bahonar | Council members |
| Ahmad Ahmadi | |
| Jalaleddin Farsi | |
| Mehdi Golshani | |
| Hassan Habibi | |
| Ali Shariatmadari | |
| Abdolkarim Soroush | |
| Mostafa Moin | Minister of Science |
| Hassan Arefi |
The Cultural Council continues ensuring that the education and culture of Iran remain "100% Islamic", per Khomeini's mandate. In 2006, there were rumors of universities internally "bracing" for "tighter state control over student bodies and faculties and perhaps even the second ‘Cultural Revolution.'" [33] This came after Ahmadinejad was elected as Iran's president in 2005 and became the head of the Council. It has resulted in either dismissal or compulsory retirement for veteran university faculty members and their replacement with younger professors more loyal to the Islamic Republic. [34] [ citation needed ] Many students have been harassed and occasionally incarcerated for writing against or speaking against the government and its policies. [35] The repressive focus on the academy stems from the history of Iranian schools and universities serving as the hotbeds of political opposition, particularly during the beginning of Reza Shah's government. [36]
The Council and its subordinate institutions have been adopting more progressive policies in a departure from certain instances in the past. In the year 1987, there was the creation of the Social and Cultural Council of Women. This agency aggressively defended women's rights and eliminated restrictions that were previously imposed by the High Council of the Cultural Revolution. [37]
The Cultural Council has 41 members, [38] [ citation needed ] most of whom hold other government posts as well.
the gangs wounded hundreds of students and killed at least 24
"There were 5,195 political and religious executions only in 1983 alone!
| Politics |  | |
|---|---|---|
| Positions | ||
| Books | ||
| Family |
| |
| Related | ||
Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini was an Iranian Islamic revolutionary, politician and religious leader who served as the first Supreme Leader of Iran from 1979 until his death in 1989. He was the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the main leader of the Iranian Revolution, which overthrew Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and ended the Iranian monarchy. Ideologically a Shia Islamist, Khomeini's religious and political ideas are known as Khomeinism.
The Iranian revolution, also known as the 1979 revolution, or the Islamic revolution of 1979 was a series of events that culminated in the overthrow of the Pahlavi dynasty in 1979. The revolution led to the replacement of the Imperial State of Iran by the present-day Islamic Republic of Iran, as the monarchical government of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was superseded by the theocratic Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a religious cleric who had headed one of the rebel factions. The ousting of Pahlavi, the last Shah of Iran, formally marked the end of Iran's historical monarchy.
Grand Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri was an Iranian Shia Islamic theologian, Islamic democracy advocate, writer, and human rights activist. He was one of the leaders of the Iranian Revolution and one of the highest-ranking authorities in Shīʿite Islam. He was once the designated successor to the revolution's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khomeini; they had a falling-out in 1989 over government policies that Montazeri claimed infringed on people's freedom and denied them their rights, especially after the 1988 mass execution of political prisoners. Montazeri spent his later years in Qom and remained politically influential in Iran but was placed in house arrest in 1997 for questioning "the unaccountable rule exercised by the supreme leader", Ali Khamenei, who succeeded Khomeini. He was known as the most knowledgeable senior Islamic scholar in Iran, a grand marja of Shia Islam, and was said to be one of Khamenei's teachers.
Mohammad-Javad Bahonar was a Shia Iranian theologian and politician who served as the Prime Minister of Iran for less than one month in August 1981. Bahonar and other members of Mohammad-Ali Rajai's government were assassinated by Mujahideen-e Khalq.
Ebrahim Yazdi was an Iranian politician, pharmacist, and diplomat who served as deputy prime minister and minister of foreign affairs in the interim government of Mehdi Bazargan, until his resignation in November 1979, in protest at the Iran hostage crisis. From 1995 until 2017, he headed the Freedom Movement of Iran. Yazdi was also a trained cancer researcher.
The Islamic Republican Party was formed in 1979 to assist the Iranian Revolution and Ayatollah Khomeini in their goal to establish theocracy in Iran. It was disbanded in 1987 due to internal conflicts.
Sayyid Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, also spelled Shariat-Madari, was an Iranian Grand Ayatollah. He favoured the traditional Shiite practice of keeping clerics away from governmental positions and was a critic of Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini, denouncing the taking hostage of diplomats at the US embassy in Tehran.
Sayyid Mahmoud Alaei Taleghani was an Iranian theologian, Muslim reformer, democracy advocate, a senior Shia Islamic scholar and thinker of Iran, and a leader in his own right of the movement against Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. A founding member of the Freedom Movement of Iran, he has been described as a representative of the tendency of many "Shia clerics to blend Shia with Marxist ideals in order to compete with leftist movements for youthful supporters" during the 1960s and 1970s. His "greatest influence" has been said to have been in "his teaching of Quranic exegesis," as many later revolutionaries were his students.
The Council of the Islamic Revolution was a group formed by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to manage the Iranian Revolution on 10 January 1979, shortly before he returned to Iran. "Over the next few months there issued from the council hundreds of rulings and laws, dealing with everything from bank nationalization to nurses' salaries." Its existence was kept a secret during the early, less secure time of the revolution, and its members and the exact nature of what the council did remained undisclosed to the public until early 1980. Some of the council's members like Motahhari, Taleqani, Bahonar, Beheshti, Qarani died during Iran–Iraq War or were assassinated by the MKO during the consolidation of the Iranian Revolution. Most of those who remained were put aside by the regime.
Hezbollah is an Iranian movement formed at the time of the Iranian Revolution to assist the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his forces in consolidating power, initially by attacked demonstrations and offices of newspapers that were critical of Khomeini. References in the media or writing are usually made to members of the group—or Hezbollahi—rather than Hezbollah, as Hezbollah is/was not a tightly structured independent organisation, but more a movement of loosely bound groups, usually centered on a mosque.
Many organizations, parties and guerrilla groups were involved in the Iranian revolution. Some were part of Ayatollah Khomeini's network and supported the theocratic Islamic Republic movement, while others did not and were suppressed when Khomeini took power. Some groups were created after the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty and still survive; others helped overthrow the Shah but no longer exist.
The Assembly for the Final Review of the Constitution also known as the Assembly of Experts for Constitution, was a constituent assembly in Iran that was convened in 1979 to condense and ratify the draft prepared beforehand for the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The National Democratic Front was a liberal political party founded during the Iranian Revolution of 1979 that overthrew Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and was banned shortly after by the Islamic government. It was founded by Hedayatollah Matin-Daftari, a grandson of celebrated Iranian nationalist Mohammad Mosaddegh and a "lawyer who had been active in human rights causes" before the downfall of the shah and the son of the fourth prime minister and the jurist Ahmad Matin-Daftari. Though it was short-lived, the party has been described as one of "the three major movements of the political center" in Iran during this period, and its ouster was one of the first indications that the Islamist revolutionaries in control of the Iranian Revolution would not tolerate liberal political forces.
The Muslim People's Republic Party (MPRP) or Islamic People's Republican Party was a short-lived party associated with Shia Islamic cleric Shariatmadari. It was founded in 1979 during the Iranian Revolution as a "moderate, more liberal counterweight" to the theocratic, Islamist Islamic Republican Party (IRP) of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and disbanded in 1980.
Casualties of the Iranian revolution refers to those who lost their lives during the Iranian revolution. Observers differ on how many people died during the Iranian revolution. The current Islamic government uses the figure of 60,000 killed; in reference to this figure, the military historian Spencer C. Tucker notes that "Khomeini's regime grossly overstated the revolution's death toll for propaganda purposes". The sociologist Charles Kurzman, drawing on later more detailed records from the Islamic Republic, believes the number was closer to 2,000-3,000.
Following the Iranian revolution, which overthrew the Shah of Iran in February 1979, was in a "revolutionary crisis mode" from this time until 1982 or 1983 when forces loyal to the revolution's leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, consolidated power. During this period, Iran's economy and the apparatus of government collapsed; its military and security forces were in disarray.
The Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution is a conservative-dominated body based in Qom, set up at the time of Ayatollah Khomeini. Its decisions can only be overruled by Iran's Supreme Leader. Most of its members were appointed by Ali Khamenei, Khomeini's successor.
The supreme leader of Iran, also referred to as Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, but officially called the Supreme Leadership Authority, is the head of state and the highest political and religious authority of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The armed forces, judiciary, state radio and television, and other key government organizations such as the Guardian Council and Expediency Discernment Council are subject to the Supreme Leader. According to the constitution, the Supreme Leader delineates the general policies of the Islamic Republic, supervising the legislature, the judiciary, and the executive branches. The current lifetime officeholder, Seyyed Ali Hosseini Khameneh known as Ali Khamenei, has issued decrees and made the final decisions on the economy, the environment, foreign policy, education, national planning, and other aspects of governance in Iran. Khamenei also makes the final decisions on the amount of transparency in elections, and has dismissed and reinstated presidential cabinet appointees.
Mohammad Montazeri was an Iranian cleric and military figure. He was one of the founding members and early chiefs of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. He was assassinated in a bombing in Tehran on 28 June 1981.
Between June 1981 and March 1982, the government of Iran carried out the largest political massacre in the country's history. This took place as part of the Iranian Cultural Revolution decreed by Ruhollah Khomeini on 14 June 1980, with the intent of "purifying" Iranian society of non-Islamic elements. The killings and executions targeted thousands of political and religious dissidents, as well as critics, and is regarded a major crime against humanity.
