^A:The party argues that "the left-right dichotomy is no longer valid."[7] However, it has been described as far-left[8][9][10][11] and left-wing by the international media,[12] national media,[13] regional media,[14] as well as political scientists.[15]
Workers' Front (Spanish: Frente Obrero, FO) is a left-wing[16] to far-left[17] Spanish political party founded as a mass organization by the anti-revisionist party PML (RC) in October 2018 and registered as a separate political party in March 2019. As of 2024, it is headed by Roberto Vaquero. It considers itself a "patriotic and revolutionary movement that fights for and on behalf of workers, for and on behalf of Spain", with the goal of implementing "drastic changes" in Spain and "ending the current regime".[18] It is considered a communist formation[19] that adheres to Marxism–Leninism, but one with deeply conservative stances on social and cultural issues.[20]
The party was founded by Roberto Vaquero, who also founded the PML (RC) in 2009. The party was temporarily suspended from activities in 2016 when Vaquero was arrested in 2016 for organizing the transport of Spanish militias to the People's Defense Units in Syria to fight against ISIS; Vaquero was suspected to have ties with the Kurdistan Workers' Party, which is considered a terrorist organization by the European Union, although no evidence was found. Vaquero was in jail for 49 days, and the party resumed activities in 2017, before Vaquero founded Frente Obrero (FO) in 2018.[22]
In 2021, the party participated in Okupas, a Spanish squatting movement. FO occupied a prestigious building in the Mercado de Colón district in Valencia. It organized a food bank and the homeless shelter in the building, attacking the local government for not helping over 1000 homeless people in Valencia. The party also hung the flag of the Second Spanish Republic on the building.[23]
In May 2021, members of the party organized a protest against the leader of the Podemos party Irene Montero, in Valencia. The party accused Montero and her party of "leaving the workers in the lurch", claiming that Podemos organizes bailouts to banks and companies while Spanish workers are going "months without pay and suffering evictions". FO protesters argued that the feminist and pro-LGBT stances taken by Montero are "symbolic struggles that do not represent reality".[24]
On June 12, 2022, their first congress was held. During the congress the decision to become a political party was approved by the members. Representatives from other organizations, such as the Polisario Front, spoke during the congress.[25]
In late 2023, the group announced they would be participating in the 2023 Spanish protests against the PSOE government.[26]
Since then, they, and especially their leader Vaquero, have gained a presence on social media and even national television in Spain, participating in debates on current political issues in programs such as Horizonte, on channel Cuatro.[27]
Frente Obrero has been described as a party that adheres to Marxism–Leninism with conservative stances on social and cultural issues.[20][29] It has also been described as Stalinist.[30] However, despite being strongly connected with the PML (RC) and supporting far-left ideologies such as Marxism–Leninism, the FO is not explicitly communist. However, the party is described as communist by the Spanish newspapers of record, such as El Mundo, who classified FO as "a communist, republican, anti-oligarchic party".[31] The party rejects the labels of political left and right, arguing that they "are two sides of the same coin".[7] However, it is considered left-wing by political commentators as well as political scientists;[12][13][14][15] it has also been commonly described as far-left,[8][9][10][11] with one Valencian newspaper arguing that the party is "about as far left as you can get".[23]The European Conservative described the party as a representative of the "patriotic, pre-woke, pro-work left."[7]
The leader of Frente Obrero, Roberto Vaquero, wrote of the party: "The need for workers' reorganization is vital, it is necessary to fight for workers' and revolutionary unity in a broad, united front of all workers. With this aim in mind, the Frente Obrero was born, which only tries to serve the unity of all those who want to rebuild a revolutionary, working class and militant left, which truly resists this system and its single thinking, which defends the workers, our country and which of course is aimed at the transformation and progress of our society." He defined FO as a "national political and revolutionary front with the aim of fighting for the unity of the workers and for the transformation of our society, it is committed to a popular and Republic aimed at socialism."[32]
In its program, the party calls for "the overthrow of the monarchy imposed by Franco" and its replacement by a "popular republic on the path to socialism". It calls for a dictatorship of the proletariat, calling for the suppression of "the repressive apparatus of the State: the judiciary, administration, police", installing a government that would be "democratic regime for the working class" but "dictatorial for the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes."[35]
Spanish political scientist Hasel Paris argues that the Workers' Front represents the "classic left" or Old Left and stands to the opposition of the postmodernist left; for Workers' Front, "Marxism sought the empowerment of workers (who in Spain are mostly white, heterosexual men), while the postmodern left seeks empowerment against white, heterosexual men." Paris notes that the Workers' Front should be compared to the Eastern European communist parties such as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Macedonian Left and the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova, as these parties together with the Workers' Front combine "a socialist economic vision with a cultural vision that we could call conservative because it is patriotic, protectionist and family-oriented."[35]
The party is considered to be a representative of nationalist left and conservative left. It is characterized by its traditional values and closeness to nationalism–focusing on the workerist, blue-collar perspective–and its proposals reiterate criticism against "gender ideology" or the "LGBTI lobby."[37] The party opposes immigration, advocates strict border control and argues that the wages of Spanish workers are declining because of liberal immigration laws. However, the party also stresses that "immigrants are not to blame" and are "victims", with the real culprit being "the capitalist system, which promotes this type of migration to exploit them and lower wages in Spain" and that "the most rancid right uses immigration to generate hatred and social confrontation". Thus, the party recommends strict control of immigration, including the immediate expulsion of illegal immigrants.[30]
Frente Obrero is heavily critical of socially progressive left-wing parties. The party accused Podemos of being "a pawn at the service of big business and banks", while arguing that Más País is "leaving the workers on the street". FO argues that the mainstream left-wing parties of Spain alienated the workers and caused the rise of the far-right Vox by embracing neoliberal economics as well as "gender ideology".[38] The party also argues that there are many similarities between fascism and liberalism.[39]
The party also opposes the independence of Catalonia, arguing that the pro-independence Catalan parties "do not even represent independence" and instead have "fostered Islamization and mass immigration in Catalonia". The party calls for Catalan voters to reject "Islamization and the fictitious separatist process".[40]The party supports Spanish ownership of Ceuta and Melilla, and decries Moroccan claims to these cities.[41]
Frente Obrero heavily incorporates nationalist and patriotic themes into its message. The party stresses and promotes the need to defend the national sovereignty of Spain, as well as revolutionary patriotism and national pride. Within its communist rhetoric, the party particularly stresses the policies and ideas of Stalinism.[42] It also condemns the May 68 protests, with party leader Vaquero claiming: "The left today is the heir of May 1968, when, as Pasolini said, the most working-class people in that conflict were the police, who were at least the sons of peasants. The students were, for the most part, the sons of rich people, since money was needed to study. The left today is empty, there is no revolution."[28]
Criticism
The party has been criticized by other leftist organizations as transphobic because it denies what it calls "gender ideology" and the idea that gender identity (especially being a woman) is only a feeling.
Moreover, critics consider it reactionary and racist because of its strong opposition to the increasing presence of Islamic immigration not integrated into European societies (allegedly disrespectful of women's or LGBT's rights, other times linked to higher crime rates than the native population, or with violent events motivated by religious fanaticism).
In addition, they have been compared (negatively) to the right-wing party Vox[43][44] because of some coincidences in the aforementioned ideas.
In 2023, FO was accused of having received money from the Algerian government by Euromagreb. This was later denied by the party.[47]
The party has been called a "left-wing Vox" given its conservative stances on social issues, such as its opposition to immigration, LGBT rights and feminism, as well as attacking the "Islamization" of Spain and "gender ideology". The Spanish magazine The Objective[es] argues that Frente Obrero "is reminiscent of Vox's in some points: immigration control, promotion of births, and opposition to positive discrimination against women."[48]El Español also notes that the party took a mildly defensive tone towards Vox, arguing that Vox is not fascist or far-right; instead, Vaquero argues: "They are right-wing populists; now, they call everything politically incorrect fascist and they are distorting the term."[35] However, Spanish political analyst Asier Balaguer Navarro rejects this claim, writing: "Yes, in the sense that many of its proposals, precisely those that coincide with the conservative party, have a lot of social resonance, and are easily assimilated by the electoral objective of the party; also yes, because of the confrontation with political correctness, defense of the unity of Spain or the rejection of the "woke laws". But that is where the similarities end. The Workers' Front is against the EU, it still has a communist base in which the public and the planned are a substantial part of its economic theories; it is openly republican, anti-NATO, secular..."[34]
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1 2 Balaguer Navarro, Asier (29 January 2024). "El fenómeno del Frente Obrero en España". Nueva Libertad (in Spanish). El Frente Obrero está en contra de la UE, sigue teniendo una base comunista en la que lo público y lo planificado son parte sustancial de sus teorías económica; es abiertamente republicano, anti OTAN, laico…
↑ "Sobre el Frente Obrero y los migrantes: del patriotismo socialista al nacional bolchevismo". indymedia.org (in Spanish). 25 April 2023. Porque al reivindicar, el Frente Obrero, en la España imperialista y capitalista del siglo XXI, el patriotismo socialista del FRAP y el PCE (m-l), nacido durante las incertidumbres del tardofranquismo, dicho patriotismo se deposita, preferentemente, en aquellos sectores obreros o de clase media que no están alienados nacionalmente al poseer, aunque precariamente, dichos derechos de ciudadanía.
↑ Ondarra, Marcos (12 April 2023). "El Frente Obrero amenaza con escrachear a todo el Gobierno en la precampaña electoral". The Objective (in Spanish). El politólogo Hasel Paris sostiene que esta combinación a priori exótica es común en los partidos comunistas europeos (como el ruso o el moldavo), que han conjugado «una visión económica socialista con una visión cultural que podríamos denominar conservadora por patriota, proteccionista y familiar».
↑ "Una crítica marxista al programa electoral del Frente Obrero (1º Parte)". canarias-semanal.org (in Spanish). 17 July 2023. El PML (RC), partido que tenía una línea marxista vulgar y con ciertas filias hacia el hoxhaismo, pareció recoger el guante de su secretario general y comenzó a tener una línea muy similar a la del canal de Youtube de su líder. En 2018, ya pasado todo lo relacionado con el problema que les originó su participación en la guerra imperialista en Siria, el PML(RC) fundó el Frente Obrero, al que quisieron convertir en su "frente de masas".
1 2 3 Veiga, Diego Rodríguez (17 May 2021). "Carmen, la joven de Frente Obrero que escrachea a Irene Montero: "Se llena la boca con el feminismo"". El Español (in Spanish). Detrás del escrache están los mismos que intentaron expulsar a Iglesias de la Complutense: el grupo de extrema izquierda Frente Obrero, capitaneados en esta ocasión por Carmen López, una joven de 23 años que se encuentra cursando el último año de Química y que lleva dos años militando en la organización.
1 2 3 4 Águeda, Pedro (24 July 2023). "El Frente Obrero de Roberto Vaquero obtiene 46.530 votos en las generales". elDiario.es (in Spanish). "Frente Obrero es una formación nacionalista y de izquierdas, que se opone frontalmente a lo que ellos consideran una izquierda identitaria que antepone los derechos de las minorías, incluidos los inmigrantes, a los intereses de la clase trabajadora "española".
1 2 3 Fernández-Villaverde, Jesús (18 June 2024). "Classical Right, New Right, and Voting Behavior: Evidence from a Quasi-Natural Experiment"(PDF). AEI Economics Working Paper. 11/2024. University of Pennsylvania: 20. The two most relevant among these parties are an environmentalist party, Partido Animalista con el Medio Ambiente, and a left-wing Spanish nationalist party, Frente Obrero, which may have attracted some of the more pro-labor Vox votes.
↑ ¿Cómo reconstruir la izquierda revolucionaria en España? Combatividad, principios, organización y cultura (in Spanish). Editorial Círculo Rojo. 2020. p.13. ISBN978-84-1374-692-0.
↑ "Programa". Frente Obrero España (in Spanish). 2022-09-07. Retrieved 2023-07-09.
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