Jason Hickel

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Jason Hickel
Hickel at Oxford.png
Hickel in 2021
Born1982 (age 41–42)
Eswatini
NationalityEswati, British
Occupation(s)Academic, author
Website jasonhickel.org

Jason Edward Hickel [1] (born 1982) is an anthropologist and professor at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. [2] Hickel's research and writing focuses on economic anthropology and development, and is particularly opposed to capitalism, neocolonialism, as well as economic growth as a measure of human development. [3] [4]

Contents

Hickel is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, a visiting senior fellow at the International Inequalities Institute at the London School of Economics, and Chair Professor of Global Justice and the Environment at the University of Oslo. He is associate editor of the journal World Development , and serves on the Climate and Macroeconomics Roundtable of the US National Academy of Sciences. [5]

He is known for his books The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and its Solutions (2017) and Less Is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World (2020). A critic of capitalism, he argues that degrowth is the solution to human impact on the environment. He advocates for democratic socialism. [6]

Background

Hickel was born and raised in Swaziland (now Eswatini) where his parents were doctors at the height of the AIDS crisis. [7] He holds a bachelor's degree in anthropology from Wheaton College, USA (2004). [8] He worked in the non-profit sector in Nagaland, India and in Swaziland, [9] and received his PhD in anthropology from the University of Virginia in August 2011. [10] [11] His doctoral thesis was entitled Democracy and Sabotage: Moral Order and Political Conflict in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. [1] He taught at the London School of Economics from 2011 to 2017, where he held a Leverhulme Early Career Fellowship, and at Goldsmiths, University of London, from 2017 to 2021.

He served on the U.K. Labour Party task force on international development in 2017–2019. [12] [13] As of 2020 he serves on the Harvard-Lancet Commission on Reparations and Redistributive Justice, [14] on the Statistical Advisory Panel for the UN Human Development Report, [15] and on the advisory board for the Green New Deal for Europe. [16]

Scholarship

International development

Writing for a piece published in the journal World Development [17] and in an accompanying opinion piece for Al Jazeera, [18] Hickel, along with co-author Dylan Sullivan, dispute the view held by most economic historians, [19] : 1  that prior to the 19th century, the vast majority of humanity lived in extreme poverty which was eventually ameliorated by industrialization. On the contrary, they argue that it was the emergence of colonialism and the shoehorning of regions into the capitalist world system starting in the "long 16th century" that created "periods of severe social and economic dislocation" which resulted in wages crashing to subsistence levels and surging premature mortality. In India, for the years 1880 to 1920, Hickel and Sullivan estimate 50 million excess deaths when considering India's 1880s average death rate as normal mortality. When estimating excess mortality over England’s 16th and 17th-century average death rate, they calculate 165 million excess deaths in India between 1880 and 1920, which they state is "larger than the combined number of deaths that occurred during all famines in the Soviet Union, Maoist China, North Korea, Pol Pot's Cambodia, and Mengistu's Ethiopia". They conclude that human welfare only really began to increase in the 20th century, and note that this development coincided with "the rise of anti-colonial and socialist political movements." [17] [18] Critics of Hickel argue that there is a strong correlation between economic growth and improvements in welfare (as measured by factors such as leisure time, health care, life expectancy). [20]

Hickel argues in The Divide that pre-colonial societies were not poor. [19] : 1  He argues that precolonial agricultural societies in Africa and India were "quite content" with a "subsistence lifestyle" and that it was colonialism that made them worse off. [19] . He argues that the dominant narrative of "progress" in international development is overstated, and that poverty remains a widespread and persistent feature of the global economy, reproduced by power imbalances between the Global North and Global South. [21] [22] [23] Hickel argues that the International poverty line used to underwrite the progress narrative, (US$1.90 per day in 2011 PPP, the World Bank's definition of extreme poverty), has no empirical grounding in actual human needs, and is inadequate to achieve basic nutrition and health. Hickel argues that US$7.40 per day is required for nutrition and health. [19] Many other economists agree with Hickel that it would be more useful to use a higher daily income to define the poverty threshold, with some recommending $15 per day. [19] As a consequence of population growth, the absolute number of people living under this threshold has increased from 3.2 billion in 1981 to 4.2 billion in 2015, according to World Bank data. [19] [24] [25] [26] Hickel states that the vast majority of gains against poverty have been achieved by China and East Asian countries that were not subjected to structural adjustment schemes. Elsewhere, increases in income among the poor have been very small, and mostly inadequate to lift people out of his definition of poverty. [22] [24] However, all scholars and intellectuals, including Hickel, agree that the incomes of the poorest people in the world have increased since 1981. [19] Nevertheless, Sullivan and Hickel argue that poverty persists under contemporary global capitalism (in spite of it being highly productive) because masses of working people are cut off from common land and resources, have no ownership or control over the means of production, and have their labor power "appropriated by a ruling class or an external imperial power," thereby maintaining extreme inequality. [17]

Noah Smith has criticized Hickel for using a single threshold of poverty ($7.40 per day) and ignoring increases in incomes below that threshold. [27] Smith notes that an increase in income from $1.90 per day to $7.39 per day would be life-changing, but would not count as poverty alleviation for Hickel. [27] Additionally, Shaohua Chen and Martin Ravallion's research shows that no matter where the poverty threshold is defined, the percentage of the world's residents who live below it declined from 1981 to 2008. [19] : 1 

In a 2022 article published in Global Environmental Change , Hickel and a team of scholars state that in the globalized neoliberal capitalist economy, the Global North still relies on "imperialist appropriation" of resources and labor from the Global South, which annually amounts to "12 billion tons of embodied raw material equivalents, 822 million hectares of embodied land, 21 exajoules of embodied energy, and 188 million person-years of embodied labour, worth $10.8 trillion in Northern prices – enough to end extreme poverty 70 times over." From 1990 to 2015, this net appropriation amounted to $242 trillion. Hickel et al. write that this unequal exchange is a leading driver of uneven development, increasing global inequality and environmental degradation. [28]

On his blog, Hickel has criticised claims by Hans Rosling and others that global inequality has been decreasing and the gap between poor countries and rich countries has disappeared. This narrative relies on relative metrics (such as the "elephant graph"), which Hickel says obscure the fact that absolute inequality has worsened considerably over the past decades: the real per capita income gap between the Global North and Global South has quadrupled since 1960, [29] and the incomes of the richest one percent have increased by one hundred times more than the incomes of the poorest 60% of humanity over the period 1980 to 2016. [30] Hickel has argued that absolute metrics are the appropriate measure for assessing inequality trends in the world economy. [31] [32]

According to Hickel, the focus on aid as a tool for international development depoliticises poverty and misleads people into believing that rich countries are benevolent toward poorer countries. In reality, he says, financial flows from rich countries to poor countries are outstripped by flows that go in the opposite direction, including external debt service, tax evasion by multinational companies, patent licensing fees and other outflows resulting from structural features of neoliberal globalisation. [33] Moreover, Hickel argues that poor countries suffer significant losses due to international trade and finance rules (such as under structural adjustment programmes, free trade agreements, and the WTO framework) which depress their potential export revenues and prevent them from using protective tariffs, subsidies, and capital controls as tools for national economic development. According to Hickel, global poverty is ultimately an artefact of these structural imbalances. Focusing on aid distracts from the substantive reforms that would be necessary to address these problems. [34]

Hickel argues that trade between developed countries and developing countries is not mutually beneficial. [20]

Climate change and ecological economics

In 2020, Hickel published research in The Lancet Planetary Health based on 2015 data. It asserted that a small number of high-income countries are responsible for the overwhelming majority of historical CO2 emissions in excess of the planetary boundary (350 ppm). His analysis asserted that the US was responsible for 40%, the EU was responsible for 29%, the most industrialized countries were responsible for 90%, and the Global North as a group was responsible for 92%. [35] He has also argued that high-income nations are disproportionately responsible for other forms of global ecological breakdown, given their high levels of resource use. [36] Critics of Hickel argue that economic growth can occur while emissions decrease, pointing to data that shows that many countries have transitioned to green forms of energy while still experiencing economic growth. [20]

In a review paper written with the ecological economist Giorgos Kallis, Hickel argues that narratives about "green growth" have little empirical validity. They point to evidence showing that it is not feasible for high-income nations to achieve absolute reductions in resource use, or to reduce emissions to zero fast enough stay within the carbon budget for 2 °C if they continue to pursue GDP growth at historical rates. [37] Hickel and his colleagues argue that high-income nations need to scale down excess energy and resource use (i.e., "degrowth") in order to achieve a rapid transition to 100% renewable energy and to reverse ecological breakdown. [38]  He has argued that high-income nations do not need economic growth in order to achieve social goals; they can reduce excess resource and energy use while at the same time improving human well-being, by distributing income more fairly, expanding universal public goods, shortening the working week, and introducing a public job guarantee. [39] Hickel has also suggested that modern monetary theory (MMT) could be applied to further these ends and to transition towards a "post-growth, post-capitalist economy". [40] In a 2022 comment published in Nature , Hickel, Kallis and others say that both the IPCC and the IPBES "suggest that degrowth policies should be considered in the fight against climate breakdown and biodiversity loss, respectively." [41]

In 2020, Hickel proposed a Sustainable Development Index, which adjusts the Human Development Index by accounting for nations' ecological impact, in terms of per capita emissions and resource use. [42] [43] Hickel has also criticized United Nations' most important environmental metric, the Sustainable Development Goals Index (SDG Index) [44]

Journalism

Hickel writes on global development and political economy, and has contributed to The Guardian , [45] Foreign Policy , Al Jazeera, [46] Jacobin [47] and other media outlets. [48]

Awards

Books

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Poverty</span> Lack of financial assets or possessions

Poverty is a state or condition in which an individual lacks the financial resources and essentials for a basic standard of living. Poverty can have diverse environmental, legal, social, economic, and political causes and effects. When evaluating poverty in statistics or economics there are two main measures: absolute poverty which compares income against the amount needed to meet basic personal needs, such as food, clothing, and shelter; secondly, relative poverty measures when a person cannot meet a minimum level of living standards, compared to others in the same time and place. The definition of relative poverty varies from one country to another, or from one society to another.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Economic growth</span> Measure of increase in market value of goods

Economic growth can be defined as the increase or improvement in the inflation-adjusted economy in a financial year. The economic growth rate is typically calculated as real Gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate, real GDP per capita growth rate or GNI per capita growth. The "rate" of economic growth refers to the geometric annual rate of growth in GDP or GDP per capita between the first and the last year over a period of time. This growth rate represents the trend in the average level of GDP over the period, and ignores any fluctuations in the GDP around this trend. Growth is usually calculated in "real" value, which is inflation-adjusted, to eliminate the distorting effect of inflation on the prices of goods produced. Real GDP per capita is the GDP of the entire country divided by the number of people in the country. Measurement of economic growth uses national income accounting.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ecological economics</span> Interdependence of human economies and natural ecosystems

Ecological economics, bioeconomics, ecolonomy, eco-economics, or ecol-econ is both a transdisciplinary and an interdisciplinary field of academic research addressing the interdependence and coevolution of human economies and natural ecosystems, both intertemporally and spatially. By treating the economy as a subsystem of Earth's larger ecosystem, and by emphasizing the preservation of natural capital, the field of ecological economics is differentiated from environmental economics, which is the mainstream economic analysis of the environment. One survey of German economists found that ecological and environmental economics are different schools of economic thought, with ecological economists emphasizing strong sustainability and rejecting the proposition that physical (human-made) capital can substitute for natural capital.

Overconsumption describes a situation where a consumer overuses their available goods and services to where they can't, or don't want to, replenish or reuse them. In microeconomics, this may be described as the point where the marginal cost of a consumer is greater than their marginal utility. The term overconsumption is quite controversial in use and does not necessarily have a single unifying definition. When used to refer to natural resources to the point where the environment is negatively affected, it is synonymous with the term overexploitation. However, when used in the broader economic sense, overconsumption can refer to all types of goods and services, including manmade ones, e.g. "the overconsumption of alcohol can lead to alcohol poisoning". Overconsumption is driven by several factors of the current global economy, including forces like consumerism, planned obsolescence, economic materialism, and other unsustainable business models and can be contrasted with sustainable consumption.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Global North and Global South</span> Terms that denote two groups of countries

Global North and Global South are terms that denote a method of grouping countries based on their defining characteristics with regard to socioeconomics and politics. According to UN Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the Global South broadly comprises Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia, and Oceania. Most of the Global South's countries are commonly identified as lacking in their standard of living, which includes having lower incomes, high levels of poverty, high population growth rates, inadequate housing, limited educational opportunities, and deficient health systems, among other issues. Additionally, these countries' cities are characterized by their poor infrastructure. Opposite to the Global South is the Global North, which the UNCTAD describes as broadly comprising Northern America and Europe, Israel, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand. As such, the two terms do not refer to the Northern Hemisphere or the Southern Hemisphere, as many of the Global South's countries are geographically located in the former and, similarly, a number of the Global North's countries are geographically located in the latter.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Economic inequality</span> Distribution of income or wealth between different groups

Economic inequality is an umbrella term for a) income inequality or distribution of income, b) wealth inequality or distribution of wealth, and c) consumption inequality. Each of these can be measured between two or more nations, within a single nation, or between and within sub-populations.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Steady-state economy</span> Constant capital and population size

A steady-state economy is an economy made up of a constant stock of physical wealth (capital) and a constant population size. In effect, such an economy does not grow in the course of time. The term usually refers to the national economy of a particular country, but it is also applicable to the economic system of a city, a region, or the entire world. Early in the history of economic thought, classical economist Adam Smith of the 18th century developed the concept of a stationary state of an economy: Smith believed that any national economy in the world would sooner or later settle in a final state of stationarity.

Post-capitalism is in part a hypothetical state in which the economic systems of the world can no longer be described as forms of capitalism. Various individuals and political ideologies have speculated on what would define such a world. According to classical Marxist and social evolutionary theories, post-capitalist societies may come about as a result of spontaneous evolution as capitalism becomes obsolete. Others propose models to intentionally replace capitalism, most notably socialism, communism, anarchism, nationalism and degrowth.

Capitalism is an economic system based on the private ownership of the means of production. This is generally taken to imply the moral permissibility of profit, free trade, capital accumulation, voluntary exchange, wage labor, etc. Its emergence, evolution, and spread are the subjects of extensive research and debate. Debates sometimes focus on how to bring substantive historical data to bear on key questions. Key parameters of debate include: the extent to which capitalism is natural, versus the extent to which it arises from specific historical circumstances; whether its origins lie in towns and trade or in rural property relations; the role of class conflict; the role of the state; the extent to which capitalism is a distinctively European innovation; its relationship with European imperialism; whether technological change is a driver or merely a secondary byproduct of capitalism; and whether or not it is the most beneficial way to organize human societies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Criticism of capitalism</span> Arguments against the economic system of capitalism

Criticism of capitalism typically ranges from expressing disagreement with particular aspects or outcomes of capitalism to rejecting the principles of the capitalist system in its entirety. Criticism comes from various political and philosophical approaches, including anarchist, socialist, Marxist, religious, and nationalist viewpoints. Some believe that capitalism can only be overcome through revolution while others believe that structural change can come slowly through political reforms. Some critics believe there are merits in capitalism and wish to balance it with some form of social control, typically through government regulation.

In international economics, overdevelopment refers to a way of seeing global inequality and pollution that focuses on the negative consequences of excessive consumption. It is the opposite extreme to underdevelopment.

Prosperity is the flourishing, thriving, good fortune and successful social status. Prosperity often produces profuse wealth including other factors which can be profusely wealthy in all degrees, such as happiness and health.

Inclusive capitalism is a theoretical concept and policy movement that seeks to address the growing income and wealth inequality within Western capitalism following the financial crisis of 2007–2008.

Degrowth is an academic and social movement critical of the concept of growth in gross domestic product as a measure of human and economic development. The idea of degrowth is based on ideas and research from economic anthropology, ecological economics, environmental sciences, and development studies. It argues that modern capitalism's unitary focus on growth causes widespread ecological damage and is unnecessary for the further increase of human living standards. Degrowth theory has been met with both academic acclaim and considerable criticism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Causes of poverty</span>

The causes of poverty may vary with respect to nation, region, and in comparison with other countries at the global level. Yet, there is a commonality amongst these causes. Philosophical perspectives and especially historical perspectives, including some factors at a micro and macro level can be considered in understanding these causes.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Post-growth</span> Beyond optimum economic growth

Post-growth is a stance on economic growth concerning the limits-to-growth dilemma — recognition that, on a planet of finite material resources, extractive economies and populations cannot grow infinitely. The term "post-growth" acknowledges that economic growth can generate beneficial effects up to a point, but beyond that point it is necessary to look for other indicators and techniques to increase human wellbeing.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ecomodernism</span> Environmental philosophy

Ecomodernism is an environmental philosophy which argues that technological development can protect nature and improve human wellbeing through eco-economic decoupling, i.e., by separating economic growth from environmental impacts.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Giorgos Kallis</span>

Giorgos Kallis is an ecological economist from Greece. He is an ICREA Research Professor at ICTA - Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, where he teaches political ecology. He is one of the principal advocates of the theory of degrowth.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Growth imperative</span> Economic concept

Growth imperative is a term in economic theory regarding a possible necessity of economic growth. On the micro level, it describes mechanisms that force firms or consumers (households) to increase revenues or consumption to not endanger their income. On the macro level, a political growth imperative exists if economic growth is necessary to avoid economic and social instability or to retain democratic legitimacy, so that other political goals such as climate change mitigation or a reduction of inequality are subordinated to growth policies.

Ecologically or ecological unequal exchange is a concept from ecological economics that builds from the notion of unequal exchange. It considers the inequities hidden in the monetary value of trade flows not only in terms of wages, and quantities of labor but also regarding materials, energy and environmental degradation. As labor is also a form of energy, unequal exchange of embodied labor can even be considered a subset of the wider phenomenon of ecologically unequal exchange. There is an uneven utilization of the environment at the global level not only due to the uneven distribution of resources, but also to shift the environmental burden. The consumption and capital accumulation of core countries are based on environmental degradation and extraction in periphery countries. Sustainability analysis and solutions with a production-based perspective in core countries may thus keep increase unsustainability at the global level. The current configuration of global production networks that leads to this asymmetric trade patterns has evolved historically with colonialism. Whereas ecological unequal exchange is a concept developed in academia, the concept of ecological debt is used in an activism context of environmental justice. The latter defines the accumulation of this unequal exchange through history.

References

  1. 1 2 One Hundred and Eighty-Third Final Exercises (PDF). University of Virginia. 20 May 2012. p. 24. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 December 2021. Retrieved 12 February 2021.
  2. ↑ "Jason Hickel - Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology - UAB Barcelona". www.uab.cat. Retrieved 11 September 2023.[ permanent dead link ]
  3. ↑ Hickel, Jason (23 September 2015). "Forget 'developing' poor countries, it's time to 'de-develop' rich countries". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 11 September 2023.
  4. ↑ "Five reasons to think twice about the UN's Sustainable Development Goals". South Asia@LSE. 23 September 2015. Retrieved 11 September 2023.
  5. ↑ "About". Jason Hickel. Retrieved 11 September 2023.
  6. ↑ Hickel, Jason; Global, Dylan SullivanTopics: Capitalism Inequality Marxism Political Economy Socialism Places (1 July 2023). "Monthly Review | Capitalism, Global Poverty, and the Case for Democratic Socialism". Monthly Review. Retrieved 21 December 2024.
  7. ↑ "The Divide". Renegade Inc. 29 September 2017. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  8. ↑ "UVA Graduate Student Receives Newcombe Fellowship". UVA Today. 5 May 2010. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  9. ↑ Archived at Ghostarchive and the Wayback Machine : JASON HICKEL on NGOs and Bill Gates. YouTube .
  10. ↑ Disk 1690-000, Diss.Anthrop 2011.H53, XX(5587297.3) University of Virginia Library
  11. ↑ "New ACLS Faculty Fellow: Jason Hickel | Department of Anthropology". anthropology.virginia.edu. Archived from the original on 8 October 2020. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  12. ↑ "Dr Jason Hickel". lse.ac.uk. Retrieved 25 December 2019.
  13. ↑ "Jason Hickel". unitedagents.co.uk. Retrieved 25 December 2019.
  14. ↑ "Biographies | Lancet Commission on Reparations and Redistributive Justice". projects.iq.harvard.edu. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  15. ↑ "Virtual Consultation on the 2020 Human Development Report" (PDF).
  16. ↑ "About us". Green New Deal for Europe. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  17. 1 2 3 Sullivan, Dylan; Hickel, Jason (2023). "Capitalism and extreme poverty: A global analysis of real wages, human height, and mortality since the long 16th century". World Development. 161: 106026. doi: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2022.106026 .
  18. 1 2 Sullivan, Dylan; Hickel, Jason (2 December 2022). "How British colonialism killed 100 million Indians in 40 years". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 13 December 2022.
  19. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Matthews, Dylan (12 February 2019). "Bill Gates tweeted out a chart and sparked a huge debate about global poverty". Vox .
  20. 1 2 3 Piper, Kelsey (3 August 2021). "Can we save the planet by shrinking the economy?". Vox.
  21. ↑ "Book Review: The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and its Solutions by Jason Hickel". LSE Review of Books. 3 August 2017. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  22. 1 2 "Bill Gates says poverty is decreasing. He couldn't be more wrong | Jason Hickel". the Guardian. 29 January 2019. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  23. ↑ "A letter to Steven Pinker (and Bill Gates, for that matter) about global poverty". Jason Hickel. 4 February 2019. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  24. 1 2 "Progress and its discontents". New Internationalist. 12 August 2019. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  25. ↑ Hickel, Jason (3 May 2016), "The true extent of global poverty and hunger: questioning the good news narrative of the Millennium Development Goals journal", Third World Quarterly, 37 (5): 749–767, doi:10.1080/01436597.2015.1109439, ISSN   0143-6597, S2CID   155669076
  26. ↑ Hickel, Jason. The Divide. pp. Chapter 2.
  27. 1 2 "The World Really Is Getting Richer as Poor Countries Catch Up". Bloomberg.com. 7 March 2019. Retrieved 26 May 2023.
  28. ↑ Hickel, Jason; Dorninger, Christian; Wieland, Hanspeter; Suwandi, Intan (2022). "Imperialist appropriation in the world economy: Drain from the global South through unequal exchange, 1990–2015". Global Environmental Change. 73 (102467): 102467. Bibcode:2022GEC....7302467H. doi: 10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2022.102467 .
  29. ↑ "Global inequality: Do we really live in a one-hump world?". Jason Hickel. 17 March 2019. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  30. ↑ "How bad is global inequality, really?". Jason Hickel. 3 March 2019. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  31. ↑ "How not to measure inequality". Jason Hickel. 15 May 2019. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  32. ↑ "Inequality metrics and the question of power". Jason Hickel. 4 July 2019. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  33. ↑ "Aid in reverse: how poor countries develop rich countries | Jason Hickel". the Guardian. 14 January 2017. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  34. ↑ "The Development Delusion: Foreign Aid and Inequality". American Affairs Journal. 16 August 2017. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  35. ↑ Hickel, Jason (1 September 2020). "Quantifying national responsibility for climate breakdown: an equality-based attribution approach for carbon dioxide emissions in excess of the planetary boundary". The Lancet Planetary Health. 4 (9): e399–e404. doi: 10.1016/S2542-5196(20)30196-0 . ISSN   2542-5196. PMID   32918885.
  36. ↑ Hickel, Jason (2020). Less Is More. pp. 106 ff.
  37. ↑ Hickel, Jason; Kallis, Giorgos (6 June 2020). "Is Green Growth Possible?". New Political Economy. 25 (4): 469–486. doi:10.1080/13563467.2019.1598964. ISSN   1356-3467. S2CID   159148524.
  38. ↑ Mastini, Riccardo; Kallis, Giorgos; Hickel, Jason (1 January 2021). "A Green New Deal without growth?". Ecological Economics. 179: 106832. Bibcode:2021EcoEc.17906832M. doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2020.106832. ISSN   0921-8009. S2CID   225007846.
  39. ↑ Hickel, Jason (2020). Less Is More. pp. Chapters 4 and 5.
  40. ↑ Hickel, Jason (23 September 2020). "Degrowth and MMT: a thought experiment". jasonhickel.org. Retrieved 9 July 2023. MMT proposals align elegantly with one of degrowth's key observations, namely, that if growthism depends on the perpetual creation of artificial scarcity, then by reversing artificial scarcity – by providing public abundance – we can dismantle the growth imperative. As Giorgos Kallis has put it, "capitalism cannot survive under conditions of abundance". MMT provides an opportunity for us to create a post-growth, post-capitalist economy.
  41. ↑ Hickel, Jason; Kallis, Giorgos; Jackson, Tim; O’Neill, Daniel W.; Schor, Juliet B.; Steinberger, Julia K.; et al. (12 December 2022). "Degrowth can work — here's how science can help". Nature . 612 (7940): 400–403. Bibcode:2022Natur.612..400H. doi: 10.1038/d41586-022-04412-x . PMID   36510013. S2CID   254614532.
  42. ↑ Hickel, Jason (1 January 2020). "The sustainable development index: Measuring the ecological efficiency of human development in the anthropocene". Ecological Economics. 167: 106331. Bibcode:2020EcoEc.16706331H. doi: 10.1016/j.ecolecon.2019.05.011 . ISSN   0921-8009.
  43. ↑ "Home". sustainabledevelopmentindex.org.
  44. ↑ The World's Sustainable Development Goals Aren't Sustainable. There are big problems with the United Nations' most important environmental metric.
  45. ↑ "Jason Hickel". TheGuardian.com .
  46. ↑ "Jason Hickel".
  47. ↑ "Jason Hickel". 13 February 2019.
  48. ↑ "Jason Hickel".
  49. ↑ "About ASA - Teaching and Lecturing prize". www.theasa.org. Retrieved 8 December 2021.

Further reading

External videos
Nuvola apps kaboodle.svg Doha Debates w/ Jason Hickel, Anand Giridharadas, Ameenah Gurib-Fakim on YouTube
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