Madiga | |
---|---|
Classification | Scheduled caste |
Religions | Hinduism, Christianity |
Languages | Telugu • Kannada • Tamil |
Country | India |
Populated states | Andhra Pradesh • Telangana • Karnataka • Tamilnadu • Maharastra |
Region | South India |
Population | 7.66 million |
Madiga is a Telugu caste from southern India. [1] They mainly live in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Karnataka, with a small minority in Tamil Nadu. [2] [3] Madigas are historically associated with the work of tannery, leatherwork and small handicrafts. [4] Today, most are agricultural labourers. [5] They are categorized as a Scheduled Caste by the Government of India. [6] Within the Madiga community, there are various sub-castes [7] [8] include Bindla they work mostly known to make shoes, Chindu They are nomadic performing caste, Chindus constantly travel to different villages and live with Madigas they can be identified as worshippers of Yellamma diety, Dakkali, Dakkala or Dakkali is the name of a class of mendicants who beg from Mādigas only, Mashti, a nomadic tribe with martial art skills has by and large gone unnoticed in this part of East Godavari. They are unknown to many beyond the district and deprived of any support from the authorities. They are known as ‘Mala Mashtis’, Sangaris [9] [10] they are known for making handicrafts and wood carving. The priestly class is known as Madiga Dasu they are associated with temple worships and have had a long history of being agricultural land owners they are also worshippers of Venkateswara or Narasimha dieties. [11]
Edgar Thurston and Siraj-ul-Hasan speculated Madiga derived from Mahadige or maha dige ra (transl. great man come down). [12] This is related to the common origin story that the Madigas originated from Jambavanta, who helped the gods out of a difficulty. [13] The Madiga community is truly remarkable and admirable. They embody simplicity and innovation within the Hindu tradition. Known for their self-employment, they perform incredible feats with their skills and resourcefulness.
Their ability to create valuable items from waste materials, such as musical instruments like the dappu and kanjiura, is a testament to their ingenuity. They also craft high-quality ropes, brooms, and agricultural tools essential for farmers' daily lives. Their craftsmanship extends to producing durable shoes from animal hides, showcasing their versatile talents.
Culturally, the Madiga community excels as traditional performers, particularly through their street plays, known as Chindi Madiga (with Chindu being an art form akin to Bharatanatyam). Their presence is indispensable at Hindu festivals, marriages, pujas, and final rites, as their traditional dappu performances are integral to these ceremonies.
Despite misconceptions about untouchability, which were related to their specific tanning work and the need to maintain purity during this process, it's essential to recognize that this was a limited practice related to a specific context. Historically, there was some jealousy towards their prosperity, and their diverse skills were not fully appreciated during British rule.
In truth, the Madiga community is highly respected within Hindu Sanatana Dharma. Esteemed figures such as Maa Arundati and Matanga Maharshi hail from this community, reflecting their deep cultural and spiritual significance.
Madigas live mainly in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Karnataka, with small minorities in neighboring states. As per the 2011 census, in United Andhra Pradesh Madigas constituted 48.27% of the total Scheduled Caste population with a population of 6,702,609. [14] While Malas constituted 40.11%. [15] Around 3.4 million Madigas live in Andhra Pradesh and another 3.3 million lives throughout Telangana. [16]
In Karnataka, the Madigas make up 9.1% of the total Scheduled Caste population, totaling 953,913 individuals. In Old Mysore, the Madigas were one of the main Dalit communities, along with the Holeyas. [17]
In Tamil Nadu, their population is recorded at 5,929, [18] and in Maharashtra, it stands at 15,318. [19]
In 2009, the term "Arunthathiyar" in Tamil Nadu was officially designated as an umbrella term encompassing various communities, including Arunthathiyar, Chakkiliyan, Madari, Madiga, Pagadai, Thoti and Adi Andhra with a combined population of 2,150,285. [20]
State | Population | Percentage in State Population | Notes |
---|---|---|---|
Andhra Pradesh | 3,468,967 | 7.3% | |
Telangana | 3,222,642 | 9.21% | |
Karnataka | 953,913 | 1.56% | |
Tamil Nadu | 5,929 | 0.008% | 2.97% (2,150,285 including sub-castes) |
Maharashtra | 15,318 | 0.013 |
The occupation of the Madiga community is primarily associated with tanning leather, making footwear, belts, pouches, toddy-containers and bags which were provided to different castes as needed. Additionally, the Madiga community is known for their expertise in crafting the traditional drum called the Dappu. [21] A significant portion of the Madiga population traditionally worked as cobblers. They specialized in crafting and repairing footwear. [22] They are also village drummers who use Dandora or Dappu in festivals, death and marriage ceremony and announcements. [23]
Some Madigas were traditionally engaged in various village services, including activities like horn-blowing, drum-beating, removal of animal carcasses, cleaning of public spaces and menial tasks. In exchange for their services, they received inam land. Those specifically involved in menial work were referred to as etti-Madiga. Their responsibilities included street cleaning, carrying government officials luggage, helping with revenue collection, maintaining peace as watchmen, household and farm chores for their landlord family. [24] In the past, Madigas were obligated to provide free labor under the vetti system to landlords for a certain number of days during peak periods of agricultural labour. [25] When payment was made, it was less than what was paid to the rest of the farmers. [16] In some areas, landlords allocated land to Dalits, mainly Madigas, and provided initial resources. In return, tenants worked on the landlord's fields for nominal wages and received only 1/3 of the crop after harvest, maintaining their economic dependence. [16]
The first social reform movements, driven by paternalistic upper-caste leaders, aimed to uplift the Madigas by encouraging them to adopt upper-caste customs and traditions. This involved forsaking practices such as alcohol consumption and rituals like the buffalo sacrifice. Despite the initial enthusiasm of the Madigas, they eventually abandoned these movements upon realizing that the upper castes continued to treat them with the same contempt as before. Subsequently, they turned to secular paths for upliftment, such as pursuing education and changing occupations, opportunities that were further opened up to them through the reservation system. [26]
After the 1960s, significant changes occurred in Madiga livelihoods. The introduction of the Green Revolution led to more capital-intensive farming and mechanization, increasing the need for laborers. [27] Additionally, industrially-produced goods began dominating rural markets, undermining the traditional occupations of Madiga leather artisans. This pushed many Madigas as agriculture laborers, increasing their dependence on landlords. The Green Revolution benefited the upper castes but left landless Madiga and Mala laborers facing continued exploitation. [25]
Early politics related to Dalits, including Madigas, in Andhra Pradesh was centered around welfare schemes for them, a form of politics most typical of Indian Congress. With the rise of the TDP (Telugu Desam Party), social polarization took on a political hue: with Dalits being considered "rebellious" if they did not support the TDP. In Telangana, Dalits and other backward communities formed the main base of the Left parties, who helped bring an end to the vetti system and other injustices committed by the landlords. However, in areas where the Left was not strong, the Dalits followed patronage systems and supported the Congress party, which was led by their Reddy landlords. [16]
Initially, during the 1991 Indian general election, the DMS (Dalit Maha Sabha) was unable to turn the Dalit anger after Tsundur massacre into setting the political discourse. However, after the Bahujan Samaj Party - Samajwadi Party alliance came to power in the 1993 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, the DMS thought they could create a similar victory in Andhra Pradesh. With the political aspirations of the Dalits and some other backward classes (like the Gollas) awakened, Kanshi Ram's 1994 tour of Andhra Pradesh garnered significant popularity and spurred the awakening of leaders not only within the Malas, Madigas, and other Dalit castes but also among marginalized leaders from the Backward Classes (BC). But when the media focused on the BSP in Andhra Pradesh, the Dalits felt that the local media was biased and only talked about problems within the BSP. This sudden rise of Dalit voices made the Congress and TDP change their election strategies. The Congress tried to get the votes of BSP supporters, and the TDP introduced popular programs. The TDP's efforts paid off, and they won big in the 1994 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, [28] while the BSP didn't do well. People believed that the Mahasabha, which had originally aimed for social change, moving into politics, was bad for the fight against caste discrimination in Andhra Pradesh. This led to the breakup of grassroots activists and their leaders. [16]
In 1994, Manda Krishna Madiga and Dandu Veeraiah Madiga formed the Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti (MRPS) to demand the categorization of the SC reservation quota to ensure equitable distribution of state allocations for all the constituent castes in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, with implications extending beyond these states. [29] This movement, more popularly known as the Madiga Dandora movement, held dharnas, mass rallies, rail rokos, and other activities to publicize for the demand of sub-classification within the Scheduled Caste category, with a focus on securing internal reservations for the Madiga community and other marginalized Dalit subgroups. This demand arose due to the growing disparities within the SC category, with some communities having more access to educational and employment opportunities than others. The MRPS has united not only the Madiga community but also other smaller marginalized groups, often referred to as "satellite castes," who face similar socio-economic challenges. The movement's bipartisan approach, engaging with various political parties to push for its demands, has drawn both support and criticism, with some accusing it of dividing the larger Dalit movement.
Their agitations led to a commission headed by justice Ramachandra Raju to examine the issue. In 1997, the commission published its report which found that reservation benefits had mainly gone to the Mala and Adi Andhra communities, and neither the Madiga or Relli had proportional representation in the quota. The commission recommended a four-fold classification of SCs for reservation benefit: 1% for group D (Rellis and related), 7% for group B (Madigas and related), 6% for group C (Malas and related) and 1% for Adi Andhra. [30]
Earlier, TDP and Congress in the state made efforts to categorize SCs based on their level of backwardness, but these initiatives were met with legal challenges. In 2013, the movement gained significant momentum when Krishna Madiga, met Narendra Modi. During this meeting, Modi promised to amend the Constitution to implement internal reservations within the SC category. [31] In a related development, the A.J. Sadashiva Commission, in its report submitted in 2012, has recommended internal reservation within the 15 per cent Dalit quota in Karnataka. [32] [33]
On November 11, 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the Madigala Vishwaroopa Sabha, [34] where Krishna Madiga appealed to him for a resolution to the 30-year-old peaceful struggle for social justice for the Madiga community within the Scheduled Castes (SCs). [35] [36] Following Krishna Madiga's address, Modi expressed that he didn't attend the meeting to make requests but to seek forgiveness on behalf of those who deceived the Madiga Community. Modi acknowledged Manda Krishna as his younger brother and announced that the Union government would establish a committee to evaluate the community's demands. [37]
While the majority of Madigas adhere to traditional practices within their villages in Rayalaseema and Telangana, most of those residing in Coastal Andhra have embraced Protestant Christianity. Notably, the act of converting to Christianity was prevalent among Dalits in Coastal Andhra. Among them, the Madigas and Malas chose to affiliate with the Baptist and Lutheran denominations respectively, while still maintaining their caste identities. [38] It's worth noting that most of the individuals who adopted Christianity continue to identify as Hindu to secure their eligibility for Scheduled Caste reservations. This is due to the fact that Christians who disavow any caste affiliation are not eligible for these reservations. [39] Consequently, Dalits who opt for Christianity risk losing their eligibility for the government's affirmative action program. This program, established in accordance with a 1950 presidential order, extends its benefits exclusively to those who identify as Hindu, Buddhist, or Sikh. [40]
The Telugu Desam Party is an Indian regional political party with influence in the states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. It was founded by Telugu movie star N. T. Rama Rao (NTR) on 29 March 1982 and has focused on supporting Telugu people. The party has won a five-time majority in the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly and has emerged as the most successful political outfit in the state's history. It is currently the ruling party in the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly.
Mala is a Telugu caste from the Indian states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. They are also present in smaller numbers in the states of Karnataka and Maharashtra. They are classified as a Scheduled Caste (SC) by the Government of India. According to 2001 census data, Malas constituted 41.6 percent of the Scheduled Castes population in the then state of Andhra Pradesh, which also included the present state of Telangana.
Dalit is a term first coined by the Indian social reformer Jyotirao Phule for untouchables and outcasts, who represented the lowest stratum of the castes in the Indian subcontinent. Dalits were excluded from the fourfold varna of the caste hierarchy and were seen as forming a fifth varna, also known by the name of Panchama. Several scholars have drawn parallels between Dalits and the Burakumin of Japan, the Baekjeong of Korea and the peasant class of the medieval European feudal system.
The Other Backward Class (OBC) is a collective term used by the Government of India to classify communities that are "educationally or socially backward". It is one of several official classifications of the population of India, along with general castes, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The OBCs were found to comprise 52% of the country's population by the Mandal Commission report of 1980 and were determined to be 41% in 2006 when the National Sample Survey Organisation took place. There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in India; it is generally estimated to be sizable, but many believe that it is higher than the figures quoted by either the Mandal Commission or the National Sample Survey.
Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is an Indian political theorist, writer and a Dalit rights activist. He writes in both English and Telugu languages. His main domain of study and activism is the annihilation of caste.
Velama is an upper caste found mainly in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. The earliest recorded use of the term "Velama" to refer to a community dates back to the 11th century. In the caste-based hierarchy, they hold a high position alongside the Reddy, Kapu/Telaga and are same castes. In Telangana, they are referred to as "Dora" (Lord) by other castes, a term that signifies a high level of respect. The modern Velama community is divided into four distinct categories: Padmanayaka Velama, Adi Velama, Koppula Velama, and Polinati Velama. Although these groups are separate, they share a common social identity and are unified under the Velama community.
Kapu is a Hindu caste primarily found in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. Kapus are classified as a Forward caste, and are a community of land-owning agriculturists. Historically, they also served as military generals (Nayakas) and warriors in Hindu kingdoms such as the Vijayanagara Empire. Kapus are a dominant caste of Andhra Pradesh. They are primarily present in Coastal Andhra, with a major concentration in the Godavari-Krishna delta region. Kapus commonly use the title Naidu.
Politics in South India is typically dominated by regional parties than by the larger national political parties such as the Indian National Congress (INC), Communist Party of India (Marxist) or Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). However, both the BJP, INC and CPI(M) have had some success in forging alliances with regional parties. Unlike in North India, where religion plays an important role in driving local politics, South India's political issues of contention are mainly language and ethnicity.
Arunthathiyar is a scheduled caste community mostly found in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The term has two distinct usages: for the purposes of the state government's positive discrimination program, in 2009 it was designated an umbrella term for the Arunthatiyar, Chakkiliyar (Sakkiliyar), Madari, Madiga, Pagadai, Thoti and Adi Andhra communities with a total population of 2,150,285, accounting for 14.89% of the Scheduled Caste population according to the 2011 Census of India. While the Office of the Registrar-General, which administers the census of India, does not recognize all of those communities as one.
Adi-Andhra is a Telugu caste found in the Indian states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, primarily in the Coastal Andhra region. They are categorised as a Scheduled Caste by the Government of India.
Kadiyam Srihari is an Indian politician is currently the MLA from the Ghanpur Station Assembly constituency. He also served as the Deputy Chief Minister of Telangana and Minister for Education of Telangana from 2014 to 2018. He was also an MLC in the Telangana Legislative Council. He was a member of the Lok Sabha, representing the Warangal constituency from 2014-2015.
Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti or MRPS is a not-for profit organisation formed to demand the categorisation of the SC reservation quota in Andhra Pradesh and states of India to ensure equitable distribution of state allocations for all the constituent Dalit castes, including the Madiga. It was formed under the leadership of Manda Krishna Madiga in 1994 and is currently headed by him. On August 2, the Supreme Court of India, upheld the sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes, a key demand of MRPS.
Manda Krishna Madiga, born as Yellaiah on July 7, 1965, is a prominent Indian politician and activist known for his unwavering commitment to the rights of the marginalized Madiga community. His journey from early anti-caste activism in the 1980s to founding the Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti in 1994 and adding the Madiga surname has been marked by advocacy efforts spanning issues such as caste discrimination, children's health, and disability rights.
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Andhra Pradesh, retrospectively referred to as United Andhra Pradesh, Undivided Andhra Pradesh, and Combined Andhra Pradesh, was a state in India formed by States Reorganisation Act, 1956 with Hyderabad as its capital and was reorganised by Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2014. The state was made up of three distinct cultural regions of Telangana, Rayalaseema, and Coastal Andhra. Before the 1956 reorganisation, Telangana had been part of Hyderabad State, whereas Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra had been part of Andhra State, formerly a part of Madras Presidency ruled by British India.
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