This article needs additional citations for verification .(July 2017) |
Mala | |
---|---|
Religions | |
Languages | Telugu |
Populated states | Andhra Pradesh • Telangana • Karnataka |
Ethnicity | Telugus |
Mala is a Telugu caste from the Indian states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. They are also present in smaller numbers in the states of Karnataka and Maharashtra. They are classified as a Scheduled Caste (SC) by the Government of India. [1] According to 2001 census data, Malas constituted 41.6 percent (5.39 lakh) of the Scheduled Castes population in the then state of Andhra Pradesh, which also included the present state of Telangana. [2]
During the 12th century, Palanati Brahmanaidu, the minister of Palnadu, took Kannamma Dasu, a Mala who valiantly fought and died in the Battle of Palnadu, under his patronage. Subsequently, the descendants of Kannama Dasu were known as Mala Dasulus and were appointed as head priests of the Chennakesava Swamy Temples. [3] Malas are traditional silk weavers as well. Even these sects exists presently in some parts of Andhra Pradesh.
In 1909, Edgar Thurston noted that Malas were originally a tribe of freelance hill warriors and paid mercenaries who raided and looted under the Polygars of Vijayanagara. [4]
In the 19th century, many Malas, especially in coastal Andhra, converted to Lutheranism after the arrival of Christian missionaries.
In 1917, Bhagya Reddy Varma & Aringe Ramaswamy organised Adi-Andhra movement led Malas alongside Madigas to be part of Dravidian ideology. In the census of 1931, about a lot of them mentioned their castes as Adi Andhra and were officially included into the list of Depressed Classes in 1935 Govt. of India Acts and later got carried in 1950 Constitution of India. [5]
With the advent of the Green revolution, Reddys, who had bought up lands from the erstwhile Brahmin landlords. However, the landless Dalits (mainly Malas) and backward classes still faced dire circumstances due to lack of support from various governments. Dalits were unable to obtain land, or quality education. Starting in the 1980s with the political ascendancy of the Reddy communities, Malas and other Dalits became the targets of violence with increasing frequency and brutality. Influenced by Ambedkarite and Marxist thought, the Dalit Mahasabha, with charismatic leaders such as Katti Padma Rao and Bhojja Tarakam sought the annihilation of caste and untouchability through social transformation, very different from the Gandhian ideals of "upliftment." Their demands also included true land reform. A boost to their organization occurred after the brutal Tsundur massacre of 1991, where Reddys slaughtered 8 Malas. However, the movement was weakened when Rao sought to enter electoral politics. [6]
When the Bahujan Samaj Party and Samajwadi Party won the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections in 1993, it gave hope to Katti Padma Rao that a similar victory could be achieved in Andhra Pradesh. However, because of this, the movement split: with Rao leading a faction favouring political influence and Tarakam leading a separate faction. Rao's dreams were shattered by the assembly elections of 1994, where the TDP promised a slew of populist schemes to counter the mobilization of subaltern castes and won decisively. [6]
Tarakam opposed the 'Madiga Dandora Movement' in 1990s related to categorisation of the Scheduled Caste quota and denied allegations of snatching major share of caste quotas and established 'Mala Mahanadu' to counter its demands. However, the CBN government, sensing an opportunity to divide the Dalits, established a commission which recommended sub-categorization of SC quota. This infuriated the Malas and inexorably divided the Malas and Madigas, so that a united Dalit movement would be less strong than earlier. [6]
The Mala of Andhra Pradesh are considered a righthand community (valangai - agricultural basis), whilst the Madiga of the region are the left-hand (idangai - castes based on manufacturing, eg., leatherwork). [7] [ needs context ] https://doi.org/10.1177/025764309501100101
According to Government of India census data from 2001, [2] Malas constituted 41.6 percent (5,139,305) of the Scheduled Castes (SC) population in the then state of Andhra Pradesh, which has subsequently been bifurcated by the creation of Telangana state. [2]
They are also classified as a Scheduled Caste in Karnataka. [8]
A significant section of the Mala, and almost all in Coastal Andhra, turned to Christianity but after noticing the similar caste politics in the Telugu Catholic church, shifted to Protestantism instead. They are mainly prominent in the Andhra Evangelical Lutheran Church (AELC) and Church of South India (CSI). [9]
They made good use of the Christian educational programs, elevating some of their social position and now form part of the upper middle class. These Christian Malas are commonly called Merugumala people, who came from Godavari Krishna basin. They are eligible to avail themselves of reservation under "Backward Classes -C" category with 1% reservation at state level and as Other Backward Class at the national level, although many claim no reservation and form part of the general Forward caste category. [10]
Some have been demanding central Government to accord them SC status on par with Dalit Buddhists, Dalit Sikhs and not to discriminate them on religious grounds for being Dalit Christians. The case related to their demand is pending with the Supreme Court of India since 2005. [11] [12]
The Other Backward Class (OBC) is a collective term used by the Government of India to classify communities that are "educationally or socially backward". It is one of several official classifications of the population of India, along with general castes, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The OBCs were found to comprise 52% of the country's population by the Mandal Commission report of 1980 and were determined to be 41% in 2006 when the National Sample Survey Organisation took place. There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in India; it is generally estimated to be sizable, but many believe that it is higher than the figures quoted by either the Mandal Commission or the National Sample Survey.
Madiga is a Telugu caste from southern India. They mainly live in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Karnataka, with a small minority in Tamil Nadu. Madigas are historically associated with the work of tannery, leatherwork and small handicrafts. Today, most are agricultural labourers. They are categorized as a Scheduled Caste by the Government of India. Within the Madiga community, there are various sub-castes include Bindla they work mostly known to make shoes, Chindu They are nomadic performing caste, Chindus constantly travel to different villages and live with Madigas they can be identified as worshippers of Yellamma diety, Dakkali, Dakkala or Dakkali is the name of a class of mendicants who beg from Mādigas only, Mashti, a nomadic tribe with martial art skills has by and large gone unnoticed in this part of East Godavari. They are unknown to many beyond the district and deprived of any support from the authorities. They are known as ‘Mala Mashtis’, Sangaris they are known for making handicrafts and wood carving. The priestly class is known as Madiga Dasu they are associated with temple worships and have had a long history of being agricultural land owners they are also worshippers of Venkateswara or Narasimha dieties.
Kapu is a Hindu caste mainly found in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. They are classified as a Forward caste. They are a community of land-owning agriculturists. Historically, they have also been warriors and military generals (Nayakas) in Hindu armies. They are a dominant caste of Andhra Pradesh. Kapus commonly carry the title Naidu. They are primarily present in Coastal Andhra with major concentration in the Godavari-Krishna delta region.
Politics in South India is typically dominated by regional parties than by the larger national political parties such as the Indian National Congress (INC), Communist Party of India (Marxist) or Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). However, both the BJP, INC and CPI(M) have had some success in forging alliances with regional parties. Unlike in North India, where religion plays an important role in driving local politics, South India's political issues of contention are mainly language and ethnicity.
Reservation is a system of caste-based affirmative action in India. Based on provisions in the Indian Constitution, it allows the Union Government and the States and Territories of India to set a percentage of reserved quotas or seats, in higher education admissions, employment, political bodies, etc., for "socially and economically backward citizens".
Adi-Andhra is a Telugu caste found in the Indian states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, primarily in the Coastal Andhra region. They are categorised as a Scheduled Caste by the Government of India.
Forward caste is a term used in India to denote castes which are not listed in SC, ST or OBC reservation lists. They are on average considered ahead of other castes economically and educationally. They account for about 30.8% of the population based on Schedule 10 of available data from the National Sample Survey Organisation 55th (1999–2000) and National Sample Survey Organisation 61st Rounds (2004–05) Round Survey.
In India, a number of political positions and university posts are held for specific groups of the population, including Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and women in some cases.
The Tsundur Massacre refers to the killing of several Dalit people in the village of Tsundur, Guntur district, Andhra Pradesh, India, on 6 August 1991. 8 Dalits were massacred by Reddy men with the alleged help of the police. When a young graduate Dalit youth was beaten because his feet unintentionally touched a Reddy woman near a cinema hall, the Dalits of the village supported him. As a result, Dalits were socially boycotted by the Reddy landowners of the village. Many Dalits have lost their livelihood as they depend on the daily wages by working in the paddy fields of the Reddys. The significance of this atrocity was Dalits collectively fought to gain legal justice by invoking SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989.
The Neerukonda Massacre happened in Andhra Pradesh on July 15, 1987, in Neerukonda village, inside the Guntur district of India's Andhra Pradesh state. An angry mob composed of members of the Kamma caste began attacking Dalit Malas after some of them held a wedding ceremony inside the town's upper-class areas. The rioters killed five people, one a Yadav and the remaining four Malas. Among those people killed was a 60-year old Mala elder. Many Malas fled to nearby Mangalagiri.
Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti or MRPS is a not-for profit organisation formed to demand the categorisation of the SC reservation quota in Andhra Pradesh and states of India to ensure equitable distribution of state allocations for all the constituent Dalit castes, including the Madiga. It was formed under the leadership of Manda Krishna Madiga in 1994 and is currently headed by him
Manda Krishna Madiga, born as Yellaiah on July 7, 1965, is a prominent Indian politician and activist known for his unwavering commitment to the rights of the marginalized Madiga community. His journey from early anti-caste activism in the 1980s to founding the Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti in 1994 and adding the Madiga surname has been marked by advocacy efforts spanning issues such as caste discrimination, children's health, and disability rights.
Dr. Thatikonda Rajaiah is an Indian politician and medical practitioner. He has been serving as the Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) for the Station Ghanpur assembly constituency since the year 2009, representing the Bharat Rashtra Samithi. In his political journey, Rajaiah started as a member of the Indian National Congress but later joined the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (TRS) party to support the separate Telangana state movement. He was sworn in as Deputy Chief Minister of Telangana state with the Department of Health and Family Welfare on 2 June 2014 along with Md. Mohamood Ali.
Bhagya Reddy Varma, born as Madari Bagaiah was an Indian political leader, social reformer and activist. He fought against untouchability in Hyderabad State. He also fought for abolition of the Jogini and Devdasi systems.
Arige Ramaswamy, a noted social activist, politician and social reformer.
Pothula Vigneswara Rao spearheaded the Dalit Mala Mahanadu movement in Andhra Pradesh to fight against the categorisation of Scheduled Castes into A, B, C, D groups.
Katti Padma Rao is a Dalit poet, scholar and activist from Andhra Pradesh, India. He is the founding general secretary of Dalit Mahasabha, a people's organisation that spearheaded the Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh in the aftermath of the 1985 Karamchedu massacre in the coastal region of that state. A scholar in both Telugu and Sanskrit, he has published several volumes of poetry, and books on sociology, religion, philosophy, history, and women's studies. He is a regular columnist in major Telugu newspapers and magazines.
Karamchedu massacre refers to an incident that occurred in Karamchedu, Bapatla district of Andhra Pradesh on 17 July 1985, where brutality by Kamma landlords against Madigas (Dalits) resulted in the killing of six Madigas and grievous injuries to many others. Three Madiga women were raped. Hundreds of Madigas in the village were displaced from their home & killed after their houses were burnt and looted.
Bojja Tharakam was an Indian poet, writer, social and political activist and a human rights advocate. Tharakam was a lawyer in the Andhra Pradesh State High Court, fighting against the problems that Dalits have had to confront.
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