Femicide, broadly defined as the murder of a woman motivated by gender, is a prevalent issue in Latin America. [1] [2] In 2016, 14 of the top 25 nations with the highest global femicide rates were Latin American or Caribbean states. [1] In 2021, 4,445 women were recorded victims of femicide in the region, translating to the gender-based murder of about one woman every two hours in Latin America. [2] [3]
Throughout the 2010s, Latin American governments began legally recognizing and distinguishing the crime of femicide. [4] [5] [6] This, coupled with records collection support provided to many states by the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), has allowed Latin American nations to produce more comprehensive data on femicide rates across the region. [2] Ten Latin American countries have laws ordering the collection of data on gender-related violence, and femicide as of 2022 with the GEO's data. [7]
Despite efforts to reform, Latin American femicide rates have not decreased substantially in recent years, with the total number of femicides increasing from 4,091 2020 to 4,445 in 2021. [2] [8] A series of factors account for high rates of femicide in Latin America, including entrenched gender roles and the persistence of machismo, organized crime and criminal governance, and weak justice institutions that treat gender-based crimes with impunity. [9] [10] [11] The impacts of femicide include violation of basic human rights, displacement of women, and amplification of organized crime and ineffective justice systems. [7] Activists and feminist groups across Latin America have created movements protesting high rates of femicide and state complicity in failing to address violence against women. [4] Some of the movements that have gained traction are the "Disappearing Daughters" project in Ciudad Juarez and the "Ni Una Menos" movement originating in Argentina. [12] Pink crosses are used to commemorate victims of femicide throughout Latin America. [13]
Every year, the Gender Equality Observatory (GEO) of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) publishes a report of the national femicide rates provided by Latin American and Caribbean nations and territories for the previous year. [14] In 2021, 4,445 women were recorded victims of femicide or gender-related killing in the 18 Latin American nations and territories that reported their data to the GEO. [15] The Wilson Center estimates that this rate translates to women in Latin America dying every two hours due to femicide. [3]
According to the GEO's data for 2021, Brazil reported the highest raw number of femicides at 1,900 women murdered, while Puerto Rico reported the lowest raw number at 12 women murdered. [15] However, Puerto Rico's rate may be impacted by the fact that it only records instances of femicide that are specifically perpetrated against women by their intimate partners - the same stipulation is true of Nicaragua, which reported 15 femicides in 2021. [15] The different trends regarding femicide across the countries in Latin America show that factors such as machismo, organized crime, and gender roles have roles of varying severity in each country. [7]
Honduras, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Bolivia, and Brazil reported the highest rates of femicide across the region respectively in 2021. [16] In Honduras, 4.6 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. [16] In the Dominican Republic, 2.7 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. [16] In El Salvador, 2.4 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. [16] In Bolivia, 1.8 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. [16] Finally, in Brazil, 1.7 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. [16]
Nicaragua, Chile, Puerto Rico, Costa Rica, and Peru reported the lowest rates of femicide across Latin America in 2021. [16] In Nicaragua, 0.4 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. [16] In Chile, 0.5 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. In both Costa Rica and Puerto Rico, 0.7 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. [16] In Peru, 0.8 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide. [16]
ECLAC has compiled data on the change in rates of femicide across Latin American nations and territories over time. Despite recent efforts to reduce gender-based violence in the region, there was no significant decline in rates of femicide across Latin America from 2019 to 2021. [16] Some nations have recorded a small drop in femicide rates in recent years. In Honduras, for example, the femicide rate dropped from 6.0 female victims per 100,000 in 2019 to 4.5 female victims per 100,000 in 2020 - before increasing slightly to 4.6 female victims per 100,000 in 2021. [16] Other nations have recorded an increase in femicide rates over the observed period. In Mexico, for example, the femicide rate increased from 1.5 female victims per 100,000 in 2019 and 2020 to 1.6 female victims per 100,000 in 2021. [16]
Globally, the largest perpetrators of femicide are women's intimate partners - both current and past partners. [17] In Latin America, however, data on the connection between femicide and the victim's relationship to the offender is less cohesive.
For some nations, the vast majority of femicides are committed by former or current intimate partners. In 2021, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru, Ecuador, Paraguay, and Chile all recorded that women were murdered by former or current intimate partners in over 70% of femicide cases. [16] Specifically, these intimate partner femicides accounted for 93% of Chile's reported gender-based murders of women. [16] In Uruguay, 1.1 women per 100,000 were the victims of femicide by intimate partners in 2021. [16] An important consideration to make is that certain Latin American countries like El Salvador and Uruguay do not characterize intimate partner violence or femicide as a crime, which can underestimate the incidence of femicide in these countries. [18]
By contrast, for other nations, intimate partner femicides account for the minority of gender-based murders of women. In both El Salvador and Honduras, 25% or less of recorded femicides in 2021 were committed by past or current intimate partners. [16] This is thought to be due to a larger presence of organized crime and violence in society that accounts for a larger portion of femicides, with women being killed by strangers and gang members. [7]
According to qualitative studies, high migration flow across Latin America likely contributes to increased rates of femicide. [16] Migrant women are particularly vulnerable to gender-based killing and violence as a result of contextual issues like deficient support systems, discrimination, social stigma, insecurity of legal status, and language barriers in Latin America. [16] [19] Furthermore, many women are traveling alone without company or protection against the gender-based crimes they could become victims of. [20]
However, a limited number of Latin American nations and territories have recorded data on the nationality or migratory status of the victims of femicide. In 2021, foreign women were murdered in 18% of recorded femicides in Chile. [16] In the Dominican Republic, foreign women were the victims in 13% of recorded femicides. Finally, in Costa Rica, foreign women accounted for 11% of recorded femicides. [16] According to ECLAC, these three Latin American nations have experienced high rates of migration and migratory flow in recent years - potentially indicating a relationship between female migration and femicide. [16]
The North Triangle of Central America (NTCA) consists of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras and also experiences high rates of emigration and migratory flow. [20] This is due to a lack of safety for women in these countries. which have very high rates of gender-based violence. [20] However, according to 2017 data from Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), close to one third of women who passed through Mexico while migrating were sexually abused. [20] The perpetrators include individuals, gangs, and law enforcement, which have been reported to abuse their authority to take advantage of the migrants. [20]
According to data collected from 2019 to 2021 from the Gender Equality Observatory, the greatest incidence of femicide occurs in victims aged 15 to 29. [7] The impacts of femicide start for girls at a young age, with over 4% of femicides regarding girls aged 14 or younger. [7] This data shows a negative correlation between age and incidence of femicide. [7]
There is also a high rate of Child marriage that disproportionately impacts girls and young women in Latin America, compared to young men, predisposing them to be more vulnerable to gender-based violence. [7] Data from the GEO has shown that child marriage increases the likelihood of girls and women to be victims of intimate partner violence and femicide. [7] [21]
Accurate and comprehensive data collection on crime and violence in Latin America poses significant challenges. [16] In the context of gender-based killings, public and private organizations similarly have struggled to aggregate quality data on rates of femicide and relevant contextual factors in Latin American countries. [22] [23] Instances of violence against women and femicide are often underreported, and many nations fail to include intersectional variables like race, ethnicity, migrant status, pregnancy, or sexual orientation in data on femicide victims. [16] [22] [23] [8] Recorded femicide rates are also impacted by definitional differences across the region. For example, both Puerto Rico and Nicaragua, with some of the lowest recorded rates of femicide in Latin America, only report intimate partner femicide to the Gender Equality Observatory - excluding gender-based killings committed by other types of offenders. [16]
However, many nations are making efforts to address issues of incomplete and under-reported data on violence against women. Ten Latin American states have recently passed laws requiring the collection and circulation of data and information on femicide and other crimes of violence against women. [16] Many countries have updated their definitions, indicators, and investigation methods in the context of femicide in recent years - resulting in corrected and more complete data on historical incidences of gender-based killings. [16] ECLAC has continued to support Latin American nations in expanding and enhancing their records and data collection on femicide rates. [16]
While data is limited, a host of cultural, economic, and political factors may contribute to the high rates of femicide and gender-based killings across Latin America. [24]
Patriarchal beliefs and practices persist in many Latin American cultures. [25] Gender roles in Latin America are influenced by an historical commitment to the cultural phenomena of machismo and marianismo. [26] Machismo denotes aggrandized masculinity and male superiority, and prioritizes traditional conceptions of men as aggressive, dominant, and even violent towards women. [26] [27] Information collected from Guatemala shows that violence is seen as an appropriate and justified manner of "discipline" for a husband, or man in a relationship. [20] Marianismo, by contrast, conceives of women and traditional femininity as domestic, inferior, self-sacrificing, and accommodating of male aggression and violence. [26]
Due to the emphasis on a strong male protagonist and a submissive female side character, both concepts derived from Roman Catholicism, harmful gender roles have been tied to religion and deeply entrenched in Latin American society. [28] The term marianismo is rooted in the precedent set by the virgin Mary, mother of Jesus, which women are expected to adhere to. [28]
In Mexico, the Guadalupe-Malinche binary further shows the subjugation and societal expectations that limit women. [28] La Malinche and the Lady of Guadalupe are two figures used to show the essence of a "good" and "bad" woman. [28] La Malinche is known as the translator for Hernán Cortés, as well as his mistress, and is seen as a villain for helping Cortes conquer Mexico. [28] In reality however, she was a slave to Cortes and was likely a victim of rape by him. [29] On the opposite side is La Virgen de Guadalupe, who is hailed as the essence of a "good woman," because she is seen in a purely maternal role, with no independent activity of her own. [29] It is common for women in Latin America to be categorized into one of these binary categories, which takes away their identity, and is often used to justify femicide and other forms of gender-based violence. [29]
The history of these gender roles, especially those rooted in Catholicism, is tied to colonialism. [30] Not only was Roman catholicism brought to Latin America through Spanish colonization and conversion, many of the social norms in Latin America regarding gender mirror those of colonial Spain. [30] For example, Latin America and colonial Spain both emphasized the values of honor amongst men, and purity of women. If women acted in a way deemed impure, it was cited as justification for violence against. [30] It has been observed that men, even if they do not engage in intimate partner violence themselves, are unlikely to stand up against men who abuse their partner out of respect for the other man and his actions. [30] These are practices that were seen in colonial Spain that took root in Latin America, contributing to societal structures that subjugate women, and normalize violence against them. [30]
Many scholars have hypothesized that machismo and marianismo contribute directly to violence against women and femicide in Latin America. [26] [9] Katharine Pantaleo of the Indiana University of Pennsylvania links Latin American cultural norms of machismo and marianismo to gender-based murders of women. Pantaleo how entrenched notions of male supremacy and female inferiority contribute to a culture of gender-based violence and femicide, exemplified by the Maquiladora murders of over 370 women and girls in Ciudad Juarez. [26]
ECLAC draws connection between gender inequality in Latin America and the persistence of femicide and other acts of violence against women. [25] Data explicitly recording instances of machismo-motivated femicide is limited. However, in one study, the Ministerio Publico of São Paulo reported that 30% of annual femicides in São Paulo, Brazil were caused by machismo or jealousy. [23] [31]
Peru is a country with one of the highest rates of intimate partner violence, with 68% of women being impacted. [32] It has been found that attitudes against violence amongst men in Peru are that violence is normal, and "justified" in most cases. [32] Men surveyed in this article admitted that they themselves would use violence against their partner if it was with a "reason," or because they lost control of their temper. [32] This normalization of violence against women brings down the standards of how women should be treated, and makes violent acts against them like femicide less of a jarring occurrence, as the life of a woman is already devalued. [32]
The prevalence of entrenched gender roles in Latin American society becomes important when addressing the issue of femicide through legislation. While laws have power, they cannot change deeply rooted cultural norms which impact the incidence of femicide greatly.
ECLAC identifies violence and organized crime as contextual factors that contribute to femicide in Latin America. [33] Femicides in many Latin American nations have been linked to organized crime, drug trafficking, cartel wars, and conflicts between criminal organizations and the state. [10] [34]
In 2020, the National Map of Femicides in Mexico reported that up to 63% of femicides recorded in March and April were linked to organized crime in some capacity. [10] Map creator Maria Salguero has identified a series of themes in these gang-related femicides - murders targeting women who participate in organized crime, women with partners involved in criminal organizations, and symbolic killings of women to send messages to other criminal organizations or the state. [10] According to the Women's Coordination Unit in El Salvador, women may also be killed for rejecting the advances of gang members. [11]
The problem of gang-related femicide is exacerbated by the culture of fear and violent retaliation surrounding organized crime and criminal governance in Latin America. [11] Family members of victims and witnesses of femicides may refuse to cooperate with investigations into gender-related killings to avoid violent retaliation by criminal groups. [11]
While 16 countries have implemented legislation that criminalizes and punishes femicide, there are many considerations to be made about the implementation and nature of these laws. [35] The legal definition of femicide varies between countries in Latin America, with some not including femicide or gender-based violence within romantic relationships as a crime, or as a crime with a lesser degree of severity. [35] This exclusion of femicide and gender-based violence when it occurs in a marriage leaves those in marriages underserved by these laws. [35]
The definition of femicide is highly variable depending on the country. [35] For example, Chile, Costa Rica, and the Dominican Republic solely focus on femicide between intimate partners, which does not recognize the other femicides that occur outside of this lens, and diminishes their importance in these countries. [35] The different views regarding femicide between countries arise from each country's level of progress in acknowledging femicide as a social issue. [35] Sexual violence is a criterion for the classification of the murder of a woman to be considered femicide in 9 countries. [35] In Mexico, it is specified that physical mutilation or necrophilia is an essential circumstance for femicide to be legally distinguished. [35] These conditions placed upon legal definitions of femicide not only create a narrow scope for what can be classified as femicide, but also look at the issue through the lens of objectifying women, and tying their identity to being used by men. [35]
There is also a lack of knowledge that impedes these laws from being put into practice. [35] Those responsible for upholding the legal system do not have enough information about how the law functions, as well the exact definitions of many useful legal terms that are vital to upholding the laws being passed to outlaw femicide. [35] Citizens also are not aware of the laws being passed and how they change existing laws, further impeding the effectiveness of these laws. [35]
In Latin America, only one percent of femicides are actually sentenced, with less than three percent of cases even successfully making it to prosecution. [23] Weak and inaccessible justice systems contribute to entrenched impunity and failures of the state to convict perpetrators for gender-based killings. [33] In many Latin American nations, police units fail to meaningfully enforce laws against violence against women - reacting with either apathy or animosity to reports of gender-based violence that can escalate into femicide. [36] Women have reported significant rates of police officers refusing to believe reports of gender-based violence or actively retaliating with threats. [36]
Within the legal system, conviction rates of perpetrators are low, and sentences are oftentimes inadequate. [33] [36] In Mexico, a woman named Rocio Mancilla was murdered by her husband, who was sentenced to less than two years in prison. [36]
Within the culture of impunity fostered by the lack of action taken by governments to punish those committing femicide, gang violence and organized crime remains a large factor of femicide, with no legal repercussions for their violence against women. [37] In 2015, half of the victims of femicide were due to organized crime. [37]
Protestors across Latin America have accused justice systems of complicity in their failures to convict perpetrators of femicide and violence against women. [4] In El Salvador, 12 percent of recorded cases of violence against women actually involved perpetrators employed by the justice system - including judges, police officers, and lawyers. [23] Police officers have been reported to commit acts of violence against women frequently, especially on the migration outflow from the North Triangle of Central America. [20] A common complaint against governments is their lack of actively condemning and speaking out against femicide and violence against women. [35]
There is a key issue[ editorializing ] with the translation of national laws into state practice. [35] Latin American governments have been creating legislature that punishes violence against women, yet there has not been a successful adoption of these laws by state governments, who have remained unresponsive. [35]
The threat of violence and femicide inhibits the freedom and can have serious consequences on the mental and physical health of women in Latin America. [32] Violence with femicide risk has increased the likelihood of women to suffer from conditions that impact their mental health like depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and anxiety, due to the high levels of stress and trauma experienced. [32] Women who suffered from violence with femicide risk were also found to be more likely to resort to substance abuse as a coping mechanism. [32] Women were found to increase their consumption of alcohol and tobacco if they were victims of gender-based violence, which worsened their outlook for the future, as women who resort to substances are less likely to leave the relationship. [32]
There are also physical impacts of femicide and the threat of it on Latin American women. [32] Women in these conditions also have decreased sexual health, with a higher incidence of urinary tract infections and loss of desire for sexual activity or contact. [32] These physical and mental consequences of violence with femicide risk have been shown to impede the ability of women to compete activities of daily living, taking a severe toll on their overall well-being. [32]
In terms of sexual health and Reproductive rights in Latin America, many organizations have tried to bring awareness about gender-based violence in Latin American countries focusing on the healthcare sector. [38] This includes providing reproductive services that have historically not been provided, or educating providers about the impact of gender-based violence. [38]
While the health of women in these conditions of violence suffers, the impacts are heterogeneous in nature and vary greatly from woman to woman, based on other aspects of their lives, like Socioeconomic status and level of education, and other aspects of the individual. [32] The impacts also vary depending on the type of violence experienced by the women. [32] Income has been found to be a significant factor in determining how much women's health can suffer from violence with femicide risk. [32] It was found that violence of femicide risk however, had bigger consequences on women's health than Poverty. [32]
Femicide and the threat of it has been shown to negatively impact children in many ways. [20] Children have been shown to be impacted developmentally, with the stress and risk of violence in their household during the formative years of their life. [32] Children are also more likely to be involved in gender-based violence either as a victim or aggressor in the future when they are exposed to it in their household. [20] There have also been cognitive concerns for the children's development. [32] There have also been proven negative impacts on the children's mental health, due to the chronic stress and instability that results from femicide and its risk. [32] Children have been shown to internalize the turmoil of their household and this results in an increased incidence of anxiety and depression. [32] The external impacts of living in a society where femicide is a prevalent phenomenon include increased aggression and volatile temper, due to a lack of emotional cultivation. [32] There are also physical impacts on a child's health, with increased likelihood of diarrhea, respiratory infections, stunted growth, and anemia. [32] Furthermore, the risk of femicide can also negatively impact the child's relationship with their mother, limiting their emotional and physical support network which are vital to a child's growth. [32]
Femicide in Mexico is an issue that is prevalent, yet difficult to address with the legal system because it has proven inefficient at reducing the incidence of it. [39] There was a 135% increase in the number of femicide victims from 2015 to 2021. despite legal efforts of the Mexican government to address the issue. [39] There was a 135% increase in the number of femicide victims from 2015 to 2021, despite legal efforts of the Mexican government to address the issue. [39] The first reliably documented case of femicide in Mexico goes back to January 1993, with the murder of Alma Chavira Farel. [40]
Femicide was distinguished as its own crime under federal Mexican law on June 14, 2012. It would not be until 2015, three years after femicide was distinguished under Mexican Penal Code, that the Mexican Supreme Court would establish that each violent murder of a woman would be investigated as a femicide, until there is evidence to show otherwise. [41] Between 2012 and 2017, there were 12,796 homicide victims that were female. However, only 22% of the investigations around these crimes began with the suspicion of femicide. 70% of the victims were murdered in a public sphere. Around 40% of these cases had victims between the ages of 21 and 30. [42] According to ONU Mujeres, case numbers decreased from 2012 to 2015 and increased from 2015 to 2017. [43] In fact, according to the "Secretariado Ejecutivo del Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública" (SESNSP, translates to "Executive Secretariat of the National Public Security System"), both femicides and the homicide against women has been increasing since 2015. [44] Since the start of 2021 to May 2021, femicide cases rose by 7.1%, which makes up for 423 women.[ citation needed ]
Femicide occurs throughout Mexico, but there was also a case in Ciudad Juarez, of a concentration of women being found who were victims of femicide. [39] Femicide in Ciudad Juarez has promulgated femicide into Mexican political discussion since 1993. Of the 442 homicides against women that occurred between 1993 and 2005, a majority of the victims were between the age of 10 and 29 (54.1%). Additionally, 26.5% of these victims were below the age of 18. 1995 saw the most homicides throughout this time with 49 women killed. Of the 442 women killed, 301 have been femicides, where 126 were committed by an intimate partner, 150 were committed by men who clearly used misogyny or sexism and sexually or physically abused the victim, and 25 were killed doing a "stigmatized" occupation like sex work. [45]
Of the women that died due to intimate-partner violence, reasons included jealousy and an argument, or in some cases there were no causes reported. In the cases where a minor was murdered, reasons included punishment for crying, general abuse, or without known motive. Of the women killed doing a stigmatized occupation, 5 victims were killed because of relationship problems, 4 were killed so the perpetrator could avoid paying, and 11 were killed with no conclusive motivation. Out of 38 systemic femicides, victims were killed out of jealousy, intoxication, or no conclusive motivation. [45]
In Peru, 58% of women reported domestic violence in their relationship, from 2019 data. [46] However, the incidence of domestic violence is not seen as socially unacceptable in Peru, which leads to less stigma surrounding domestic violence, and subjugates women who may not go looking for help, because they do not believe there is an issue with intimate-partner violence in a relationship. [46] This points to needing a change in social norms, more than amending legislature in order to effectively address the issue. [46] There is also a high variance of the mechanism of femicides in Peru, with the nature of crime ranging from strangling, stabbing, burning or vehicular manslaughter. [46] The mean age of victims of femicide in Peru is 35 years old, and perpetrators were found to share characteristics like being the victim's family or past partner. [46] Furthermore, drugs and alcohol were reported to be consumed by the 25% of the perpetrators of femicides. [46]
Femicide is the leading cause of death of women who live in The North Triangle of Central America (NCTA), consisting of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. [20] The NCTA also experienced high levels of migration outflow due to the lack of safety for women, which are subject to gang violence, sexual violence, homicide, and gender-based violence. [20] A common practice in this region includes gang members forcing women into relationships with them, "novias de pandilleros".
There are many crimes that women are subject to in their migration from the NCTA. Women can be sexually abused, or kidnapped and sold into prostitution. [20] As migration laws become more strict in both Mexico and the United States, migrants are constrained to paths that are frequented by smugglers and others that harm the migrants passing through. The law enforcement in Mexico have also been cited as abusing their power as well, whether it be by demanding money or sexually assaulting the passengers with threats of death. [20]
The military presence, and political instabilities and Honduras and El Salvador have created violence and disorder in the governments of these countries. Disappearance of women has exponentially increased in these countries, along with the presence of gang activity. [20] The number of women that had gone missing increased by 281% in Honduras from 2008 to 2013. [20]
Femicide in Brazil was recognized in 2015 after legislation was passed to increase women's protections and provide harsher punishments for perpetrators. At that time, femicide rates were the fifth highest in the world and 15 women were murdered daily. [47] Between 2018 and 2020, femicide numbers rose from 1,229 to 1,330 to 1,350, maintaining a proportion of 1.2 women out of 100,000 murdered on average. [48] [49] In Brazil, women of color are disproportionately affected by gendered crimes; Balanço Ligue 180 statistics show that 60% of women that are victims of violence are black. [50] The percentage increases to 68.8% when looking at the rates of homicides against women. [51] Further, the Mapa de Violencia showed that femicide rates among white women fell from 2003 to 2013 and increased for black women in this same period. [52]
The media has had a positive impact in terms of spreading awareness about femicide and bringing women together to combat the issue. [7] It has been a source of power for social movements that have gained traction across the region. [7]
In regards to the nature of media coverage of femicide, it has been shown that the media can be misleading when reporting on the causes of femicide, as well as sometimes normalizing the gender norms, and societal ideas that are the foundation of violence against women and femicide. [53] In Guatemala, media were found to sensationalize their stories of femicide, and theorize over the circumstances of each case, oftentimes propagating societal expectations and stereotypes based on the victim's identity. [53] Furthermore, the media would make assumptions, or sensationalize the victim's identity if it was perceived as flawed; for example, if a victim was discovered in a public setting, the media was likely to characterize her hypothesized identity as the cause of her murder, by covering her as a sex worker. [54] The focus on the victim's identity as the cause for their circumstances is Victim blaming in nature, and shifts the blame of the crime off of those who committed it, rarely acknowledging the violations of human rights that these women experience. [54]
Multiple films have highlighted the prevalence of femicide in Latin America. "Three Deaths of Marisela Escobedo" tells the story of Marisela Escobedo Ortiz and her fight to hold the perpetrator accountable for the femicide of her daughter, and "Feminicido en Latino America", explores the negative externalities associated with femicide across the region. [55]
Different social movements have arisen across Latin America that work to combat the incidence of femicide and raise awareness on the issue.
The Ni una menos movement originated in Argentina, although it grew into a movement across many Latin American countries. [56] The movement started in 2015 in protest of the murder of the fourteen year-old Chiara Paez, who was beaten to death by her boyfriend. [56] There were protests and strikes led by women across Argentina, and this spread to other countries including Chile, Paraguay, Peru, Mexico, and Bolivia. [56] The Ni Una Menos movement resulted in legislative action in Argentina, with the government mandating the collection of statistical data on femicide in 2015, and has been followed by some other legal actions to address femicide. [56]
The Disappearing Daughters Project, originating in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico works to empower women that have lost their daughters to femicide through poetry. [57] The Seattle Times published a website inspired by the poems of Castro Luna, who wrote a book of poems titled "Killing Marias," with each poem named after a Maria that was lost to femicide in Ciudad Juarez. [57] Pink crosses have been used in Ciudad Juarez in order to honor the women and girls lost to femicide. [57]
A crime of passion, in popular usage, refers to a violent crime, especially homicide, in which the perpetrator commits the act against someone because of sudden strong impulse such as anger or jealousy rather than as a premeditated crime. A high level of social and legal acceptance of crimes of passion has been historically associated with France from the 19th century to the 1970s, and until recently with Latin America.
More than 500 women were killed between 1993 and 2011 in Ciudad Juárez, a city in northern Mexico. The murders of women and girls received international attention primarily due to perceived government inaction in preventing the violence and bringing perpetrators to justice. The crimes have featured in many dramas, songs, and books.
A violent crime, violent felony, crime of violence or crime of a violent nature is a crime in which an offender or perpetrator uses or threatens to use harmful force upon a victim. This entails both crimes in which the violent act is the objective, such as murder, assault, rape and assassination, as well as crimes in which violence is used as a method of coercion or show of force, such as robbery, extortion and terrorism. Violent crimes may, or may not, be committed with weapons. Depending on the jurisdiction, violent crimes may be regarded with varying severities from homicide to harassment. There have been many theories regarding heat being the cause of an increase in violent crime. Theorists claim that violent crime is persistent during the summer due to the heat, further causing people to become aggressive and commit more violent crime.
Femicide or feminicide is a term for the hate crime of systematically killing women, girls, or females in general because of their sex. In 1976, the feminist author Diana E. H. Russell first implicitly defined the term as a hate killing of females by males but then went on to redefine it as "the killing of females by males because they are female" in later years. Femicide can be perpetrated by either gender but is more often committed by men. This is most likely due to unequal power between men and women as well as harmful gender roles, stereotypes, or social norms.
Native American women encounter a disproportionate level of sexual violence from verbal abuse to physical harm, including but not limited to domestic and sexual assaults. Such violations not only result in lasting detrimental effects on the individuals subjected to them but also reverberate throughout their entire community, exacerbating social challenges.
Gendercide is the systematic killing of members of a specific gender. The term is related to the general concepts of assault and murder against victims due to their gender, with violence against men and women being problems dealt with by human rights efforts. Gendercide shares similarities with the term 'genocide' in inflicting mass murders; however, gendercide targets solely one gender, being men or women. Politico-military frameworks have historically inflicted militant-governed divisions between femicide and androcide; gender-selective policies increase violence on gendered populations due to their socioeconomic significance. Certain cultural and religious sentiments have also contributed to multiple instances of gendercide across the globe.
Human Rights in Mexico refers to moral principles or norms that describe certain standards of human behaviour in Mexico, and are regularly protected as legal rights in municipal and international law. The problems include torture, extrajudicial killings and summary executions, police repression, sexual murder, and, more recently, news reporter assassinations.
Crime is one of the most urgent concerns facing Mexico, as Mexican drug trafficking rings play a major role in the flow of cocaine, methamphetamine, fentanyl, heroin, and marijuana transiting between Latin America and the United States. Drug trafficking has led to corruption, which has had a deleterious effect on Mexico's Federal Representative Republic. Drug trafficking and organized crime have been a major source of violent crime. Drug cartels and gangs have also branched out to conduct alternative illegal activities for profit, including sex trafficking in Mexico. Some of the most increasingly violent states in Mexico in 2020 included Guanajuato, Zacatecas, Michoacán, Jalisco, and Querétaro. Some of the world's most violent cities are reportedly within the state of Guanajuato with extortion from criminal groups now being commonplace. The state of Zacatecas is said to be valuable to multiple organized crime groups for drug trafficking, specifically methamphetamine to the United States. As of 2021, Michoacán is experiencing increased instances of extortion and kidnapping due to a growing presence and escalation in the armed conflicts between CJNG and Cárteles Unidos on regions bordering the neighboring state of Jalisco. CJNG is also currently battling the Los Chapitos faction of the Sinaloa Cartel in the North Mexican region of Sonora.
Domestic violence in Brazil involves any type of violence or abuse by intimate partners or family members against one another. The majority of domestic violence cases in Brazil are performed by the man against their female partners. In 2015, the government released a study that showed that every seven minutes a woman was a victim of domestic violence in Brazil, over 70% of the Brazilian female population will suffer some kind of violence throughout their lifetime and 1 in every 4 women reports being a victim of psychological or physical violence. In 2017, Brazil had an estimate of 606 cases of violence and 164 cases of rape per day, over 60 thousand cases throughout the year. It is also estimated that only 10% of the cases are registered to the police. Although Brazil acknowledged that domestic violence was a problem in the 1940s, the Government has only acted upon it from 1980s onwards, with the creation of the Women Police Stations and later in 2006, with the publication of the Domestic Violence law.
Domestic violence is violence or other abuse that occurs in a domestic setting, such as in a marriage or cohabitation. Domestic violence is often used as a synonym for intimate partner violence, which is committed by one of the people in an intimate relationship against the other person, and can take place in relationships or between former spouses or partners. In its broadest sense, domestic violence also involves violence against children, parents, or the elderly. It can assume multiple forms, including physical, verbal, emotional, economic, religious, reproductive, financial abuse, or sexual abuse. It can range from subtle, coercive forms to marital rape and other violent physical abuse, such as choking, beating, female genital mutilation, and acid throwing that may result in disfigurement or death, and includes the use of technology to harass, control, monitor, stalk or hack. Domestic murder includes stoning, bride burning, honor killing, and dowry death, which sometimes involves non-cohabitating family members. In 2015, the United Kingdom's Home Office widened the definition of domestic violence to include coercive control.
Rates of crime in Guatemala are very high. An average of 101 murders per week were reported in 2018. The countries with the highest crime and violence rates in Central America are El Salvador and Honduras. In the 1990s Guatemala had four cities feature in Latin America's top ten cities by murder rate: Escuintla, Izabal (127), Santa Rosa Cuilapa (111) and Guatemala City (101). According to New Yorker magazine, in 2009, "fewer civilians were reported killed in the war zone of Iraq than were shot, stabbed, or beaten to death in Guatemala," and 97% of homicides "remain unsolved." Much of the violent nature of Guatemalan society stems back to a 36-year-long civil war However, not only has violence maintained its presence in the post-war context of the country following the Guatemalan Civil War, but it has extended to broader social and economic forms of violence.
Domestic violence against men is violence or other physical abuse towards men in a domestic setting, such as in marriage or cohabitation. As with domestic violence against women, violence against men may constitute a crime, but laws vary between jurisdictions. Intimate partner violence (IPV) against men is generally less recognized by society than intimate partner violence against women, which can act as a further block to men reporting their situation.
Violence against women in Guatemala reached severe levels during the long-running Guatemalan Civil War (1960-1996), and the continuing impact of that conflict has contributed to the present high levels of violence against women in that nation. During the armed conflict, rape was used as a weapon of war.
Campo Algodonero in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, Mexico, is the memorial site for hundreds of women who have died during the past two decades. The Algodonero became an important site after eight women were found dead in 2001. This memorial site was recently created after the verdict of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights against the State of Mexico in regards to the case of the Algodonero field where eight women were found dead. The memorial site includes a statue of a woman, made by Veronica Leiton, and multiple pink crosses that represent the women who were found. Campo Algodonero serves as a standing symbol of memory that dwells in the lives of all of the victims’ families who refuse to stay quiet and who are constantly in the middle of controversy.
Violence against women in Mexico includes different forms of gender-based violence. It may consist of emotional, physical, sexual, and/or mental abuse. The United Nations (UN) has rated Mexico as one of the most violent countries for women in the world. According to the National Institute of Statistics and Geography in Mexico (INEGI), 66.1 percent of all women ages 15 and older have experienced some kind of violence in their lives. Forty-nine percent have suffered from emotional violence; 29 percent have suffered from emotional-patrimonial violence or discrimination; 34 percent from physical violence; and 41.3 percent of women have suffered from sexual violence. Of the women who were assaulted in some form from 2015 to 2018, 93.7 percent of them did not seek help or report their attacks to authorities.
Ni una menos is a Latin American fourth-wave grassroots feminist movement, which started in Argentina and has spread across several Latin American countries, that campaigns against gender-based violence. This mass mobilization comes as a response to various systemic issues that proliferate violence against women. In its official website, Ni una menos defines itself as a "collective scream against machista violence." The campaign was started by a collective of Argentine female artists, journalists and academics, and has grown into "a continental alliance of feminist forces". Social media was an essential factor in the propagation of the Ni Una Menos movement to other countries and regions. The movement regularly holds protests against femicides, but has also touched on topics such as gender roles, sexual harassment, gender pay gap, sexual objectification, legality of abortion, sex workers' rights and transgender rights.
Domestic violence in Turkey is an ongoing and increasing problem in the country. In 2013 a Hurriyet Daily News poll found that 34% of Turkish men think violence against women is occasionally necessary, and 28% say that violence can be used against women. According to data collected by We Will Stop Femicide Platform (KCDP) in Turkey, the number of femicides had increased from 80 to 280 between the years of 2008 and 2021. In the same report it is stated that 195 of the femicides that took place in 2021 were committed by the woman's spouse, ex-spouse, partner or ex-partner, and 46 of the femicides were committed by a family member or relative.
The boyfriend loophole is a gap in American gun legislation that allows physically abusive ex-romantic partners and stalkers with previous convictions or restraining orders to access guns. While individuals who have been convicted of, or are under a restraining order for, domestic violence are prohibited from owning a firearm, the prohibition only applies if the victim was the perpetrator's spouse or cohabitant, or if the perpetrator had a child with the victim.
On 9 February 2020, Ingrid Escamilla Vargas, a 25-year-old woman living in Gustavo A. Madero, Mexico City, was murdered by her boyfriend, Erik Francisco Robledo Rosas in an act of femicide. Robledo was convicted and sentenced to the maximum penalty of 70 years in prison.
Femicide is the act of murdering women, because they are women. Mexico, particularly in Ciudad Juárez, is one of the leading countries in the amount of feminicides that occur each year, with as much as 3% of murder victims being classified as feminicide with approximately 1,000 feminicide in 2021, out of 34,000 murder victims. Mexico is also among the leading country in term of murders Murder rate, and 90% of the victims of murder are men. This escalation of violence began in the early 1990s and was followed by a wave of sexual violence and torture, abductions, increasing rates of women being murdered because of their gender. While the number of women murdered in Mexico has grown substantially in recent years, the proportion of female victims of homicide has not actually changed much over the last few decades. According to INEGI, the ratio of homicides targeting women hovered between 10-13% from 1990 to 2020.
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