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Nekolim is a neologism and concept introduced by Indonesian President Sukarno used to describe "the enforced conditions of imperial control without formal rule." [1] It derives from the combination of the terms neocolonialism, colonialism and imperialism (in Indonesian, spelled NEokolonialisme-KOLonialisme-IMperialisme). [2] [3] [4] This term was used by Sukarno in his speech at the 1960 Bandung Conference after Indonesia was liberated from Japanese occupation following World War II to describe imperial interests of Western powers, including the Netherlands and the United States. [1] [5]
Qualities that distinguish nekolim from related concepts involve the intentional restructuring of a country in order to make it dependent upon a foreign power, often economically and culturally. Once this is achieved, force is not needed because independence becomes infeasible for the dominated country. [6] Likewise, nekolim leads to the establishment of puppet governments in exploited regions to remove the need for traditional military control of a country. [1] Sukarno's criticisms made of US involvement in Indonesia which he deemed to be "nekolim practices" are largely entailed by the modern understanding of the concept of neocolonialism. [7] [1]
During Sukarno's administration, there were several instances of nekolim being imposed by the US on Indonesia, such as nekolim through economic aid which caused Indonesia's national economy to become dependent on the US, and through cultural and scientific cooperation that prevented the development of national culture and knowledge. In response to these practices, Sukarno took firm action to oppose nekolim by promoting the Berdikari (meaning standing on one's own feet) Movement and advocating for the principle of national personality. [8]
A CIA-backed coup against the Sukarno administration resulted in the Indonesian anticommunist mass killings of 1965-66. These killings have often been described as a genocide [9] [10] and caused an estimated 500,000 to over 1,000,000 deaths. [11] [12] [13] [14] It has been referred to as the "biggest US-backed genocide" as a result of US support. [15] After Sukarno's administration was overthrown, it was replaced by that of the pro-American President Suharto. [1]
During Suharto's administration, nekolim practices re-emerged. Citing Indonesia's economic downturn at the time, Suharto agreed to accept loans from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. This led to bilateral political agreements for the United States and Europe to control Indonesia's natural resources through the establishment of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (renamed the World Trade Organization). [16] Another form of nekolim that emerged in Indonesia is the large amount of foreign capital entering the country in the form of foreign companies or domestic companies that have been privatized. The emergence of these companies taught the Indonesian people the "perspective" that parties with large capital will push out those with smaller capital. [16]
The politics of Indonesia take place in the framework of a presidential representative democratic republic whereby the President of Indonesia is both head of state and head of government and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the bicameral People's Consultative Assembly. The judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.
Sukarno was an Indonesian statesman, orator, revolutionary, and nationalist who was the first president of Indonesia, serving from 1945 to 1967.
Suharto was an Indonesian military officer and the second president of Indonesia. Widely regarded as a military dictator by international observers, Suharto led Indonesia as an authoritarian regime from 1967 until his resignation in 1998 following nationwide unrest. His 31-year dictatorship is considered one of the most brutal and corrupt of the 20th century: he was central to the perpetration of mass killings against alleged communists and subsequent persecution of ethnic Chinese, irreligious people, and trade unionists.
The Communist Party of Indonesia was a communist party in the Dutch East Indies and later Indonesia. It was the largest non-ruling communist party in the world before its violent disbandment in 1965. The party had two million members in the 1955 elections, with 16 percent of the national vote and almost 30 percent of the vote in East Java. At the time, it was the largest communist party in the world after the Chinese and Soviet communist parties.
The term Government of the Republic of Indonesia can have a number of different meanings. At its widest, it can refer collectively to the three traditional branches of government – the executive branch, legislative branch and judicial branch. The term is also used colloquially to mean the executive and legislature together, as these are the branches of government responsible for day-to-day governance of the nation and lawmaking. At its narrowest, the term is used to refer to the executive branch in the form of the President of Indonesia, as assisted by the Vice President and the Cabinet, as this is the branch of government responsible for day-to-day governance.
Gerwani was a women's organization founded as Gerwis in Semarang, Central Java, on 4 June 1950.
Indonesia's transition to the New Order in the mid-1960s ousted the country's first president, Sukarno, after 22 years in the position. One of the most tumultuous periods in the country's modern history, it was also the commencement of Suharto's 31-year presidency.
The Thirtieth of September Movement was a self-proclaimed organization of Indonesian National Armed Forces members. In the early hours of 1 October 1965, they assassinated six Indonesian Army generals in an abortive coup d'état. Later that morning, the organization declared that it was in control of media and communication outlets and had taken President Sukarno under its protection. By the end of the day, the coup attempt had failed in Jakarta. Meanwhile, in central Java there was an attempt to take control over an army division and several cities. By the time this rebellion was put down, two more senior officers were dead.
Dipa Nusantara Aidit was an Indonesian communist politician, who served as General Secretary of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) from 1951 until his summary execution during the mass killings of 1965–66. Born on Belitung Island, he was nicknamed "Amat".
The Order of Eleventh March, commonly referred to by its syllabic abbreviation Supersemar, was a document signed by the Indonesian President Sukarno on 11 March 1966, giving army commander Lt. Gen. Suharto authority to take whatever measures he "deemed necessary" to restore order to the chaotic situation during the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66. The abbreviation "Supersemar" is also a play on the name of Semar, the mystic and powerful figure who commonly appears in Javanese mythology including wayang puppet shows. The invocation of Semar was presumably intended to help draw on Javanese mythology to lend support to Suharto's legitimacy during the period of the transition of authority from Sukarno to Suharto.
Major General (Ret) Basuki Rahmat was an Indonesian general, National Hero and a witness to the signing of the Supersemar document transferring power from President Sukarno to General Suharto.
The Order of the Day of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces/President/Great Leader of the Revolution dated 8 March 1966, colloquially known as President Sukarno's Order of the Day of 8 March 1966, was basically a statement that he was still the president of Indonesia, and was issued in response to a warning from Lt. Gen. Suharto two days previously that there was dissatisfaction among the officer corps of the Indonesian Military. It was followed three days later by the Order of 11 March, which effectively transferred authority to Suharto.
General Ahmad Yani was the Commander of the Indonesian Army, and was killed by members of the 30 September Movement during an attempt to kidnap him from his house.
Several scholars have accused the United States of involvement in state terrorism. They have written about the US and other liberal democracies' use of state terrorism, particularly in relation to the Cold War. According to them, state terrorism is used to protect the interest of capitalist elites, and the U.S. organized a neo-colonial system of client states, co-operating with regional elites to rule through terror.
Large-scale killings and civil unrest primarily targeting members and supposed sympathizers of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) were carried out in Indonesia from 1965 to 1966. Other affected groups included alleged communist sympathisers, Gerwani women, trade unionists, ethnic Javanese Abangan, ethnic Chinese, atheists, so-called "unbelievers", and alleged leftists in general. According to the most widely published estimates at least 500,000 to 1 million people were killed, with some estimates going as high as two to three million. The atrocities, sometimes described as a genocide or a politicide, were instigated by the Indonesian Army under Suharto. Research and declassified documents demonstrate the Indonesian authorities received support from foreign countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom.
Marshall Green was an American diplomat whose career focused on East Asia. Green was the senior American diplomat in South Korea at the time of the 1960 April Revolution, and was United States Ambassador to Indonesia at the time of the Transition to the New Order. From 1969 to 1973, he was Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, and, in this capacity, accompanied President of the United States Richard Nixon during President Nixon's visit to China in 1972.
Wirjono Prodjodikoro was the head justice of the Indonesian Supreme Court from 1952 to 1966.
André Aumars, born Ayik Umar Said, was an Indonesian-born French journalist and activist. Umar Said is best known for his contributions to the Indonesian delegation at the Tricontinental Conference in Cuba in 1966 and his political writings against the reign of Sukarno of the mid-1960s and on the 30 September Movement, and to the Parisian cooperative restaurant Indonesia which acted as a political refuge during the 1990s. His journalistic contributions include those to Indonesia Raya, Ekonomi Nasional in 1965 where he was editor-in-chief, Harian Rakjat, and his own monthly Chine Express which detailed the actualities of Chinese politics during the 1980s and 90s.
Genjer-Genjer is an Osing language folk song from East Java, Indonesia, written and composed by musician Muhammad Arief. The song was written as a description of the condition of the people of Banyuwangi during the Japanese occupation period. The song focuses on the struggle of the peasants, who were forced to eat the genjer plant – a plant initially considered a pest – to survive.
Plantungan concentration camp was an internment camp for female political prisoners in New Order Indonesia. These prisoners, which numbered about 500 in total, were mostly members of the banned Communist Party of Indonesia, of affiliate organizations like LEKRA, Gerwani, or other leftist organizations, and were mostly "Category B" prisoners who by official admission had no evidence or charges against them. It was located in Kendal Regency near Semarang, Central Java and operated from 1971 to 1979. Among the high-profile detainees at Plantungan were Umi Sardjono, Salawati Daud, Mia Bustam, Dr. Sumiyarsi Siwirini, a left-wing activist, and Siti Suratih, wife of high-ranking Communist Party leader Oloan Hutapea.