Gender roles in Francoist Spain

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Gender roles in Francoist Spain became more regressive following the end of the Spanish Civil War. Women, who had achieved some degree of liberation during the Second Republic, were forced back into the home. Misogyny and heteronormativity became linchpins in the new fascist Spain, underpinned by Hispanic eugenics. Under this system, anyone who did not adhere to state and religious mandated gender roles and who expressed any deviance from Roman Catholic sexual norms was considered by both church and state to be a sex pervert. 

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Gender roles depended on whether or not a man or woman was married and had children. For married women, their role was to be a mother. For men, their role was to support the home. For unmarried women, gender roles were often more complex because of the economic necessity to work when gender roles strictly dictated that a woman's place should be exclusively inside the home. These gender roles would impact all aspects of life, including dating and marriage.

Modern Spanish womanhood conceptually entered Spain as a result of the emerging consumerist culture. This concept began the first major challenge to regime-mandated gender roles. Sección Feminina played a critical role in forcing female compliance with their gender roles, sanctioned by the state to do so. As these norms began to change in the 1960s and 1970s, the organization tried to change some to remain culturally relevant.

Impact of the Civil War

The end of the Civil War, and the victory of fascist forces, saw the return of traditional gender roles in Spain. This included the unacceptability of women serving in combat roles in the military. [1] Where gender roles were more flexible, it was often around employment issues where women felt an economic necessity to make their voices heard. [1] It was also more acceptable for women to work outside the home, though the options were still limited to roles defined as more traditionally female. This included working as nurses, or in soup kitchens or orphanages. [1] Overall though, the end of the Civil War proved a double loss for Republican women, as it first took away the limited political power and identities as women they had won during the Second Republic and it secondly forced them back into the confines of their homes. [2] With strict gender norms back in place, women who had found acceptable employment prior and during the Civil War found employment opportunities even more difficult in the post-war period. Teachers who worked for Republican schools were often unable to find employment. [3]

Rational and Hispanic eugenics

Misogyny and heteronormativity were linchpins of fascism in Spain, where the philosophy revolved around patria and fixed gender roles that praised the role of strong male leadership. [4] The state set up a battle between women, by encouraging women to define themselves as mothers and state patriots or as prostitutes who opposed the state. It was supported by Pope Pius XII's 1951 directive on the purpose of Christian marriage, which stated, "In accordance with the Creator's will, matrimony, as an institution of nature, has not as a primary and intimate end the personal perfection of the married couple but rather the procreation and upbringing of new life. ... One of the fundamental demands of the true moral order is the sincere acceptance of motherhood's function and duties." In the case of Spain, the Franco regime's imperative view was motherhood should only ever occur in the context of marriage. [5] [6]

Hispanic eugenics was pioneered by doctors like Antonio Vallejo Nájera and Gregorio Marañón. Antes que te cases was published by Nájera in 1946, with one part saying, "Racial decadence is the result of many things but the most important is conjugal unhappiness in the most prosperous and happy of homes. ... Eugenic precepts may avoid morbid offspring. ... It is impossible to maintain a robust race without a sound preparation of youth for marriage, through Catholic Morality. This little work is a minuscule contribution to the exaltation of the Fatherland." [5] Marañón's 1921 Maternidad y feminismo, republished as a second edition in 1951, announced, "The difference between the sexes is insurmountable. Such difference emerges from the anatomical surface of each man and woman, and it goes to the deepest, darkest roots of life, to the home of the cells." [5]

Anyone who did not fit into traditional gender norms and who expressed any deviance from Roman Catholic sexual norms was viewed as a sexual pervert. While some women quietly questioned their biologically determined place in society, male intellectuals provided arguments to support Francoist policies that were based on medical and biological sciences, along with anatomy and physiological studies. [5]

The Second Vatican Council held from 1962 to 1965 assisted in reshaping Catholic discourse around the definition of womanhood. These conversations often found themselves in contradiction to traditional Francoist teachings. [5]

Gender specific roles

Male and female gender roles in Spain depended on whether or not each had children. [7] This was a Francoist concept with roots going back to José Antonio Primo de Rivera's original Falangist ideas. [7]

Women

The role of a woman in Francoist Spain was to be a mother. [7] [8] Questioning this role for women was tantamount to questioning the nature and rights of the state, and viewed as a subversive act. [7] In Francoist Spain, women were not endowed by God with business ingenuity, nor the capacity to be involved in war. According to Falangist teachings, God made women for the home; to understand it, with its upkeep, was the way to measure a woman's worth and the place where women should always be content. [7] Education for women was to be centered around the need to leave women in the home and outside full participation in society, for which they were deemed unsuitable. [7]

The Elementary Education Act of 1945 was created specifically for the purpose of furthering gender roles by indoctrinating children in these roles at a young age. Girls were taught that their role was to become perfect housewives, that one of their most important roles was to remain faithful to their husbands, and that they should always delegate to and defer to men. Girls were taught that their future careers were to be middle-class housewives. Any other career choice would be dishonorable to her family. [7]

The regime approved women's instruction manuals during the 1950s and 1960s, following the style of Spanish Baroque conduct manuals. Topics included the marriage market in Spain, and how to navigate it in religious, political and sexual contexts. In later periods, they highlighted the growing gender conflicts in the family. [5]

One of women's roles in Francoist Spain was to educate Spanish children to prevent them from becoming maleducados (uneducated). [4]

Much of the regime ideology around mothers applied to all Spanish women, but not always in the same way. It changed depending on the political alignment of the mother. "Red" mothers were considered disabled and afflicted with "psychological degeneration". [8]

Men

Masculinity was defined by the regime around men's place in the workforce, and as drivers of the economy. Their job was to work in support of the family. The role of men was also to represent the family outside the home. [8] Men were the authority figures in the Spanish household. Because women were excluded from the workforce and men were required to work to support the household, efforts were made by the regime to raise men's salaries to make sure they were high enough to support a household, while lowering women's salaries to make it less economically rational for women to work. By the mid-1950s, men would begin to face serious competition from women as economic pressures continued to force them into the workforce. [7]

Men in Francoist Spain were taught they had a common enemy, and that enemy was the left, who were blamed for creating all the country's social ills in the previous century. [9] The role of men was also to protect a woman's virginity. [9]

Female heads of households

Women were allowed to take over the role of men in limited cases. [7] [8] One of these was when male heads of household were in prison. Another was when their husbands were killed, missing, lost or exiled as a result of their political affiliations. [8] Other cases involved unmarried, younger women living on their own or widows of regime supporting men. [7] In these cases, women were allowed to work in order to support their family. Broader stigmas against women in the workforce still made this difficult as these women represented a broad challenge to regime-imposed gender norms. Unmarried younger women faced the fewest social consequences. Widowed nationalist supporting women faced a little more discrimination than unmarried women. Red affiliated women faced much more extreme discrimination. Consequently, many women who were heads of household had to work in the black market as there were few opportunities in the regulated economy. This contributed to further repression of "red" women, and became a form of economic and political repression specifically aimed at women. Many had their property confiscated. Many were also raped. These women existed on a strange border, straddling both gender roles for men and women which the regime did not know how to handle. [8] [7]

"Red" women with husbands in prisons also straddled gender roles, contradicting leftist thinking. They often had to be heads of household, while serving as clandestine political operatives, connecting their male spouses to internal militants inside Spain and the international resistance. Facing the regime, they had to present themselves within the regime sanctioned definition while performing masculine tasks inside leftist political movements. [8] [10]

Modern Western womanhood

In the 1950s, Spain started adopting a more consumerist economy. This would continue on into the 1960s and would play a role in introducing Spanish women to the new modern Western woman. This introduction would result in the eschewing of the concept of True Catholic Womanhood. [5] By the 1960s, Francoist Spain had changed its definition of Catholic womanhood. Women were no longer only biological organisms existing for the sole purpose of procreation, but as beings for whom Spanish cultural norms remained. [5] By the end of the 1960s, the destiny of women in Spain was changing as women increasingly began to express their dissatisfaction with state-imposed patriarchy. Their dissatisfaction would play a significant role in the later collapse of the regime following Franco's death. [5]

Dating and marriage

Because of regime definitions around acceptable womanhood involving motherhood, many young Spanish women in the Francoist period faced a race to get married at an early age. This would allow them to comply with gender norms and avoid criticism of being single and not contributing to the state. [7] Spanish women were taught that it was acceptable for their boyfriends to have sex with foreign women, called suecas, as a way of preserving their own purity. Suecas were considered different than prostitutes because they were not affiliated with traditional brothels where men were historically introduced to sex. [5] During the 1950s, when a woman married, the license process required her to be fingerprinted by the police. [5]

Sección Femenina

Sección Feminina (Women's Section) did all it could to subliminal quash female desires for independence in its support of regime sanctioned Falangist definitions of womanhood. [7] Gender norms were reinforced by Sección Femenina de Falange. Opportunities to work, study or travel required women to take classes on cooking, sewing, childcare and the role of women before they were granted. If women did not take or pass these classes, they were denied these opportunities. [3] A 28 December 1939 decree officially put the Women's Section of Falange in charge of preparing women for their role in the Spanish state as mothers and homemakers. [5]

The Women's Section of the Falange represented the elite women of Spain. [5] Pilar Primo de Rivera was viewed by many inside the regime as a critical player in successfully encouraging Franco to relax restrictions for women during the 1950s and 1960s. [11]

The 1950s saw a reduction in the importance of the Women's Section as their role in shoring up the economy and producing propaganda for national unity was less important. In response, it switched to become more clearly a social welfare arm of the state. The organization lost much of its political influence and position within the Francoist structure. Its survival was largely because of involvement in education and because no other organization offered women of this period the same level of opportunities. [11] During the 1960s and 1970s, the Women's Section helped to raise expectations of what was possible for women to accomplish by taking personal responsibility for their actions. [11]

Schedule for housewife with husband and child by Sección Feminina in 1957 [12]
Weekday6:00 - 7:307:30 - 9:009:00 - 9:459:45 - 10:4510:45 - 12:0012:00 - 12:3012:30 - 13:0013:00 - 14:0014:15 - 17:0017:15 - 17:3017:30 - 19:0019:00 - 20:0020:30 - 21:0020:30 - 21:0021:00 - 22:0022:00
MondayGet up, make fire, prepare breakfast, prepare stew, beans, etc.Fix bedroom. Personal hygiene. Send child to school.Do shopping.Clean house.Prepare food. Collect child from school.Eat with the family.Tidy the kitchen.Prepare clothing for washing. Take child to school.Clean clothes. Leave them in bleach.Collect child from school. Merienda.Sewing.Prepare dinner.Dinner with the family.Kitchen arrangement. Think about food for tomorrow. Put legumes in water.Put child to bed.Go to bed.
TuesdaySee above.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.Rinse clothes. Take child to school.Hang out the washing. Sewing.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.
WednesdaySee above.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.Pick up clothes. Take child to school.Review.See above.Sew a while. Do some reading.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.
ThursdaySee above.Arrange bedroom. There is no school.Personal hygiene. Shopping.See above.Prepare food.See above.See above.Iron clothes.Iron delicates.Prepare merienda. Go for a walk with the child, or to the children's section, if it rains.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.
FridaySee above.Arrange kitchen.See above.School.See above.See above.See above.Clean and organize closet. Put away clothes.Wash socks, stockings and kitchen towels.Collect child from school. Merienda.Go for a visit or to shop.See above.See above.See above.See above.See above.
SaturdaySee above.Clean bedroom and bathroom. Take child to school.Shopping.See above.Clean the whole kitchen.Darn socks and stockings.See above.Shop for Sunday.See above.Bathe child.Dinner and clean kitchen.See above.See above.
SundayGet up at 7, put fire and prepare breakfast and clean clothes.Ready child to leave house, personal hygiene and prepare for mass at ten.Light cleaning around the house and food preparation.See above.Tidy the kitchen.Siesta.In winter, a walk and merienda. In summer, sit and relax.In summer, prepare dinner. In winter, family time.In summer, a walk and dinner in the field. In winter, prepare and have dinner with the family.Clean kitchen. Think about food for tomorrow.See above.See above.


See also

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The Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, was a fascist political party founded in 1934 as merger of the Falange Española and the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista. The Falange Española de las JONS, which became the main Fascist group during the Second Spanish Republic, ceased to exist as such when, during the Civil War, General Francisco Franco merged it with the Traditionalist Communion in April 1937 to form the similarly named Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, which became the sole legal party in Spain until its dissolution in 1977.

Francoist Spain Period of Spain from 1939 to 1975

Francoist Spain, known in Spain as the Francoist dictatorship, was the period of Spanish history between 1936 and 1975, when Francisco Franco ruled Spain with the title Caudillo. After his death in 1975, Spain transitioned into a democracy. During this time period Spain was officially known as the Spanish State.

Falangism Political ideology of the Falange Española

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FET y de las JONS Political party in Spain between 1937 and 1977

The Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, frequently shortened to just "FET", was the sole legal party of the Francoist regime in Spain. It was created by General Francisco Franco in 1937 as a merger of the Carlist, monarchist, and ultracatholic Traditionalist Communion with the fascist Falange Española de las JONS. In addition to the resemblance of names, the party formally retained most of the platform of FE de las JONS and a similar inner structure. In force until April 1977, it was rebranded as Movimiento Nacional in 1958.

Nationalist faction (Spanish Civil War) Major faction in the Spanish Civil War of 1936 to 1939

The Nationalist faction or Rebel faction was a major faction in the Spanish Civil War of 1936 to 1939. It was composed of a variety of right-leaning political groups that supported the Spanish Coup of July 1936 against the Second Spanish Republic and Republican faction and sought to depose Manuel Azaña, including the Falange, the CEDA, and two rival monarchist claimants: the Alfonsist Renovación Española and the Carlist Traditionalist Communion. In 1937, all the groups were merged into the FET y de las JONS. One of the members of the 1936 coup, General Francisco Franco, would after the death of the faction's earlier leaders head the Nationalists throughout most of the war and emerge as the dictator of Spain until 1975.

Sección Femenina Womens branch of the Spanish political party Falange

The Sección Femenina was the women's branch of the Falange political movement in Spain. Founded in July 1934 as part of the Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU) of the Falange Española de las JONS, and fully incorporated to FE de las JONS later in the year, it remained as part of the FET y de las JONS following the 1937 Unification Decree, subsequently becoming an official institution of the single-party of the Francoist dictatorship. Following General Franco's death and the beginning of the transition to democracy it was disbanded on 1 April 1977 together with all Movimiento Nacional institutions. Sección Femenina was led throughout its history by Pilar Primo de Rivera, the younger sister of Falange Española founder José Antonio Primo de Rivera.

Women on the Nationalist side of the Spanish Civil War came from a culture and historical background that traditionally saw the role of women being defined by the Catholic Church. Prior to the founding of the Second Republic, women had few rights and were often under the control of their fathers or husbands. Their role in the state was to be a good mother, and the framework of the state supported that. They had few employment opportunities, were largely illiterate and their children often died during childbirth. Political activism was often based around Catholic organized women's groups. The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera saw women enlisted on electoral rolls for the first time, as well as being allowed to run for municipal political office and appointed to the national congress by 1927.

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Women in Francoist Spain found traditional Catholic Spanish gender roles being imposed on them, in terms of their employment opportunities and role in the family. For Republican women, Francoist Spain was a double loss, as the new regime first took away the limited political power and identities as women which they had won during the Second Spanish Republic (1931-1939), and it secondly forced them back into the confines of their homes. Motherhood would become the primary social function of women in Francoist Spain.

Women in the workforce in Francoist Spain

Women in the workforce in Francoist Spain faced high levels of discrimination. The end of the Spanish Civil War saw a return of traditional gender roles in the country. These were enforced by the regime through laws that regulated women's labor outside the home and the return of the Civil Code of 1889 and the former Law Procedure Criminal, which treated women as legally inferior to men. During the 1940s, women faced many obstacles to entering the workforce, including financial penalties for working outside the home, job loss upon marriage and few legally available occupations.

Women rights in Francoist Spain (1939–1975) and the democratic transition (1975–1985) were limited. The Franco regime immediately implemented draconian measures that legally incapacitated women, making them dependents of their husbands, fathers or the state. Moderate reforms would not begin until the 1960s, with more dramatic reforms taking place after Franco's death in 1975 and the ensuing democratic transition.

Motherhood in Francoist Spain was the definition of being a woman. Motherhood was important to the state because Hispanic eugenics saw women's bodies as state property. They were needed to rebuild Spain by creating a race of people aligned with the prevailing Catholic morality of the period. The regime then created numerous laws to enforce its vision of motherhood. These would not begin to relax until the late 1950s, and only face radical changes in the post-Franco period.

Feminism in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition period took place in a specific socio-historical context. Spanish feminism went through several waves in the Francoist period. Broadly speaking, they are first-wave feminism taking place from the mid-nineteenth century to 1965, second-wave feminism taking place from 1965 to 1975, and third-wave feminism taking place from 1975 to 2012.

Women in Partido Comunista de España in Francoist Spain faced many challenges. Partido Comunista de España (PCE) had been made illegal by the new regime, which banned all political parties and trade unions. In the final days of the Civil War and during the first days of Francoist Spain, women were imprisoned just for being related to "reds". They were also investigated, harassed, imprisoned and executed for expressing sympathy for Republicans or belonging to any leftist organization. Many women in PCE were caught up in this. PCE women's organization Agrupación de Mujeres Antifascistas survived the war, and shifted their priorities to assisting political prisoners in Francost jails.

Women in POUM in Francoist Spain were few as many, along with male dominated leadership, were forced into exile following the end of the Spanish Civil War. Those in exile often felt isolated and alone. Those who remained were sometimes sent to prison. POUM women participated in a hunger strike at Madrid's Las Ventas prison in 1946. The group fell by the wayside as Partido Comunista de España became the pre-dominant resistance organization in Spain. The organization finally dissolved during the 1950s in Toulouse, France with its memory kept alive by the wife of its last president, María Teresa Carbone, through the Fundació Andreu Nin.

Womens education in Francoist Spain

Women's education in Francoist Spain was based around the belief that women lacked the same intellectual abilities as men and that education should prepare women for lives in the home as wives and mothers.

Women in CNT in Francoist Spain were persecuted as part of state organized efforts to eliminate remaining leftist elements. Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) was formed in 1910, and from the onset it did not treat women equally to men inside the organization. This continued during the Second Spanish Republic, the Spanish Civil War and into Francoist Spain.

Childcare in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition

Childcare in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition was not about the needs of the mother, but about the needs of the state to educate children. While childcare centers had been provided by Republican aligned unions in the Spanish Civil Wars, with the start of the Franco period women were discouraged from participating in the workforce. Instead, they were expected to tend to their children in the home. The 1942 Ley de Sanidad Infantil y Maternal provided some assistance to working mothers, including maternity leave, economic incentives to breastfeed and infant childcare. By 1955, the Franco government offered educational programming for children aged three to five, but this was focused less on the needs of mothers for childcare and more on the desire to provide children with skills and abilities to succeed in later mandatory schooling. By 1970, children aged two to five were officially considered part of the educational system, even if attendance was not mandatory.

Womens suffrage in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition

Women's suffrage in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition was constrained by age limits, definitions around heads of household and a lack of elections. Women earned the right to vote in Spain in 1933 as a result of legal changes made during the Second Spanish Republic. Women lost most of their rights after Franco came to power in 1939 at the end of the Spanish Civil War, with the major exception that women did not universally lose their right to vote. Repression of the women's vote occurred nevertheless as the dictatorship held no national democratic elections between 1939 and 1977.

Gender violence and rape in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition

Gender violence and rape in Francoist Spain was a problem that was a result of Nationalist attitudes developed during the Spanish Civil War. Sexual violence was common on the part of Nationalist forces and their allies during the Civil War. Falangist rearguard troops would rape and murder women in cemeteries, hospitals, farmhouses, and prisons. They would rape, torture and murder socialists, young girls, nurses and milicianas. Regular Nationalist soldiers engaged in similar patterns of rape, torture and murder in places like Maials, Callus and Cantalpino. Moroccan Foreign Legionaries were used to commit rape against women to instil terror among local populaces, using rape as a weapon of war. Women in prison were also raped, often facing death if they refused to have sex with their captors. The exact extent of the problem will likely never be known as there was less record keeping around women, and quantification attempts have largely resulted in the erasure of women's history.

References

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  2. ↑ Martin Moruno, Dolorès (2010). "Becoming visible and real: Images of Republican Women during the Spanish Civil War". Visual Culture & Gender. 5: 5–15.
  3. 1 2 Bieder, Maryellen; Johnson, Roberta (1 December 2016). Spanish Women Writers and Spain's Civil War. Taylor & Francis. ISBN   9781134777167.
  4. 1 2 Valencia-García, Louie Dean (17 May 2018). Antiauthoritarian Youth Culture in Francoist Spain: Clashing with Fascism. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN   9781350038486.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Morcillo, Aurora G. (2010). The Seduction of Modern Spain: The Female Body and the Francoist Body Politic. Bucknell University Press. ISBN   9780838757536.
  6. ↑ O'Byrne, Patricia (2014). Post-war Spanish Women Novelists and the Recuperation of Historical Memory. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. ISBN   9781855662742.
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 No es país para jóvenes actas del III Encuentro de jóvenes investigadores de la AHC[It is not a country for young people Proceedings of the III Meeting of young researchers of the AHC] (in Spanish). Ibarra Aguirregabiria, Alejandra, Asociación de Historia Contemporánea. Vitoria-Gasteiz: Universidad del País Vasco. 2012. ISBN   9788498606362. OCLC   932813158.CS1 maint: others (link)
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Moïse, Marie; Durán Segura, Mercedes; Martínez-Pecino, Roberto; Rodríguez-Domínguez, Carmen; Peral Jiménez, Carolina; Paguey Alberdi, Jone; Carreño Corchete, Esther; Carcas Moreno, Leyre; Salido Machado, Elena (2017). Investigación joven con perspectiva de género II [Young research with a gender perspective II]. ISBN   9788416829231.
  9. 1 2 Ferrer Senabre, Isabel (2011). "Canto y cotidianidad: visibilidad y género durante el primer franquismo" [Song and everyday life: visibility and gender during the first Franco regime]. Trans. Revista Transcultural de Música (in Spanish) (15). ISSN   1697-0101.
  10. ↑ Quintero Maqua, Alicia Berta (23 June 2016). El eco de los presos: los libertarios en la cárceles franquistas y la solidaridad desde fuera de la prisión, 1936-1963 [The echo of the prisoners: libertarians in Franco's prisons and solidarity from outside the prison, 1936-1963] (info:eu-repo/semantics/doctoralThesis thesis) (in Spanish). Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
  11. 1 2 3 Richmond, Kathleen J. L. (2 September 2003). Women and Spanish Fascism: The Women's Section of the Falange 1934-1959. Routledge. ISBN   9781134439362.
  12. ↑ "Cuarenta años perdidos: la "educación" de la mujer durante el franquismo" [Forty years lost: the "education" of women during the Franco regime]. Los ojos de Hipatia (in Spanish). 16 April 2017. Retrieved 14 April 2019.
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