EU Battlegroup | |
---|---|
Active | 2004–present |
Country | European Union |
Branch | Army |
Type | Framework for creating deployable forces |
Part of | Council of the European Union |
An EU Battlegroup (EU BG) [1] is a military unit adhering to the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). Often based on contributions from a coalition of member states, each of the eighteen Battlegroups consists of a battalion-sized force reinforced with combat support elements (1,500 troops). [2] [3] Two of the battlegroups were to be capable for operational deployment at any one time. The civil power that oversees these battlegroups is the Council of the European Union.
The Battlegroup initiative reached full operational capacity on 1 January 2007, but, as of November 2023 [update] , they had yet to see operational service. [4] [5] They were developed from existing ad hoc missions that the European Union (EU) had undertaken. [3] The troops and equipment are drawn from the Member States of the European Union under the direction of a "lead nation". In 2004, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan welcomed the plans and emphasised the value and importance of the Battlegroups in helping the UN deal with troublespots. [6]
The initial idea to create EU multinational roughly battalion-sized combined arms units was first publicly raised at the European Council summit on 10–11 December 1999 in Helsinki. The Council produced the Headline Goal 2003 and specified the need for a rapid response capability that members should provide in small forces at high readiness. The idea was reiterated at a Franco-British summit on 4 February 2003 in Le Touquet which highlighted as a priority the need to improve rapid response capabilities, "including initial deployment of land, sea and air forces within 5–10 days." [7] This was again described as essential in the "Headline Goal 2010".
Operation Artemis in 2003 showed an EU rapid reaction and deployment of forces in a short time scale – with the EU going from Crisis Management Concept to operation launch in just three weeks, then taking a further 20 days for substantial deployment. Its success provided a template for the future rapid response deployments allowing the idea to be considered more practically. The following Franco-British summit in November of that year stated that, building on the experience of the operation, the EU should be able and willing to deploy forces within 15 days in response to a UN request. It called specifically for "Battlegroup sized forces of around 1500 land forces, personnel, offered by a single nation or through a multinational or framework nation force package".
On 10 February 2004, France, Germany and the United Kingdom released a paper outlining the "Battlegroup concept". The document proposed a number of groups based on Artemis that would be autonomous, consisting of about 1500 personnel and deployable within 15 days. These would be principally in response to UN requests at short notice and can be rapidly tailored to specific missions. They would concentrate on bridging operations, preparing the group before a larger force relieved them, for example UN or regional peacekeepers under UN mandate. The plan was approved by all groups in 2004 and in November that year the first thirteen Battlegroups were pledged with associated niche capabilities. [8]
From 1 January 2005 the Battlegroups reached initial operational capacity; full operational capacity was reached on 1 January 2007. Although EU member states were initially highly motivated to volunteer to fill up the roster, the fact that participating member states have to cover their own costs, which especially burdened the smaller states, has made them more reluctant. Besides, many EU member states had simultaneous obligations to fulfill for ISAF and the NATO Response Force, amongst others. This combined with the fact that EU Battlegroups have never been deployed (due to slow political decision-making), despite several occasions in which they according to various experts could or should have been (most notably DR Congo in 2006 and 2008 and Libya in 2011), has led to increasing gaps in the standby roster. Joint funding and actual usage may resolve these issues. [9] [10]
On 23 June 2016, the Brexit referendum resulted in a vote in favour of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union. Since the UK and France were the largest military powers within the EU, this would mean a serious reduction in forces available for common European defence. On 28 June, High Representative Federica Mogherini presented a new plan, the Global EU Strategy on Security and Foreign Policy, for rigorous further European military integration between the EU member states. These included more cooperation when planning missions, training and exercising soldiers, and the development of a European defence industry. For the EU Battlegroups specifically, the plan aims to remove the obstacles preventing their rapid deployment, such as the lack of a European military headquarters. Although stressing that NATO will remain the most important defence organisation for many EU countries, Mogherini stated that the Union should be able to operate 'autonomously if necessary' on security matters. Referring to the EU's diplomacy and development record, she said that 'Soft power is not enough', and that in a less secure world, especially after Brexit, common action was needed more than ever. [11]
On 14 November 2016, the 56 European Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Defence agreed to the Global EU Strategy on Security and Foreign Policy. This included new possibilities for the rapid deployment of EU Battlegroups with aerial support for civil and military operations in conflict zones outside Europe, for example, before a UN peacekeeping force can arrive. Although Mogherini said the Strategy was 'not a European army' or a 'NATO duplicate', the recent U.S. presidential election of Donald Trump, who had previously implicitly threatened to abandon NATO if its European member states continued to fail in meeting their funding obligations, [12] influenced the European Ministers' decision as well. [13] Besides Brexit and the election of Trump, Russia's military expansionism and the European migrant crisis motivated them as well, making them agree relatively easily, which analysts regarded as a breakthrough. [14]
On 6 March 2017, the foreign and defence ministers agreed to establish a small European command centre in Brussels for military training missions abroad, which could grow out to become a European military 'headquarters' in the future. [15] This Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC) was confirmed and established by the Council of the European Union on 8 June 2017. [16] This came one day after the European Commission launched the European Defence Fund (EDF), comprising €5.5 billion per year, to 'coordinate, supplement and amplify national investments in defence research, in the development of prototypes and in the acquisition of defence equipment and technology'. [17] Until then, the lack of a common military fund had been the main obstacle to the effective operational deployment of the EU Battlegroups. [18] [19] An agreement on Permanent Structured Cooperation in Defence (PESCO) was reached at 22–23 June EU summit in Brussels. [18] [19] A June 2017 Eurobarometer opinion poll showed that 75% of Europeans supported a common European security and defence policy, and 55% even favoured a European army. [18] Political leaders such as Dutch PM Mark Rutte commented that a 'European army' was not in the making, however. [19]
During the German EU presidency in the second half of 2020, the EU Common Security and Defence Policy began development of the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence, [20] as of November 2021 envisioning 'substantially modified EU battlegroups' of 5,000 soldiers by 2025. [21] While EU foreign chief Josep Borrell emphasised the EU intervention force should not be in competition with NATO, it was important to reduce operational dependency on the United States to allow EU military formations to function more autonomously, as had become more apparent during the August 2021 Kabul airlift. [21] [22] There continued to be problems in gathering enough troops together, and at the time only one EU Battlegroup of the standard two was available on stand-by. [21]
The Strategic Compass was eventually adopted in March 2022. [23] [24] Although it had already been in development since late 2020, 24 February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine accelerated the development and adoption of the Strategic Compass on 21 March 2022 in Brussels at the meeting of EU foreign and defence ministers, who jointly strongly condemned Russia's actions, made a strong commitment to the complementary cooperation between the EU and NATO, and discussed plans to increase the EU's defensive capabilities. [5] [22] As part of the Strategic Compass, it was decided to create the EU Rapid Deployment Capacity (EU RDC) by further developing the EU Battlegroups (EUBG) 'to be able to act quickly and appropriately, in both civilian and military missions, in the event of a crisis.' [23] [5] As leader of the EU Battlegroup 2025 (to be operational in 2025), Germany would provide a core of the new EU RDC, supported by contributions of other EU member states. [23] At the late May 2022 planning conference for the EU Battlegroup 2025 in Vienna involving 10 EU states, it was decided that the RDC concept was to be finalised by the end of 2022, the advanced battlegroup would include up to 5,000 soldiers from Germany and the Netherlands (lead), Austria (logistics), Hungary, Croatia, and other member states, joint exercises and training would commence in 2023, the force was to be fully operational by 2025, and would be deployed for 12 months in areas up to 6,000 kilometres measured from Brussels. [24] [5] Aside from ground troops, the new force was to include space and cyber capabilities, special forces and strategic airlift capacities, and, depending on requirements, air and naval forces. [5] Another EUBG 2025 planning conference was held in September 2022 at the Multinational Joint Headquarters Ulm, which would likely also serve as the future headquarters at the military-strategic level. [5] [25]
The groups are intended to be deployed on the ground within 5–10 days of approval from the council. It must be sustainable for at least 30 days, which could be extended to 120 days, if resupplied. [26]
The Battlegroups are designed to deal with those tasks faced by the Common Security and Defence Policy, namely the Petersberg tasks (military tasks of a humanitarian, peacekeeping and peacemaking nature). [27]
Planners claim the Battlegroups have enough range to deal with all those tasks, although such tasks ought to be limited in "size and intensity" due to the small nature of the groups. Such missions may include conflict prevention, evacuation, aid deliverance or initial stabilisation. In general these would fall into three categories; brief support of existing troops, rapid deployment preparing the ground for larger forces or small-scale rapid response missions. [28]
A Battlegroup is considered to be the smallest self-sufficient military unit that can be deployed and sustained in a theatre of operation. EU Battlegroups are composed of approximately 1,500 troops; plus, command and support services. [5] The initial thirteen Battlegroups were proposed on 22 November 2004; [26] further battlegroups have joined them since then. Since March 2022, the EU has been planning to increase their size to up to 5,000 troops per battlegroup by 2025. [5]
There is no fixed structure, a 'standard' group would include a headquarters company, three infantry companies and corresponding support personnel.[ citation needed ] Specific units might include mechanised infantry, support groups (e.g. fire or medical support), the combination of which allows independent action by the group on a variety of tasks. The main forces, extra support and "force headquarters" (front line command) are contained within the Battlegroup "package", in addition there is the operation headquarters, located in Europe. [29]
Larger member states will generally contribute their own Battlegroups, while smaller members are expected to create common groups. Each group will have a 'lead nation' or 'framework nation' which will take operational command, based on the model set up during the EU's peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Operation Artemis). Each group will also be associated with a headquarters. Three non-EU NATO countries, Norway, Turkey, and North Macedonia, [30] participate in a group each, as well as one non-EU non-NATO country, Ukraine. [31] [32] From 1992 to 2022, Denmark had an opt-out clause in the Treaty of Maastricht and was not obliged to participate in the Common Security and Defence Policy, but following a 1 June 2022 referendum in favour of abolishing the opt-out, Denmark joined the CSDP a month later on 1 July 2022. [33] Malta currently does not participate in any Battlegroup.
From 1 January 2005 the Battlegroups reached initial operational capacity: at least one Battlegroup was on standby every 6 months. The United Kingdom [34] and France each had an operational Battlegroup for the first half of 2005, and Italy for the second half. In the first half of 2006, a Franco-German Battlegroup operated, and the Spanish–Italian Amphibious Battlegroup. In the second half of that year just one Battlegroup operated composed of France, Germany and Belgium.[ citation needed ]
Full operational capacity was reached on 1 January 2007, meaning the Union could undertake two Battlegroup sized operations concurrently, or deploy them simultaneously into the same field. The Battlegroups rotate every 6 months, the roster from 2007 onwards is as follows; [35] [36] [37] [38] [39] [40] [41] [42]
Period | Battle Group | Framework nation | Other participants* | Force HQ (FHQ) | Size | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2005 | I | French Battlegroup | France | – | Paris | |
British Battlegroup [34] | United Kingdom | – | London | |||
II | Italian Battlegroup | Italy | – | Rome | ||
vacant [39] | – | – | – | |||
2006 | I | French–German Battlegroup | France | Germany | Paris | |
Spanish–Italian Amphibious Battlegroup | Italy | Spain, Greece and Portugal | Rome | 1500 | ||
II | French–German–Belgian Battlegroup | France | Germany and Belgium | Paris | ||
vacant [39] | – | – | – | |||
2007 | I | French–Belgian Battlegroup | France | Belgium | Paris | |
Battlegroup 107 [37] | Germany | The Netherlands and Finland | Potsdam | 1720 [43] | ||
II | Multinational Land Force [44] | Italy | Hungary and Slovenia | Udine | 1500 | |
Balkan Battlegroup [45] | Greece | Bulgaria, Romania and Cyprus | Larissa | 1500 | ||
2008 | I | Nordic Battlegroup (NBG08) | Sweden | Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Finland, Ireland and Norway [46] [47] | Enköping | 1500 |
Spanish-led Battlegroup | Spain | Germany, France and Portugal | Unknown | Unknown | ||
II | French–German Battlegroup | France | Germany | Paris | Unknown | |
British Battlegroup | United Kingdom | – | London | |||
2009 | I | Spanish–Italian Amphibious Battlegroup | Italy | Spain, Greece and Portugal | Rome | 1500 |
Balkan Battlegroup | Greece | Bulgaria, Romania and Cyprus | Unknown | 1500 | ||
II | Czech–Slovak Battlegroup | Czech Republic | Slovakia [48] | 2500 | ||
Belgian-led Battlegroup | Belgium | Luxembourg and France [37] | Unknown | ??? | ||
2010 | I | Battlegroup I-2010 [49] | Poland | Germany, Slovakia, Latvia and Lithuania | Międzyrzecz | |
UK–Dutch Battlegroup | United Kingdom | The Netherlands | London | 1500 | ||
II | Italian-Romanian-Turkish Battlegroup | Italy | Romania and Turkey | Rome | ||
Spain, France, Portugal | Unknown | Unknown | ||||
2011 | I | Battlegroup 107 (EUBG 2011/1) | Netherlands | Germany, Finland, Austria and Lithuania | Unknown | c. 2350 [50] |
Nordic Battlegroup (NBG11) | Sweden | Estonia, Finland, Ireland, Norway [51] and Croatia [52] | Enköping | 1500 | ||
II | Eurofor (Eurofor EUBG 2011–2) [53] | Portugal | Spain, Italy, France | Florence | ||
Balkan Battlegroup [53] | Greece | Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus and Ukraine [54] | Larissa | 1500 | ||
2012 | I | French–Belgian–Luxembourgish Battlegroup | France | Belgium and Luxembourg | Mont-Valérien | |
vacant [39] | – | – | – | |||
II | Multinational Land Force | Italy | Hungary and Slovenia. | Udine | ||
German–Czech–Austrian Battlegroup | Germany | Austria, the Czech Republic, Croatia, North Macedonia, Ireland [37] | Ulm | |||
2013 | I | Weimar Battlegroup (EU BG I/2013) | Poland | Germany and France | Międzyrzecz | |
Belgium, Luxembourg, France (unconfirmed) [55] | Unknown | Unknown | Unknown | Unknown | ||
II | Battlegroup 42 [38] [56] | United Kingdom | Lithuania, Latvia, Sweden and the Netherlands | London | ||
Belgium (unconfirmed) [37] | Belgium | |||||
2014 | I | Balkan Battlegroup | Greece | Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus and Ukraine [57] | ||
Sweden, Finland (unconfirmed) [39] | Sweden | |||||
II | EUBG 2014 II [30] | Belgium | Germany, Luxembourg, Spain, the Netherlands and North Macedonia | 2500–3700 | ||
Spanish–Italian Amphibious Battlegroup [39] | Spain [39] | Italy [39] | ||||
2015 | I | Nordic Battlegroup (NBG15) | Sweden | Norway, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Ireland [58] | France [59] | |
vacant [39] | – | – | – | |||
II | French–Belgian Battlegroup | France [39] | Belgium | |||
vacant [39] | – | – | – | |||
2016 | I | Visegrád Battlegroup [60] | Poland | Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Ukraine [31] [32] | Kraków | 3700 |
Balkan Battlegroup | Greece | Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus and Ukraine | ||||
II | German–Czech–Austrian Battlegroup [61] [62] | Germany | Austria, the Czech Republic, Croatia, Ireland, Luxembourg and the Netherlands | 1500–2500 | ||
British-led Battlegroup | United Kingdom | Finland, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden and Ukraine | ||||
2017 | I | Multinational Land Force | Italy | Austria, Croatia, Hungary and Slovenia | ||
French–Belgian Battlegroup | France | Belgium | ||||
II | Spanish-led Battlegroup [63] | Spain | Italy, Portugal | Bétera | 2500 | |
Multinational Land Force | Italy | Austria, Croatia, Hungary and Slovenia | ||||
2018 | I | Balkan Battlegroup | Greece | Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus and Ukraine | ||
Benelux Battlegroup | Netherlands | Austria, Belgium, and Luxembourg | ||||
II | Benelux Battlegroup | Netherlands | Austria, Belgium, Germany and Luxembourg | 2500–3700 | ||
vacant | – | – | – | – | ||
2019 | I | Spanish-led Battlegroup | Spain | Italy, Portugal | ||
French–Belgian Battlegroup [64] | France | Belgium | Mont Valérien | |||
II | Visegrád Battlegroup [31] [65] | Poland | Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Croatia | Kraków | 2250 | |
French-led Battlegroup [64] | France | Mont Valérien | ||||
2020 | I | Balkan Battlegroup | Greece | Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus, Ukraine and Serbia | ||
vacant | – | – | – | – | ||
II | German-Czech-Austrian Battlegroup (EU Battlegroup 2020–2) [5] | Germany | Austria, the Czech Republic, Croatia, Finland, Ireland, Latvia, Netherlands and Sweden | Ulm [5] | 4100 | |
Italian-led Battlegroup | Italy | Greece, Spain | ||||
2021 | I | German-Czech-Austrian Battlegroup (EU Battlegroup 2020–2) [5] | Germany | Austria, the Czech Republic, Croatia, Finland, Ireland, Latvia, Netherlands and Sweden | Ulm [5] | 4100 |
Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size | ||
II | vacant [21] | – | – | – | – | |
Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size | ||
2022 | I | Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size |
Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size | ||
II | Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size | |
Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size | ||
2023 | I | Visegrád Battlegroup [66] | ? | the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland [66] | ? | ? |
Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size | ||
II | Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size | |
Battlegroup Name | Framework nation | Other participants | HQ | Size | ||
2025 | 12 months [24] | EU Battlegroup 2025 [24] (EU RDC [24] ) | Germany, Netherlands [24] | Austria, Hungary, Croatia, others [24] | Ulm [5] | 5,000 [24] |
There are plans to extend the concept to air and naval forces, although not to the extent of having a single standing force on standby, but scattered forces which could be rapidly assembled. [67] [ citation needed ]
The following Member States have also offered niche capabilities in support of the EU Battlegroups: [68]
The Battlegroups project is not to be confused[ citation needed ] with the projected Helsinki Headline Goal force, which concerns up to 60,000 soldiers, deployable for at least a year, and take one to two months to deploy. The Battlegroups are instead meant for more rapid and shorter deployment in international crises, probably preparing the ground for a larger and more traditional force to replace them in due time.
In 2010, a group of experts from the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy proposed the establishment of a Western Balkans Battlegroup by 2020. In a policy vision titled "Towards a Western Balkans Battlegroup: A vision of Serbia's Defence Integration into the EU 2010-2020", [70] they argued that the creation of such a Battlegroup would not only be an accelerating factor in the accession of the former Yugoslav republics into the EU, but also a strong symbolic message of reconciliation and security community reconstruction after the devastating wars of the 1990s. Furthermore, the authors of the study argued that such a Western Balkan Battlegroup, notwithstanding all the political challenges, would have a very high linguistic, cultural and military interoperability. Although decision makers initially showed a weak interest in the Western Balkans Battlegroup, the idea has recently reappeared in the parliamentary discussions in Serbia. [71]
In 2008, the EU Battlegroup conducted wargames to protect the first-ever free elections in the imaginary country of Vontinalys. [72] In June 2014, EUBG 2014 II with 3,000 troops from Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg, North Macedonia, the Netherlands and Spain conducted a training exercise in the Ardennes, codenamed 'Quick Lion', to prevent ethnic violence between the "Greys" and the "Whites" in the imaginary country of "Blueland". [73] [74]
The Finnish Defence Forces (FDF) (Finnish: Puolustusvoimat, Swedish: Försvarsmakten) are the military of Finland. The Finnish Defence Forces consist of the Finnish Army, the Finnish Navy, and the Finnish Air Force. In wartime, the Finnish Border Guard becomes part of the Finnish Defence Forces.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization, also called the North Atlantic Alliance, is an intergovernmental military alliance of 32 member states—30 European and 2 North American. Established in the aftermath of World War II, the organization implements the North Atlantic Treaty, signed in Washington, D.C., on 4 April 1949. NATO is a collective security system: its independent member states agree to defend each other against attacks by third parties. During the Cold War, NATO operated as a check on the threat posed by the Soviet Union. The alliance remained in place after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact, and has been involved in military operations in the Balkans, the Middle East, South Asia, and Africa. The organization's motto is animus in consulendo liber. The organization's strategic concepts include deterrence.
The Swedish Armed Forces are the armed forces of the Kingdom of Sweden, tasked with the defence of the country as well as with promoting Sweden's wider interests, supporting international peacekeeping, and providing humanitarian aid. It consists of four service branches: the Swedish Army, the Swedish Air Force and the Swedish Navy, as well as a military reserve force, the Home Guard. Since 1994, all Swedish military branches are organised within a single unified government agency, the Swedish Armed Forces Headquarters, which is headed by the Supreme Commander, even though the individual services maintain their distinct identities.
Eurocorps, located in the French city of Strasbourg (Bas-Rhin), is a multinational corps headquarters. Founded by France and Germany in 1992, it is today composed of personnel from six framework nations and five associated nations. The framework nations place the Eurocorps at the service of the European Union (EU) and NATO, which certified it in 2002 as one of its nine High Readiness Land Headquarters.
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The European Gendarmerie Force (EUROGENDFOR) is a European rapid reaction force composed of elements of several European police and gendarmerie forces. EUROGENDFOR is tasked with performing policing tasks within the scope of crisis management operations.
The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) is the European Union's (EU) course of action in the fields of defence and crisis management, and a main component of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).
Operation Artemis, formally European Union Force Democratic Republic of the Congo (EUFOR), was a short-term European Union-led UN-authorised military mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2003, during the Ituri conflict. ARTEMIS is considered the first military operation led by the EU, the first autonomous EU operation, the first rapid response mission of the EU, first operation outside Europe, first operation applying the principle of the framework nation and first example of "relay operation", conducted in cooperation between the EU and the United Nations. The deployment of EUFOR troops quickly decreased the conflict's intensity. It marked the first autonomous EU military mission outside Europe and an important milestone in development of the European Security and Defence Policy.
The European Rapid Operational Force (EUROFOR) was a multinational rapid reaction force composed of forces from four states of the European Union: Italy, France, Portugal and Spain. It had a permanent staff capable of commanding operations, involving commitments of up to a Light Division in size. Eurofor was formed in May 1995 in Lisbon, and was answerable to the Western European Union (WEU) directly. It was tasked with performing Petersberg tasks, including humanitarian, peacekeeping and peace enforcement missions. With the merger of several WEU elements into the European Union, Eurofor had by and large become part of the Common Security and Defence Policy. It was eventually transformed into an EU Battlegroup and was on standby from 1 July until 31 December 2011. On 2 July 2012, Eurofor was dissolved.
The Nordic Battlegroup (NBG) is one of eighteen European Union battlegroups. It consists of around 2,500 soldiers including officers, with manpower contributed from the seven participating Northern European countries, Sweden, Finland, Norway, Ireland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. The military strategic command of the force is done in cooperation with any of the suitable five Operation Headquarters framework nations at the time for deployment. Before 2022, Denmark opted out of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the EU, hence all battlegroups. Norway has negotiated an opt-in to participate, even though it is not an EU member state. Sweden, Finland and Norway have planned to form a joint battlegroup.
The Helsinki Headline Goal was a military capability target set for 2003 during the December 1999 Helsinki European Council meeting with the aim of developing a future European Rapid Reaction Force. There was much interest in the idea of a single EU military force, and inexact characterisations of the initiative led to imprecise journalistic depictions about a unified European army.
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The Visegrád Battlegroup or V4 EU Battlegroup is an EU Battlegroup led by Poland, in which the other fellow Visegrád Group countries – the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary participate. It was on standby from 1 January until 30 June 2016 and from 1 July until 31 December 2019. It is scheduled to go on standby in the first half of 2023.
The Weimar Battlegroup is a multinational EU Battlegroup under Polish leadership, in which Germany and France also participate as members of the Weimar Triangle. It was on standby in the first half of 2013.
Enhanced Forward Presence (EFP) is a NATO-allied forward-deployed defense and deterrence military force in Northern, Central and Eastern Europe. This posture in Northern Europe through Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania and in Central Europe through Poland, Slovakia and Hungary and in Eastern Europe through Romania and Bulgaria, is in place to protect and reassure the security of NATO's Northern, Central and Eastern European member states on NATO's eastern flank.
Robert Peter Bauer is a Dutch military officer of the Royal Netherlands Navy who has been serving as Chair of the NATO Military Committee since June 2021, succeeding Air Chief Marshal Sir Stuart Peach of the Royal Air Force of the United Kingdom. He previously served as the Chief of Defence from October 2017 to April 2021, and as the Vice Chief of Defence of the Netherlands of the from 1 September 2015 to 13 July 2017. Bauer was also involved in counter-terrorist and anti-piracy operations in the Mediterranean Sea, and in the Horn of Africa.
This article outlines the history of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU), a part of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).
This article outlines the defence forces of the European Union (EU), which implement the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in CSDP missions. There are two categories of EU multinational forces: ones that have been established intergovernmentally and made available to the CSDP through Article 42(3) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), such as the Eurocorps; and the EU Battlegroups, established at the EU level.
The Strategic Compass for Security and Defence is a roadmap document written by the European External Action Service in 2022. and adopted on 25 May 2022 by the European Council. Josep Borrell, the foreign policy chief at the time, said that it was a "turning point for the European Union as a security provider and an important step for the European security and defence policy." He also said that given the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, a "sea change in EU security and defence" was necessary. The document is seen as a parallel to the National Security Strategy of the United States. It was the first time a collective threat assessment procedure was written. A lengthy list of deliverables included the birth of the Rapid Deployment Capacity, by 2025. Its intended reach was global. A lecturer thought that "Russia has unleashed the strongest push to strengthen Europe’s defence since the end of the Cold War", and that this document provided the necessary impetus.
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