Mao Zedong's cult of personality was a prominent part of Chairman Mao Zedong's rule over the People's Republic of China from the state's founding in 1949 until his death in 1976. Mass media, propaganda and a series of other techniques were used by the state to elevate Mao Zedong's status to that of an infallible heroic leader, who could stand up against the West, and guide China to become a beacon of communism.
Mao Zedong himself recognized the need for personality cult, blaming the fall of Khrushchev on the lack of such a cult. [1] [2] During the period of Cultural Revolution, Mao's personality cult soared to an unprecedented height, and he took advantage of it to mobilize the masses and attack his political opponents such as Liu Shaoqi, then Chairman of the People's Republic of China. [2] [3] [4] Mao's face was firmly established on the front page of People's Daily , where a column of his quotes was also printed every day; Mao's selected works were later printed in even greater circulation; the number of Mao's portraits produced (1.2 billion) exceeded the population of China at the time, in addition to a total of 4.8 billion Chairman Mao badges that were manufactured. [5] Every Chinese citizen was presented with the Little Red Book —a selection of quotes from Mao, which was required to be carried everywhere and be displayed at all public events, and citizens were expected to read the quotes from the book daily. [6] However, in the 1970s, Mao also criticized others for overdoing his own personality cult. [1] [7]
After the Cultural Revolution, Deng Xiaoping and others launched the "Boluan Fanzheng" program which invalidated the Cultural Revolution and abandoned (and forbade) the use of a personality cult. [8] [9] [10]
The personality cult of Mao Zedong can be traced back to the 1930s, to his involvement in Jiangxi on the Long March (1934–36), and especially during the Yan'an period in the early 1940s. In 1943, during the Yan'an Rectification Movement, newspapers began to appear with a portrait of Mao in the editorial, and soon the "ideas of Mao Zedong" became the official program of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). [11] [12]
After the victory of the CCP in the Civil War, posters, portraits, and later statues of Mao began to appear in city squares, in offices and even in citizens' apartments. In 1957, Mao launched the Anti-Rightist Campaign, which was regarded as a continuation of the Yan'an Rectification Movement and further consolidated the rule of the Communist Party and Mao in mainland China. [13] [14] However, the Great Leap Forward caused tens of millions of deaths during the Great Chinese Famine, forcing Mao to take a semi-retired role in 1962. [15] [16] The reputation of Liu Shaoqi, the 2nd President of China, grew so high that challenged the status of Mao. [16] [17] As response, Mao launched the Socialist Education Movement in 1963.
In 1964, Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung, commonly known as the Little Red Book, was published for the first time, which later became one of the most famous symbols of the Cultural Revolution.
The cult of Mao was brought to its peak by Lin Biao in the mid-1960s. Immediately following the May 16 Notification, Lin Biao gave a speech in which he expressed his view that the May 16 Notification was intended to "forestall a counterrevolutionary plot" and to establish the absolute authority of "Mao's thought." [18]
In a July 1966 letter to Jiang Qing circulated publicly only after Lin's death, Mao described Lin's speech as containing "deeply disturbing" ideas. [19] Mao wrote, "I have never thought that the pamphlets I have written had such magic power. Now that he has taken to inflating them, the whole country will follow suit. It seems exactly like the scene of the marrow-monger wife Wang who boasts of the quality of her goods." [19] "They flatter me by praising me to the stars, [but] things turn to their contrary: the higher one is driven, the harder his fall. I am prepared to fall, shattering all my flesh and bones. It does not matter; matter is not destroyed, it only falls to pieces." [19] Mao had agreed to the CCP Central Committee circulating Lin's speech as an official document and commented in his July 1966 letter, "This is the first time in my life that, on an important point, I have given way to another against my better judgment; let us say independently of my will." [19] Mao wrote that he could not publicly refute Lin's comments, because doing so would put a damper on "the left, all of whom speak like that." [20]
In 1970, Lin advocated for China's constitution to be amended to describe Mao as a "genius." [21] Mao rejected the planned amendment. [21]
Mao's cult was significantly elevated during the Cultural Revolution, despite the major failures of his Great Leap Forward campaign only years prior. The established Cultural Revolution Committee preferred not to take harsh measures against critics of the regime at first. And so Mao decided to turn to the grassroots of the revolution and "true socialism" where he reaffirmed the foundation of his cause - "in addition to left-wing radicals - Chen Boda, Jiang Qing and Lin Biao, Mao Zedong's ally in this enterprise was to be primarily Chinese youth". [22]
Mao once again proved his "fighting efficiency" after swimming across the Yangtze River in July 1966, in an annual swim that commemorates his first historic swim across in 1956. Following this upon his return to Beijing he made a powerful attack on the liberal wing of the party, mainly on President Liu Shaoqi. A little later, the CCP Central Committee approved Mao's Sixteen Points on the Cultural Revolution, [23] an early expression of the political views and objectives of the cultural revolution. It began with attacks on the leadership of Beijing University lecturer Nie Yuanzi. Following this, students of secondary schools, in an effort to confront conservative and often corrupt teachers and professors. This political initiative was strategically cultivated by Mao, who skillfully fanned the "leftists" in organizing themselves in "Red Guards". The left-controlled press subsequently launched a campaign against the liberal intelligentsia. Unable to withstand persecution, some of its representatives as well as party leaders committed suicide.
On 5 August, Mao Zedong published his own dazibao (big-character poster), a short but pivotal document titled "Bombard the Headquarters", which called out leading figures who were leading the bourgeoisie who were trying to suppress the rapid movement of the great proletarian cultural revolution. [24]
With the logistical support of the People's Army provided by Lin Biao, the Red Guard movement became a nationwide phenomenon. This movement persecuted leading workers and professors throughout the country, subjected them to all kinds of humiliation, and often beat them.[ citation needed ] Following this, at a million-strong rally in August 1966, Mao expressed full support and approval for the actions of the Red Guards, giving them further validation and permission to continue their actions. Soon after, more and more brutal atrocities by the Red Guard took place. For example, among other representatives of the intelligentsia, famous Chinese writer Lao She was brutally tortured and committed suicide.
The 10th CCP Congress, which took place in Beijing from 1 to 24 April 1969, approved the first results of the "Cultural Revolution". In this report, one of the closest associates of Mao Zedong, Marshal Lin Biao, ensured praise is focused on the "great helmsman", whose ideas were called "the highest stage in the development of Marxism–Leninism". This new CCP charter officially consolidated "the ideas of Mao Zedong" as the ideological basis of the CCP. The program part of the charter included an unprecedented provision that Lin Biao is "the continuation of the work of Comrade Mao Zedong". The entire leadership of the party, government and army was concentrated in the hands of the Chairman of the CCP, his deputy and the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the Central Committee. [25]
During the Cultural Revolution, Mao's personality cult manifested itself in the ubiquitous wearing of badges depicting Chairman Mao, and people carrying around a Little Red Book with the writings of Mao, which would be studied and quoted from at every opportunity. There was even a "loyalty dance" (忠字舞) which people would perform in order to demonstrate their loyalty to the great leader.
In propaganda writings, such as PLA's legendary communist soldier Lei Feng's Diary, loud slogans and fiery speeches significantly elevated the cult of Mao.
The following quote epitomizes the Red Guards' thoughts surrounding Chairman Mao, in their manifesto they wrote:
"We are the red guards of Chairman Mao, we make the country writhe in convulsions. We tear and destroy calendars, precious vases, records from the USA and England, amulets, ancient drawings and elevate above all this the portrait of Chairman Mao."
Academic Dongping Han writes that during the Cultural Revolution, rural villagers used the personality cult surrounding Mao Zedong as a political instrument to pursue their goals. [26] Ordinary villagers used Mao's words as a de facto constitution which they could effectively use in political discourses. [26]
In January 1965, before the Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong expressed the need for personality cult in an interview with American journalist Edgar Snow, blaming the fall of the Soviet Union's Khrushchev on the lack of such a cult. [1] [27] Again in December 1970, Mao told Edgar Snow in another interview that "we all need some personality cult", admitting that the personality cult around him during the Cultural Revolution was necessary to oppose Liu Shaoqi (then President of China). [2] In the first few years of the Cultural Revolution, Mao took advantage of his personality cult to mobilize the populace, especially the Red Guards, to achieve his goals, including destroying the "Four Olds" and attacking his political opponents such as Liu Shaoqi. [2] [3] [4]
However, during the later stage of the Cultural Revolution, Mao also criticized others for overdoing his own personality cult. [1] [7] With the permission from Mao, some members of the Cultural Revolution Group such as Kang Sheng and Zhang Chunqiao publicly accused that some people promoted Mao cult only to accumulate their own "political capital" or political leverage; these people were also labelled as anti-Marxists and anti-Leninsts, and as Liu Shaoqi's loyalists. [28] Mao and the Central Committee of CCP wanted to completely control the interpretation and use of the Mao cult. [28] On the other hand, academic Alessandro Russo writes that Mao did not believe his thinking had any absolute authority. [29] Russo thinks that Mao's study initiatives in the last few years of his life were an effort to prompt mass intellectual engagement to rethink the problems raised by the Cultural Revolution. [29]
In September 1971, Lin Biao died in a plane crash after a "failed coup" against Mao, known as the "Lin Biao incident". [31] [32] Chen Boda lost power and became imprisoned in 1970 due to his support of Lin Biao. [33] [34]
During the Chinese Cultural Revolution artists were condemned as counter revolutionaries, and their work was destroyed. Instead this was replaced with government made art that supported Maoism, [35] and redirected efforts towards agriculture, industry and national defense, as well as concerns such as hygiene and family planning. [36] Under the command of Lin Biao, the People's Liberation Army's efforts were increasingly employed to bolster the personality cult surrounding Mao, eventually creating Mao's god-like image. [37] In addition to this revolutionary songs such as Mao Zedong is our sun or Hymn to Chairman Mao were sung by schoolchildren, soldiers, prisoners and office workers. These tunes were also played from loudspeakers installed on street corners, railway stations, dormitories, canteens and all major institutions. [38]
Images of Mao's face appeared everywhere, from portraits in schools and government buildings, to street signs and wall murals, even small shrines within private homes were not unusual. [39] [38] Guided by Maoist thought, the contents of the propaganda were militant, with messages of proletarian ideology, communist morale and spirit, and revolutionary heroism. Simplistic in design and coloring, [40] red was heavily featured and symbolized everything revolutionary, good and moral. [41] Depictions of Mao often featured him as a benevolent father, bringing the Confucian mechanisms of obedience into play. [41] Mao was frequently portrayed either leading or directing the masses, or looming over them like a demigod. His image was considered more important than the occasion for which a particular work of propaganda art was designed: in a number of cases, identical posters dedicated to Mao were published in different years bearing different slogans. [41]
Film in China widely-reproduced Mao's image and voice, and served to gather the masses to celebrate Mao. [42] : 52
Emphasizing his ability to steer China's future, Mao was referred to as "the great leader Chairman Mao" (伟大领袖毛主席) in public and he was entitled "the great leader, the great supreme commander, the great teacher and the great helmsman" (伟大的领袖、伟大的统帅、伟大的导师、伟大的舵手) during the Cultural Revolution. This could also be influenced by the role Mao played in guiding the Red Army on the Long March to escape the Chinese Nationalist Party. The accounts by Mao and his followers during this time painted him as innovative, inspirational and strategically brilliant, an assessment at odds with the views of several historians. [39]
Officially titled 'Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung', it was central symbol of the Cultural Revolution. The book was used to promote the popularity of Chairman Mao, and his brand of communism called Maoism'. Wrapped in a distinctive red vinyl cover, it became more commonly known as the 'Little Red Book' . This book contained a series of political and cultural statements from Mao Zedong's speeches and writings, which campaigned the slogan from the Karl Marx's Communist Manifesto, " Workers of the world, unite!".
Printed since 1964 until around Mao's death in 1976, over a billion copies were distributed throughout China. [43] During the Cultural Revolution it became almost mandatory for all citizens to carry a copy, so that they could easily refer to it for guidance and become inspired. Failure to produce a copy when requested would often result in a punishment from the Red Guard, which varied from verbal harassment and beatings, to a prison sentence. [39] The final edition listed 267 quotations spanning over 25 topics such as war, peace, unity & discipline. [44] The simplification of Mao's writings also finally gave access to the thoughts and ideas of communists to peasants and lower-class citizens, this helped to further solidify support for his cult of personality.
"Every Communist must grasp the truth: Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun."
This phrase was first used during an emergency meeting of the CCP on 7 August 1927, at the beginning of the Chinese Civil War. [45]
"All reactionaries are paper tigers. In appearance, the reactionaries are terrifying, but in reality they are not so powerful."
A "Paper Tiger" refers to something or someone that claims or appears to be powerful and/or threatening, but actually has no real power. It was popularized by Mao Zedong, often using it against political opponents such as the U.S. Government.
"A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery... A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another."
This quote from Mao emphasizes the struggle and difficulty of the communist revolution and the means by which he is willing to achieve it, suggesting that violence will be an unavoidable component of the revolution. Mao coined the phrase in his 1927 Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan, in which Mao had described his theory that the peasantry would be the revolutionary class in China. [46]
In the late 60s, during the Cultural Revolution, Mao's cult of personality reached new heights, with citizens performing a "Loyalty Dance" (忠字舞; zhōngzì wǔ) to express their love to the chairman. [47] This simple dance did not involve much more than stretching one's arms from the heart to Mao's portrait, with movements originating from a folk dance popular in Xinjiang. It was frequently accompanied by revolutionary songs including "Beloved Chairman Mao", "Golden Hill of Beijing" or "Sailing the Seas Depends on the Helmsman". Some lyrics included the quote "No matter how close our parents are to us, they are not as close as our relationship with Mao", which was used to inspire a spirit of collective worship. [48] A notable slogan related to the Loyalty Dance was the "Three Loyalties" (三忠于): loyalty to Chairman Mao; loyalty to Mao Zedong Thought; loyalty to Chairman Mao's revolutionary line. [49] The loyalty dance (忠字舞; zhōngzì wǔ) was an everyday fixture of life in the late 1960s, which was practiced in order to display one's lifelong devotion to Mao Zedong and exercise total discipline. [50] Nevertheless, by the 70's it was fleeting, and as the cultural revolution came to an end it rapidly waned. [48]
In August 1968 Mao presented members of a 30,000-strong propaganda team, who had been sent to pacify a Red Guard insurrection at Tsinghua University, with four dozen mangos as a sign of appreciation. Mao had given his security chief Wang Dongxing the fruits for delivery to leaders of the propaganda team. [51] Mao had been given the mangos from a delegation from Pakistan, headed by foreign minister Mian Arshad Hussain, and sent them to a range of student groups in the capital. "The factories and universities that received the mangoes were overfilled with joy at this Great, Greatest, Happiest of Events." Part of the Mao cult was about preserving and showing the mangos: some were placed in glass, others were put in a jar of formaldehyde. In one case, water in a tank in which one of the mangos was being kept was given to factory workers, so they could "literally [be] filled with the spirit of Mao." [52]
Chairman of the NPC Standing Committee Ye Jianying in 1979 described the time of Mao Zedong's reign as a "feudal fascist dictatorship". A different assessment was later given. [53]
"Comrade Mao Zedong is a great Marxist, a great proletarian revolutionary, strategist and theorist. If we consider his life and work as a whole, his merits before the Chinese revolution to a large extent prevail over misses, despite the serious mistakes made by him in the "cultural revolution". His merits occupy the main place, and mistakes take a secondary place."
— CCP leaders, 1981
Elements of his cult of personality continue to exist. He is still the "galleon figure" of Chinese communism, he is still honored, Mao's monuments are still standing in the cities, and his image adorns Chinese banknotes, badges and stickers. Moreover - some of Mao's monuments were erected after his death. However, the current cult of Mao among ordinary citizens, especially young people, should rather be attributed to the manifestations of modern pop culture, and not to a conscious worship of this person's thinking and deeds. In fact, Mao Zedong has become a commercial brand in modern China. [53]
Mao left his successors a country in a deep, comprehensive crisis. After the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, China's economy stagnated, intellectual and cultural life was crushed by left-wing radicals, political culture was completely absent [54] [55] due to excessive public politicization and ideological chaos. The crippled fate of tens of millions of people throughout China who have suffered from senseless and brutal campaigns should be considered a particularly serious legacy of the Mao regime. Estimates of the number of victims of the Maoist regime vary greatly. [56] According to various sources, half a million [57] up to 20 million died during the cultural revolution. Another 100 million were affected one way or another in its course. The number of victims of the "Great Leap Forward" was even greater, but since the majority of them were in the rural population, even the approximate number characterizing the scale of the disaster is unknown.[ citation needed ]
The ideology of Maoism has also had a great influence on the development of leftists, including revolutionary movements in many countries of the world — the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, the Shining Path in Peru, the "Maoist Centre" in Nepal, and the communist movements in the US and Europe. [58] Meanwhile, China itself, after the death of Mao, in its economy has moved far from the ideas of Mao Zedong, preserving the communist ideology. The reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979 and continued by his followers de facto made the Chinese economy capitalistic, with corresponding consequences for domestic and foreign policy. [59]
In China itself, the persona of Mao is evaluated extremely ambiguously. On the one hand, part of the population sees him as a hero of the Civil War, a strong ruler, a charismatic personality. [60] Some older Chinese people are nostalgic for their confidence in the future, equality and the absence of corruption, which, in their opinion, existed in the era of Mao. [61] On the other hand, many people cannot forgive Mao for the cruelty and mistakes of his massive campaigns, especially the cultural revolution. Today in China, it is allowed to speak openly about the role of Mao in the modern history of the country, discussions about the negative aspects of his rule are allowed, [62] however, too harsh criticism is not welcomed and suppressed. In the PRC, the official formula for evaluating his activity remains the opinion given by Mao himself as a characteristic of Stalin's activity (as a response to the revelations in Khrushchev's secret report): 70 percent of victories and 30 percent of mistakes. [63] [64] In this way, the CCP is seeking recognition of its power in a situation where the bourgeois economy in the PRC is combined with communist ideology. [59]
Mao has been depicted on postage stamps in China, Albania, [65] and East Germany. [66] The collage "Marilyn in the image of Mao" [67] or "Marilyn/Mao" (created by the American photographer Philippe Halsman in 1952) turned into an artistic image used by many famous artists such as Salvador Dalí, Chinese artists Yu Juhan, and Hua Jimin. [68]
In 1982, Article 10 was added to the Constitution of the Chinese Communist Party, forbidding "all forms of personality cult." [69] : 29
Trading markets of Chairman Mao badges were common during the Cultural Revolution, particularly during the chuanlian movement in which Red Guards travelled for free around the country to "exchange revolutionary experiences". Maoist memorabilia began reemerging in the early 1990s, as teenagers who were too young to remember the era of the Cultural Revolution began to snap up Mao badges for their kitsch appeal. [70] Moreover, in the 1990s, the markets were targeting Westerners with commodification. Cultural Revolution badges are rampant in markets frequented by Chinese and Westerners, and new replicas of badges are sold in luxury hotels and tourist sites only minutes from Mao's mausoleum. "Mao badge museums" can be toured at modest prices and an American catalogue advertised Mao badges for $12 a badge. [71]
Badges were most common from 1967 to 1969, when wearing them was considered a sign of loyalty to the Great Helmsman. There were many such badges. Icons with a portrait of Mao became a symbol of his cult of personality. An estimated 2 billion badges have been manufactured during the years of the cultural revolution. In 1969, Mao said that the country needed aluminum to produce aircraft, and they began to make less icons. [72]
Mao Zedong, also known as Chairman Mao, was a Chinese politician, Marxist theorist, military strategist, poet, and revolutionary who was the founder of the People's Republic of China (PRC). He led the country from its establishment in 1949 until his death in 1976, while also serving as the chairman of the Chinese Communist Party during that time. His theories, military strategies and policies are known as Maoism.
The Cultural Revolution, formally known as the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, was a sociopolitical movement in the People's Republic of China (PRC). It was launched by Mao Zedong in 1966 and lasted until his death in 1976. Its stated goal was to preserve Chinese communism by purging remnants of capitalist and traditional elements from Chinese society. Though it failed to achieve its main objectives, the Cultural Revolution marked the effective return of Mao to the center of power in China after his political sidelining, in the aftermath of the Great Leap Forward and the Great Chinese Famine.
Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung is a book of statements from speeches and writings by Mao Zedong, the former Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, published from 1964 to 1979 and widely distributed during the Cultural Revolution.
Peng Dehuai was a Chinese general and China's Minister of National Defense from 1954 to 1959. Peng was born into a poor peasant family, and received several years of primary education before his family's poverty forced him to suspend his education at the age of ten, and to work for several years as a manual laborer. When he was sixteen, Peng became a professional soldier. Over the next ten years Peng served in the armies of several Hunan-based warlord armies, raising himself from the rank of private second class to major. In 1926, Peng's forces joined the Kuomintang, and Peng was first introduced to communism. Peng participated in the Northern Expedition, and supported Wang Jingwei's attempt to form a left-leaning Kuomintang government based in Wuhan. After Wang was defeated, Peng briefly rejoined Chiang Kai-shek's forces before joining the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), allying himself with Mao Zedong and Zhu De.
Lin Biao was a Chinese politician and Marshal of the People's Republic of China who was pivotal in the Communist victory during the Chinese Civil War, especially in Northeast China from 1946 to 1949. Lin was the general who commanded the decisive Liaoshen and Pingjin campaigns, in which he co-led the Manchurian Field Army to victory and led the People's Liberation Army into Beijing. He crossed the Yangtze River in 1949, decisively defeated the Kuomintang and took control of the coastal provinces in Southeast China. He ranked third among the Ten Marshals. Zhu De and Peng Dehuai were considered senior to Lin, and Lin ranked directly ahead of He Long and Liu Bocheng.
Kang Sheng was a Chinese Communist Party (CCP) official, best known for having overseen the work of the CCP's internal security and intelligence apparatus during the early 1940s and again at the height of the Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s and early 1970s. A member of the CCP from the early 1920s, he spent time in Moscow during the early 1930s, where he learned the methods of the Soviet NKVD and became a supporter of Wang Ming for leadership of the CCP. After returning to China in the late 1930s, Kang Sheng switched his allegiance to Mao Zedong and became a close associate of Mao during the Second Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese Civil War, and after. He remained at or near the pinnacle of power in the People's Republic of China from its establishment in 1949 until his death in 1975. After the death of Mao and the subsequent arrest of the Gang of Four, Kang Sheng was accused of sharing responsibility with the Gang for the excesses of the Cultural Revolution and in 1980 he was expelled posthumously from the CCP.
The Red Guards were a mass, student-led, paramilitary social movement mobilized by Chairman Mao Zedong in 1966 until their abolishment in 1968, during the first phase of the Cultural Revolution, which he had instituted.
Li Desheng was a general in the Chinese People's Liberation Army. He was born in Xin County, Henan, China, an area now known as the "Cradle of Generals" for the large number of senior military officers born in the region. He joined the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army at the age of 14, in 1930, the Communist Youth League in 1931, and the Chinese Communist Party a year later. He attained the rank of major general in 1955, and general in 1988. The patterns of Li's advancement suggest that he was mentored by Chen Xilian, and that he was closely aligned with You Taizhong. Li Desheng served on the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party from 1969–1985, one of the most turbulent periods of the People's Republic. He died in Beijing on 8 May 2011.
The 8th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party was in session from 1956 to 1969. It was preceded by the 7th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. It held 12 plenary sessions in this period of 13 years. It was the longest serving central committee ever held by the Communist Party.
The Central Case Examination Group was a special organization established in the People's Republic of China in 1966 under the aegis of the Politburo Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party to persecute those accused of "anti-party activities". It was, in essence, an organization dedicated to political persecution of senior party leaders as well as ordinary functionaries. Initially conceptualized as a beachhead by Chairman Mao Zedong's most radical supporters to 'gather dirt' on opponents of the Cultural Revolution, it later began taking up cases against all manner of perceived political opponents irrespective of their ideological allegiance. Many of its early leaders, such as Jiang Qing, later themselves became the subject of persecution by the Group. The Group was compared by Cultural Revolution-era propagandist Wang Li to the Soviet Cheka, but he noted that the CCEG had even broader powers. Its leading members included nearly all of the members of the Cultural Revolution Group (CRG) as well as Premier Zhou Enlai and the chief of Mao's security detail Wang Dongxing. The CCEG worked closely with the CRG during its investigations.
Wu De, born Li Chunhua (李春华), was a Chinese Communist revolutionary and politician of the People's Republic of China. He served in provincial-level leadership positions in Pingyuan Province, Tianjin municipality, Jilin Province, and Beijing municipality, and was a member of the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party from 1973 to 1980. After the Cultural Revolution, Wu was a key supporter of Hua Guofeng and was forced out of politics after Deng Xiaoping ousted Hua from his leadership position.
Feudal fascism, also revolutionary-feudal totalitarianism, were official terms used by the post-Mao Zedong Chinese Communist Party to designate the ideology and rule of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four during the Cultural Revolution. In 1979, the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, Ye Jianying, described Mao Zedong's reign as a “feudal-fascist dictatorship” due to his revolutionary terror-based cult of personality, nationalism, and authoritarianism despite superficially socialist policies.
Chairman Mao badge is the name given to a type of pin badge displaying an image of Mao Zedong that was ubiquitous in the People's Republic of China during the active phase of the Cultural Revolution, from 1966 to 1971. The term is also used for badges associated with Mao that do not actually have a picture of him on them. It is estimated that several billion Chairman Mao badges were produced during the period of the Cultural Revolution.
Lu Dingyi was a leader of the Chinese Communist Party. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China and before the Cultural Revolution, he was credited as one of the top officials in socialist culture.
The 9th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was held in the Great Hall of the People, Beijing, between April 1 and 24, 1969. 1,512 delegates represented the party's estimated 22 million members.
Liu Shaoqi was a Chinese revolutionary and politician. He was the chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress from 1954 to 1959, first-ranking vice chairman of the Chinese Communist Party from 1956 to 1966, and the chairman of the People's Republic of China, the head of state from 1959 to 1968. He was considered to be a possible successor to Mao Zedong, but was purged during the Cultural Revolution.
The 10th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party was held in the Great Hall of the People, Beijing, between August 24 and 28, 1973. 1,249 delegates represented the party's estimated 28 million members. It was preceded by the 9th National Congress and was succeeded by the 11th National Congress.
The Seven-Thousand Cadres Conference (七千人大会) was one of the largest work conferences ever of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It took place in Beijing, China, from 11 January to 7 February 1962. The conference was attended by over 7,000 party officials nationwide, focusing on the issues of the Great Leap Forward which resulted in the deaths of tens of millions in the Great Chinese Famine. CCP chairman Mao Zedong made self-criticism during the conference, after which he took a semi-retired role, leaving future responsibilities to Chinese President Liu Shaoqi and Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping.
The Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People's Republic of China is a 1981 document which assesses the legacy of the Mao Zedong era and the party's priorities moving forward. It was unanimously adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party on 27 June 1981.
The loyalty dance, was a collective dance usually performed in public places like plazas and squares, or during parades in the Cultural Revolution of the People's Republic of China.
In a January 9,1965, interview with Edgar Snow, Mao claimed that Khrushchev fell "because he had no cult at all." ...... In the early 1970s he blamed others for overdoing his own personality cult, attacking his heir apparent Lin Biao and the senior Party theoretician Chen Boda.
Mao: We all adore someone. Would you be glad if nobody adored you? Would you be glad if nobody read your books and articles? We all need some personality cult, even you [need it]...... It was for the purpose of opposing Liu Shaoqi.
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: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)'In the Soviet Union,' I said, 'China has been criticized for fostering a "cult of personality". Is there a basis for that?' Mao thought that perhaps there was some. It was said that Stalin had been the centre of a cult of personality, and that Khrushchev had none at all. The Chinese people, critics said, had some feelings or practices of this kind. There might be some reasons for saying that. Probably Mr. Khrushchev fell because he had had no cult of personality at all...
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