Abortion in Brazil is a crime, with penalties of one to three years of imprisonment for the recipient of the abortion, and one to four years of imprisonment for the doctor or any other person who performs the abortion on someone else. In three specific situations in Brazil, induced abortion is not punishable by law: in cases of risk to the pregnant woman’s life; when the pregnancy is the result of rape; and if the fetus is anencephalic. [1] [2] In these cases, the Brazilian government provides the abortion procedure free of charge through the Sistema Único de Saúde (Unified Health System). This does not mean that the law regards abortion in these cases as a right, but only that women who receive abortions under these circumstances, and the doctors, will not be punished. [3] The punishment for a woman who performs an abortion on herself or consents to an abortion performed by another outside these legal exceptions is one to three years of detention. [4] The base penalty for a third party that performs an illegal abortion with the consent of the patient, ranges from one to four years of detention, with the possibility of increase by a third if the woman comes to any physical harm, and can be doubled if she dies. [5] Criminal penalties fixed at four years or less can be converted to non-incarceration punishments, such as community service and compulsory donation to charity. [6]
Brazil is a signatory of the American Human Rights Convention, also called the Pact of San José. The Convention grants the right to life to human embryos, "in general, from the moment of conception", and has a legal status on a par with the Constitution in Brazilian Law. The Civil Code of Brazil also provides rights to fetuses and embryos. In a 2008 case, however, the Supreme Federal Court ruled, by a 6–5 vote, that the right to life applies only to intrauterine embryos, and that frozen embryos not eligible to a uterus transfer do not hold fundamental rights and may be used for research purposes.[ citation needed ] In 2012, the Supreme Court also authorized the abortion of anencephalic fetuses.
On November 29, 2016, the Supreme Court in Brazil ruled in a non-binding decision that "abortion should not be a crime when performed in the first three months of pregnancy". [7] This ruling was controversial, due to the fact that the Brazilian government had passed a bill earlier in 2016 which aimed to make Brazilian law on abortion even stricter. [8] As of September 2023, the Court is considering a case that could decriminalise abortion up to twelve weeks; in one of her final statements before retiring as the Court's President, Rosa Weber, made a public statement stating that motherhood should be a choice and not an obligation. [9]
Abortion was criminalized in all circumstances in the penal code from 1890. [10] In 1940, the penal code provisions on abortion waived punishment on abortion in the case of rape or incest, or if the pregnant women's life was in danger. [11] A presidential decree in 1941, as amended in 1979, banned the advertising of a process, substance, or object designed to prevent pregnancy or cause an abortion. [12]
The number of clandestine abortions taking place in Brazil is a controversial subject which divides anti-abortion and abortion rights activists. [13] A study published by the International Journal of Women's Health in 2014, estimated that in Brazil about 48 thousand clandestine abortions occurs annually. [14] Abortion rights institutes like Anis - Bioethics Institute, however, estimate a much higher number. [15] More recent studies published in the International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstetrics suggest that, despite Brazil's severe legislation, 500,000 illegal abortions are estimated to occur every year among women aged 18–39 years – or one in five Brazilian women. [16]
In 2010, it was reported that 200,000 women a year were hospitalized for complications due to abortion (which includes both miscarriages and clandestine abortions). More recent figures estimate that around 250,000 women are hospitalized every year due to illegal abortion complications, or 50% of all illegal abortions estimated per year. [17] Those figures contrast with 2–5% of women requiring medical care after an abortion in countries where abortion is legal. [18] The majority of women admitted at hospital after an illegal abortion are uninsured, representing a government cost of more than US$10 million every year. [19] More than 200 women die every year in Brazil, as a direct consequence of unsafe abortions. The prevalence of reproductive complications and other negative health consequences associated with illegal abortion is unknown. [17]
In a 2005 survey, one third of the Brazilian doctors who reported having performed abortions, used dilation and curettage. They have little experience with vacuum aspiration but they are aware of it as a method. They have a general awareness of medical abortion using misoprostol (Cytotec) or other prostaglandins to induce abortion but less experience with it. Few know of newer and more effective regimens using mifepristone or methotrexate. [20]
The 2005 survey also found considerable ignorance of Brazil's law on abortion, with only 48% of the physicians knowing that it is legal to save a woman's life and widespread confusion about fetal age limits. An earlier survey found that two-thirds of Brazilian OB-GYNs incorrectly believed that a judicial order is required to obtain a legal abortion and only 27% knew that the woman needed to make a written request to obtain a legal abortion. Those doctors cannot give accurate information to their patients. [20]
In non-hospital settings, women's folk medicine allegedly brings on the menstrual flow rather than causing an abortion. "Two folk medical conditions, "delayed" (atrasada) and "suspended" (suspendida) menstruation, are described as perceived by poor Brazilian women in Northeast Brazil. Culturally prescribed methods to "regulate" these conditions and induce menstrual bleeding are also described, including ingesting herbal remedies, patent drugs, and modern pharmaceuticals." [21]
Some women, if financially able, will travel abroad to have abortions, with Cuba, Mexico, Guyana, Aruba, Curacao, French Guiana, and the United States being some of the countries women travel to. [22]
[ citation needed ] In a survey made in Ribeirão Preto (SP) in 2004, 70% of the Brazilian doctors responded that they didn't support the decriminalization of abortion in the country. [23] The survey also suggested that 77% of the doctors of this region rejected the opinion that abortion should be carried out solely because of the woman's desire. [23] Furthermore it suggested that 82.5% of these doctors also reject the legalization of abortion due to socioeconomic difficulties. [23] Finally, in the case of a possible legalization, 17.5% of them would agree to carry it out professionally. [23]
A March 2007 Datafolha/ Folha de S.Paulo poll found that 65% of Brazilians believe that their country's current law "should not be modified", 16% that it should be expanded "to allow abortion in other cases", 10% that abortion should be "decriminalized", and 5% were "not sure". [24]
Another poll on this issue was made in December 2010, by the polling institute Vox Populi. This study revealed that 82% of Brazilians consider that the current law on abortion should not be modified, while 14% consider that abortion should be decriminalized, and 4% declare to have no position on the matter. [25]
In case of fetuses with microcephaly caused by Zika virus, 58% of the population expressed opposition. [26]
Following the impeachment of former leftist President Dilma Rousseff, A survey of the Instituto Patricia Galvão, in 2017, showed that 62% of Brazilians opposed the idea of the legalization of abortion, while 26% supported the measure, another 10% could not answer. [27] The opinion polls carried out by the Paraná Research Institute in the same year also concluded that 86.5% of Brazilians were against the decriminalization. [28]
According to the Ibope (largest research institute in Brazil), in 2018, eight out of ten Brazilians oppose legalization. [29] In a survey conducted in 2018, by the Datafolha Institute, 41% of Brazilians declared themselves in favor of a complete ban on abortion, 34% said they wanted to keep the legislation as it is, 16% said that they wanted to expand it to more situations and 6% said they were in favor of legalizing abortion under any circumstances. [30] The anti-abortion view is also followed by the majority of federal deputies, which makes it virtually impossible to attempt to legalize abortion through the Legislative Branch. [31] All of this has led the small group of abortion supporters to appeal to the Supreme Court, claiming that criminalization of abortion, "violates fundamental human precepts". [31] [ failed verification ][ citation needed ]
In 2021, a survey conducted by PoderData found that 58% of Brazilians are against the legalization of abortion in Brazil; those who are favorable of legalization add up to 31%. Another 11% did not know or did not respond. [32] Another survey conducted in 2021 by Paraná Pesquisas, however, found that 79% of Brazilians remain against the legalization of abortion, and 16.6% are favorable to it. [33] [34] [35]
In all the surveys carried out, in general, Brazilians are considered one of the peoples least in favor of legalizing abortion. [36] Currently, Brazil is the biggest country in the world to ban abortion in the name of the recognition of the rights of the unborn. [37]
In March 2009, after an abortion on a nine-year-old girl raped by her stepfather and pregnant with twins had been performed because of the rape exception clause in Brazil’s Penal Code, Archbishop José Cardoso Sobrinho of Olinda and Recife stated that automatic excommunication had been incurred by the girl's mother and the medical team. President Lula da Silva and Health Minister José Gomes Temporão decried his statement, and the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil disowned it, saying that the mother was certainly not excommunicated and there was insufficient evidence to show that any member of the medical team was. The statement was criticized also on the Vatican newspaper by the President of the Pontifical Academy for Life. One of the doctors concerned said the controversy had drawn needed attention to Brazil's restrictive abortion laws. [38] [39] [40] [41]
In July 2004, a Brazilian federal judge issued a preliminary ruling that waived the requirement for court authorization for abortions in cases of fetuses with anencephaly. [42] The Brazilian Council of Bishops lobbied against the ruling and the National Confederation of Healthcare Workers wanted to make the exception permanent. In October 2004, the full Brazilian Supreme Court convened and voted 7–4 to suspend the judge's ruling until the full tribunal had the opportunity to deliberate and rule on the matter. [20]
A 2005 study found that 53% of doctors had performed an abortion in the case of a severely deformed fetus, even though that was not allowed by Brazilian law without a court order. Doctors who thought that the law should be more liberal were more likely to have correct knowledge of abortion law and to be familiar with the abortion law regarding severe fetal malformations. [20]
On April 12, 2012, the Supreme Federal Court ruled by an 8–2 vote to legalize abortion in cases of fetuses with anencephaly, saying that children with anencephaly were biologically alive but that they were not a person, and therefore had no rights. The Catholic Church and Brazilian Pro-Life movements criticized the decision of the court, saying that even with a terminal illness, children with anencephaly also had the right to life. [43]
The abortion debate is a longstanding and contentious discourse that touches on the moral, legal, medical, and religious aspects of induced abortion. In English-speaking countries, the debate most visibly polarizes around adherents of the self-described "pro-choice" and "pro-life" movements. Pro-choice supporters uphold that individuals have the right to make their own decisions about their reproductive health, and that they should have the option to end a pregnancy if they choose to do so, taking into account various factors such as the stage of fetal development, the health of the woman, and the circumstances of the conception. Pro-life advocates, on the other hand, maintain that a fetus is a human being with inherent rights that cannot be overridden by the woman's choice or circumstances, and that abortion is morally wrong in most or all cases. Both terms are considered loaded words in mainstream media, where terms such as "abortion rights" or "anti-abortion" are generally preferred.
Abortion laws vary widely among countries and territories, and have changed over time. Such laws range from abortion being freely available on request, to regulation or restrictions of various kinds, to outright prohibition in all circumstances. Many countries and territories that allow abortion have gestational limits for the procedure depending on the reason; with the majority being up to 12 weeks for abortion on request, up to 24 weeks for rape, incest, or socioeconomic reasons, and more for fetal impairment or risk to the woman's health or life. As of 2022, countries that legally allow abortion on request or for socioeconomic reasons comprise about 60% of the world's population. In 2024, France became the first country to explicitly protect abortion rights in its constitution.
Chile's abortion laws have undergone significant changes in recent years. Prior to 2017, Chile had one of the strictest abortion laws globally, prohibiting the practice altogether. However, since then, abortion has become legal in certain circumstances.
Same-sex marriage has been legal in Brazil since 16 May 2013 in accordance with a decision from the National Justice Council, ordering notaries of every state to license and perform same-sex marriages. Brazil became the second country in South America to legalize same-sex marriage nationwide, after Argentina, and the twelfth worldwide to do so.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights in Brazil rank among the highest in the world. Same-sex couples in Brazil have enjoyed the same rights guaranteed to heterosexual ones since 16 May 2013, including marriage and adoption. On June 13, 2019, the Brazilian Supreme Court ruled that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity is a crime akin to racism.
Abortion in Argentina is legal as an elective medical procedure during the first 14 weeks from conception. The abortion law was liberalized when the Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy Bill was passed by the National Congress in December 2020. According to the law, any woman can request the procedure at any public or private health facility. Doctors are legally bound to either perform it or, if they are conscientious objectors, refer the patient to another physician or health facility. Only three other Latin or South American countries legalised abortion on request nationwide before Argentina did: Cuba in 1965, Guyana in 1995, and Uruguay in 2012. According to polling in 2020, around 44% of Argentines support the legalization of abortion on request; other polls showed 50–60% of Argentines opposed the bill.
Since 2021, abortion has no longer been a federal crime in Mexico. However, the criminal law in Mexico varies by state. On 7 September 2021, the Mexican Supreme Court unanimously ruled that penalising abortion is unconstitutional, setting a precedent across the whole country. Before 2019, abortion had been severely restricted outside of Mexico City, where it was legalized on-request in 2007. As of August 2023, abortion is available on request to any woman during the first twelve weeks of a pregnancy in Mexico City and the states of Oaxaca, Hidalgo, Veracruz, Coahuila, Colima, Baja California, Sinaloa, Guerrero, Baja California Sur, Quintana Roo, Jalisco, and Aguascalientes. However, even in states where abortion is legal, there continue to be women in pre-trial detention for murder due to spontaneous miscarriage.
Domestic violence in Brazil involves any type of violence or abuse by intimate partners or family members against one another. The majority of domestic violence cases in Brazil are performed by the man against their female partners. In 2015, the government released a study that showed that every seven minutes a woman was a victim of domestic violence in Brazil, over 70% of the Brazilian female population will suffer some kind of violence throughout their lifetime and 1 in every 4 women reports being a victim of psychological or physical violence. In 2017, Brazil had an estimate of 606 cases of violence and 164 cases of rape per day, over 60 thousand cases throughout the year. It is also estimated that only 10% of the cases are registered to the police. Although Brazil acknowledged that domestic violence was a problem in the 1940s, the Government has only acted upon it from 1980s onwards, with the creation of the Women Police Stations and later in 2006, with the publication of the Domestic Violence law.
Abortion in Colombia is freely available on request up to the 24th week of pregnancy, due to a ruling by the Constitutional Court on February 21, 2022. Later in pregnancy, it is only allowed in cases of risk of death to the pregnant woman, fetal malformation, or rape, according to a Constitutional Court ruling in 2006.
The Dominican Republic is one of 24 countries in the world and one of six in Latin America that has a complete ban on abortion. This complete ban includes situations in which a pregnant person’s life is at risk.
Abortion laws in Portugal were liberalized on April 10, 2007, allowing an elective abortion to be provided if a woman's pregnancy has not exceeded its tenth week. There is a three-day waiting period for abortions. President Aníbal Cavaco Silva ratified the law allowing abortion, recommending nevertheless that measures should be taken to ensure abortion is the last resort. Despite the liberalization of the laws, as of a 2011 survey, many doctors were refusing to perform abortions – which they are allowed to do under a conscientious objection clause. Abortions at later stages are allowed for specific reasons, such as risk to woman's health reasons, rape and other sexual crimes, or fetal malformation; with restrictions increasing gradually at 12, 16, and 24 weeks.
Abortion in Spain is legal upon request up to 14 weeks of pregnancy, and at later stages in cases of risk to the life or health of the woman or serious fetal defects.
ADPF 54 is a landmark case of the Supreme Court of Brazil. The rapporteur, minister Marco Aurélio Mello, voted in favor of decriminalization of abortions involving anencephalic fetuses. The minister considered it unconstitutional the interpretation that interrupting a pregnancy of anencephalic fetus is a crime according to the Penal Code of Brazil:
Aborto é crime contra a vida. Tutela-se a vida em potencial. No caso do anencéfalo, não existe vida possível. O feto anencéfalo é biologicamente vivo, por ser formado por células vivas, e juridicamente morto, não gozando de proteção estatal. [...] O anencéfalo jamais se tornará uma pessoa. Em síntese, não se cuida de vida em potencial, mas de morte segura. Anencefalia é incompatível com a vida.
Abortion is a crime against life. The potential life is protected. In the case of the anencephalic, there is no possible life. The anencephalic fetus is biologically alive, being composed of living cells, and juridically dead, not warranting state protection. [...] The anencephalic will never become a person. In short, it is not about caring for a potential life, but an assured death. Anencephaly is incompatible with life.
Eduardo Jorge Martins Alves Sobrinho is a Brazilian public health physician and politician. He is best known for creating federal laws on family planning, voluntary sterilization, the production of generic drugs, regulation of asbestos use, and linking budgetary resources for the Brazilian public health system.
Abortion in South Korea was decriminalized, effective 1 January 2021, by a 2019 order of the Constitutional Court of Korea. It is currently legal throughout pregnancy, as no new law has been enacted. Thus there are no gestational limits or other restrictions.
Communist and Marxist ideologies generally allow state-provided abortion, although there is no consensus among Communist parties and governments about how far into the pregnancy abortion should be allowed.
Damares Regina Alves is a Brazilian lawyer and evangelical pastor.
Abortion in Francoist Spain and the transition period was illegal. Francoists opposed abortion because it interfered with Spanish population growth. Abortion was only briefly legal in Spain in this period in Catalonia in the final days of the Spanish Civil War.
Luciana Boiteux de Figueiredo Rodrigues is a Brazilian lawyer, professor of criminal law and criminology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (URFJ), researcher, feminist, and human rights activist. She is currently a councilwoman for the city of Rio de Janeiro, affiliated with the Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL).
ADPF 442 is an ongoing case of the Supreme Court of Brazil concerning the decriminalization of abortion, in any circumstance, up to 12 weeks of pregnancy. As it stands, the Brazilian Penal Code prohibits abortion except in cases of rape and risk to the mother's life, and in the case of anencephalic fetuses.
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