Economic policy of the Alberto Fujimori administration

Last updated

Alberto Fujimori in October 1991 Visit of Alberto Fujimori, President of Peru, to the CEC (cropped).jpg
Alberto Fujimori in October 1991

Alberto Fujimori served as the 54th President of Peru from 28 July 1990 to 22 November 2000. A controversial figure, Fujimori has been credited with the creation of Fujimorism, defeating the Shining Path insurgency in Peru and restoring its macroeconomic stability. [1] [2] [3] [4] However, he was criticized for his authoritarian way of ruling the country (especially after 1992) and was accused of human rights violations. [5] [6] Even amid his prosecution in 2008 for crimes against humanity relating to his presidency, two-thirds of Peruvians polled voiced approval for his leadership in that period. [7]

Contents

Fujimori's economic policy was largely adopted from the advice of Peruvian economist Hernando de Soto, who prescribed economic guidelines – including the loosening of economic regulation, the introduction of austerity measures and the utilization of neoliberal policies – that were ultimately adopted by the Fujimori administration and established in the 1993 Constitution of Peru. [8] [9] [10] [11] The policies utilized by de Soto and Fujimori resulted with increased misery for poor Peruvians as de Soto's prescribed "Fujishock" caused increased prices and little change to the poverty rate. [12] Eventually, the policies resulted in Peru becoming macro-economically stable following the period of price controls and increased regulation established during the Lost Decade. [12] [13]

Background

A dark horse candidate, Fujimori won the 1990 presidential election under the banner of the new party Cambio 90 ("cambio" meaning "change"), beating world-renowned writer Mario Vargas Llosa in a surprising upset. He capitalized on profound disenchantment with previous president Alan García and his American Popular Revolutionary Alliance party (APRA). He exploited popular distrust of Vargas Llosa's identification with the existing Peruvian political establishment, and uncertainty about Vargas Llosa's plans for neoliberal economic reforms. Fujimori won much support from the poor, who had been frightened by Vargas Llosa's austerity proposals.

During the campaign, Fujimori was nicknamed El Chino, which roughly translates to "Chinaman"; it is common for people of any East Asian descent to be called chino in Peru, as elsewhere in Latin America, both derogatively and affectionately. Although he is of Japanese heritage, Fujimori has suggested that he was always gladdened by the term, which he perceived as a term of affection. [14] With his election victory, he became the first person of East Asian descent to become head of government of a Latin American nation, and just the third of East Asian descent to govern a South American state, after Arthur Chung of Guyana and Henk Chin A Sen of Suriname (each of whom had served as head of state, rather than head of government).

First term: 28 July 1990 – 28 July 1995

Fujishock

During his first term in office, Fujimori enacted wide-ranging neoliberal reforms, known as Fujishock. During the presidency of Alan García, the economy had entered a period of hyperinflation and the political system was in crisis due to the country's internal conflict, leaving Peru in "economic and political chaos". [15] It was Fujimori's objective to pacify the nation and restore economic balance. This program bore little resemblance to his campaign platform and was in fact more drastic than anything Vargas Llosa had proposed. [16] Nonetheless, the Fujishock succeeded in restoring Peru to the global economy, though not without immediate social cost. [17]

The immediate target of the first Fujimori Administration, was to stop the runaway course of inflation. Beyond that, the goals included repudiating protection and import substitution, returning to full participation in the world trading and financial systems, eliminating domestic price controls and subsidies, raising public revenue and holding government spending strictly to the levels of current revenue, initiating a social emergency program to reduce the shock of adjustment for the poor, and devoting a higher share of the country's resources to rural investment and correction of the causes of rural poverty. In practice, new measures came out in bits and pieces, dominated by immediate concern to stop inflation; actions taken in the first year did not complete the program. [18] Reforms have permitted an economic growth since 1993, except for a slump after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. [19]

Fujimori's initiative relaxed private sector price controls, drastically reduced government subsidies and government employment, eliminated all exchange controls, and also reduced restrictions on investment, imports, and capital flow. [17] Tariffs were radically simplified, the minimum wage was immediately quadrupled, and the government established a $400 million poverty relief fund. [17] The latter measure seemed to anticipate the economic agony that was to come, as electricity costs quintupled, water prices rose eightfold, and gasoline prices rose 3000%. [16] [17]

The IMF was impressed by these measures, and guaranteed loan funding for Peru. [20] Inflation began to fall rapidly and foreign investment capital flooded in. [20] Fujimori's privatization campaign featured the selling off of hundreds of state-owned enterprises, and the replacing of the country's troubled currency, the inti, with the Nuevo Sol. [15] The Fujishock restored macroeconomic stability to the economy and triggered a considerable long-term economic upturn in the mid-1990s. [21] In 1994, the Peruvian economy grew at a rate of 13%, faster than any other economy in the world. [21]

1992 Peruvian coup d'état

During Fujimori's first term in office, APRA and Vargas Llosa's party, FREDEMO, remained in control of both chambers of Congress (the Chamber of Deputies and Senate), hampering the government's ability to enact economic reforms. Fujimori also found it difficult to combat the threat posed by the Maoist guerrilla organization Shining Path (Spanish : Sendero Luminoso), due largely to what he perceived to be the intransigence and obstructionism of Congress. By March 1992, Congress met with the approval of only 17% of the electorate, according to one poll (the presidency stood at 42%, in the same poll). [22]

In response to the political deadlock, on 5 April 1992, Fujimori with the support of the military carried out a presidential coup, [23] also known as the autogolpe (auto-coup or self-coup) or Fujigolpe (Fuji-coup) in Peru. He shut down Congress, suspended the constitution, and purged the judiciary. [24] The coup was welcomed by the public, according to numerous polls. [25] Not only was the coup itself marked by favorable public opinion in several independent polls, but also public approval of the Fujimori administration jumped significantly in the wake of the coup. [25] [26] Fujimori often cited this public support in defending the coup, which he characterized as "not a negation of real democracy, but on the contrary… a search for an authentic transformation to assure a legitimate and effective democracy." [25] Fujimori believed that Peruvian democracy had been nothing more than "a deceptive formality – a facade"; [25] he claimed the coup was necessary to break with the deeply entrenched special interests that were hindering him from rescuing Peru from the chaotic state in which García had left it. [27] Fujimori's coup was immediately met with the near-unanimous condemnation by the international community. [25] The Organization of American States denounced the coup and demanded a return to "representative democracy", [28] despite Fujimori's claims that his coup represented a "popular uprising". [25] Various foreign ministers of OAS member states reiterated this condemnation of the autogolpe. [26] They proposed an urgent effort to promote the re-establishment of "the democratic institutional order" in Peru. [29] Following negotiations involving the OAS, the government, and opposition groups, Alberto Fujimori's initial response was to hold a referendum to ratify the auto-coup, which the OAS rejected. Fujimori then proposed scheduling elections for a Democratic Constituent Congress (CCD), which would be charged with drafting a new constitution, to be ratified by a national referendum. Despite the lack of consensus among political forces in Peru regarding this proposal, the ad hoc OAS meeting of ministers nevertheless approved Fujimori's offer in mid-May, and elections for the CCD were held on 22 November 1992. [26]

Various states acted to condemn the coup individually. Venezuela broke off diplomatic relations, and Argentina withdrew its ambassador. Chile joined Argentina in requesting that Peru be suspended from the Organization of American States. International financiers delayed planned or projected loans, and the United States, Germany and Spain suspended all non-humanitarian aid to Peru. The coup appeared to threaten the economic recovery strategy of reinsertion, and complicated the process of clearing arrears with the International Monetary Fund.

Whereas Peruvian–U.S. relations early in Fujimori's presidency had been dominated by questions of coca eradication, Fujimori's autogolpe immediately became a major obstacle to international relations, as the United States immediately suspended all military and economic aid to Peru, with exceptions for counter-narcotic and humanitarian-related funds. [30]

Post-coup period

With FREDEMO dissolved and APRA's leader, Alan García, exiled to Colombia, Fujimori sought to legitimize his position. He called elections for a Democratic Constitutional Congress that would serve as a legislature and a constituent assembly. While APRA and Popular Action attempted to boycott this, the Popular Christian Party (PPC, not to be confused with PCP Partido Comunista del Peru) and many left-leaning parties participated in this election. His supporters won a majority in this body, and drafted a new constitution in 1993. A referendum was scheduled, and the coup and the Constitution of 1993 were approved by a narrow margin of between four and five percent.

Later in the year, on 13 November, there was a failed military coup, led by General Jaime Salinas Sedó. Salinas asserted that his efforts were a matter of turning Fujimori over for trial, for violating the Peruvian constitution. [31]

In 1994, Fujimori separated from his wife Susana Higuchi in a noisy, public divorce. He formally stripped her of the title First Lady in August 1994, appointing their elder daughter First Lady in her stead. Higuchi publicly denounced Fujimori as a "tyrant" and claimed that his administration was corrupt. They formally divorced in 1995.

Second term: 28 July 1995 – 28 July 2000

The 1993 Constitution allowed Fujimori to run for a second term, and in April 1995, at the height of his popularity, Fujimori easily won reelection with almost two-thirds of the vote. His major opponent, former Secretary-General of the United Nations Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, won only 22 percent of the vote. Fujimori's supporters won comfortable majorities in the legislature. One of the first acts of the new congress was to declare an amnesty for all members of the Peruvian military or police accused or convicted of human rights abuses between 1980 and 1995.

During his second term, Fujimori signed a peace agreement with Ecuador over a border dispute that had simmered for more than a century. The treaty allowed the two countries to obtain international funds for developing the border region. Fujimori also settled some unresolved issues with Chile, Peru's southern neighbor, outstanding since the Treaty of Lima of 1929. [32]

The 1995 election was the turning point in Fujimori's career. Peruvians now began to be more concerned about freedom of speech and the press. However, before he was sworn in for a second term, Fujimori stripped two universities of their autonomy and reshuffled the national electoral board. This led his opponents to call him "Chinochet," a reference to his previous nickname and to Chilean ruler Augusto Pinochet. [33]

According to a poll by the Peruvian Research and Marketing Company conducted in 1997, 40.6% of Lima residents considered President Fujimori an authoritarian. [34] [35] [36]

High growth during Fujimori's first term petered out during his second term. "El Niño" phenomena had a tremendous impact on the Peruvian economy during the late 1990s. [37] Nevertheless, total GDP growth between 1992 and 2001, inclusive, was 44.60%, that is, 3.76% per annum; total GDP per capita growth between 1991 and 2001, inclusive, was 30.78%, that is, 2.47% per annum. Also, studies by INEI, the national statistics bureau [38] show that the number of Peruvians living in poverty increased dramatically (from 41.6% to more than 70%) during Alan García's term, but they actually decreased (from more than 70% to 54%) during Fujimori's term. Furthermore, FAO reported Peru reduced undernourishment by about 29% from 1990 to 1992 to 1997–99. [39]

Peru was reintegrated into the global economic system, and began to attract foreign investment. The sell-off of state-owned enterprises led to improvements in some service industries, notably local telephony, mobile telephony and Internet. For example, before privatization, a consumer or business would need to wait up to 10 years to get a local telephone line installed from the monopolistic state-run telephone company, at a cost of $607 for a residential line. [40] [41] A couple of years after privatization, the wait was reduced to just a few days. Peru's Physical land based telephone network had a dramatic increase in telephone penetration from 2.9% in 1993 to 5.9% in 1996 and 6.2% in 2000, [42] and a dramatic decrease in the wait for a telephone line. Average wait went from 70 months in 1993 (before privatization) to two months in 1996 (after privatization). [43] Privatization also generated foreign investment in export-oriented activities such as mining and energy extraction, notably the Camisea gas project and the copper and zinc extraction projects at Antamina. [44]

By the end of the decade, Peru's international currency reserves were built up from nearly zero at the end of García's term to almost US$10 billion. Economic improvement led to the revival of tourism, agroexport, industries and fisheries. [45] [46]

In addition to the nature of democracy under Fujimori, Peruvians were becoming increasingly interested in the myriad criminal allegations involving Fujimori and his chief of the National Intelligence Service, Vladimiro Montesinos. A 2002 report by Health Minister Fernando Carbone would later suggest that Fujimori was involved in the forced sterilizations of up to 300,000 indigenous women from 1996 to 2000, as part of a population control program. [6] A 2004 World Bank publication would suggest that, in this period, Montesinos' abuse of the power accorded him by Fujimori "led to a steady and systematic undermining of the rule of law". [47]

Third term: 28 July – 17 November 2000

The 1993 constitution limits a presidency to two terms. Shortly after Fujimori began his second term, his supporters in Congress passed a law of "authentic interpretation" which effectively allowed him to run for another term in 2000. A 1998 effort to repeal this law by referendum failed. [48] In late 1999, Fujimori announced that he would run for a third term. Peruvian electoral bodies, which were politically sympathetic to Fujimori, accepted his argument that the two-term restriction did not apply to him, as it was enacted while he was already in office. [49]

Exit polls showed Fujimori fell short of the 50% required to avoid an electoral runoff, but the first official results showed him with 49.6% of the vote, just short of outright victory. Eventually, Fujimori was credited with 49.89%—20,000 votes short of avoiding a runoff. Despite reports of numerous irregularities, the international observers recognized an adjusted victory of Fujimori. His primary opponent, Alejandro Toledo, called for his supporters to spoil their ballots in the runoff by writing "No to fraud!" on them (voting is mandatory in Peru). International observers pulled out of the country after Fujimori refused to delay the runoff.

In the runoff, Fujimori won with 51.1% of the valid votes. While votes for Toledo declined from 40.24% of the valid votes cast in the first round to 25.67% of the valid votes in the second round, invalid votes jumped from 2.25% of the total votes cast in the first round to 29.93% of total votes in the second round. The large percentage of votes cast as invalid suggested that many Peruvians took Toledo's advice to spoil their ballots.

(The 51.1 and 25 figures are as percentages of valid votes, that is, excluding invalid votes. Thus, there were 29.93% invalid votes and 70.07% valid votes. Of this 70.07%, 51.1% were for Fujimori and 25.67% for Toledo.)

Although Fujimori had won the runoff with only a bare majority, rumors of irregularities led most of the international community to shun his third swearing-in on 28 July. For the next seven weeks, there were daily demonstrations in front of the presidential palace.

As a conciliatory measure, Fujimori appointed former opposition candidate Federico Salas as the new prime minister. However, opposition parties in Parliament refused to support this move while Toledo campaigned vigorously to have the election annulled. At this point, a corruption scandal involving Vladimiro Montesinos broke out, and exploded into full force on the evening of 14 September 2000, when the cable television station Canal N broadcast footage of Montesinos apparently bribing opposition congressman Alberto Kouri for his defection to Fujimori's Perú 2000 party. This video was presented by Fernando Olivera, leader of the FIM (Independent Moralizing Front), who purchased it from one of Montesinos's closest allies (nicknamed by the Peruvian press El Patriota).

Fujimori's support virtually collapsed, and a few days later he announced in a nationwide address that he would shut down the SIN and call new elections—in which he would not be a candidate. On 10 November, Fujimori won approval from Congress to hold elections on 8 April 2001. On 13 November, Fujimori left Peru for a visit to Brunei to attend the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. On 16 November, Valentín Paniagua took over as president of Congress after the pro-Fujimori leadership lost a vote of confidence. On 17 November, Fujimori traveled from Brunei to Tokyo, where he submitted his presidential resignation via fax. The Peruvian Congress refused to accept his resignation, voting instead 62 yea –9 nay to remove Fujimori from the office of the president of Peru on the grounds that he was "permanently morally disabled."

On November 19, Fujimori's government ministers presented their resignations en masse. Because Fujimori's first vice president, Francisco Tudela, had resigned a few days earlier, his successor Ricardo Márquez was called the new president. Congress, however, refused to recognize him, as he was an ardent Fujimori loyalist; Márquez resigned two days later. Paniagua was voted by the Peruvian Congress as the next in line, and became interim president to oversee the April elections.

Reception

Criticism

Detractors have observed that Fujimori was able to encourage large-scale mining projects with foreign corporations and push through mining-friendly legislation laws because the post auto-coup political picture greatly facilitated the process.

Some analysts state that some of the GDP growth during the Fujimori years reflects a greater rate of extraction of non-renewable resources by transnational companies; these companies were attracted by Fujimori by means of near-zero royalties, and, by the same fact, little of the extracted wealth has stayed in the country. [50] [51] [52] [53] Peru's mining legislation, they claim, has served as a role model for other countries that wish to become more mining-friendly. [54]

Fujimori's privatization program also remains shrouded in controversy. A congressional investigation in 2002, led by socialist opposition congressman Javier Diez Canseco, stated that of the US$9 billion raised through the privatizations of hundreds of state-owned enterprises, only a small fraction of this income ever benefited the Peruvian people.

The one instance of organised labour's success in impeding reforms, namely the teachers' union resistance to education reform, was based on traditional methods of organisation and resistance: strikes and street demonstrations. [55]

Some scholars claim that Fujimori's government became a "dictatorship" after the auto-coup, [56] permeated by a network of corruption organized by his associate Montesinos, who now faces dozens of charges that range from embezzlement to drug trafficking to murder (Montesinos is currently on trial in Lima). [57] [58] [59] Fujimori's style of government has also been described as "populist authoritarianism". Numerous governments [60] and human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, have welcomed the extradition of Fujimori to face human rights charges. [61] As early as 1991, Fujimori had himself vocally denounced what he called "pseudo-human rights organizations" such as Amnesty International and Americas Watch, for allegedly failing to criticize the insurgencies targeting civilian populations throughout Peru against which his government was struggling. [62]

In the 2004 Global Transparency Report, Fujimori made into the list of the World's Most Corrupt Leaders. He was listed seventh and he was said to have amassed $600 million. [63] [64]

Fujimori still enjoys a measure of support within Peru. A poll conducted in March 2005 by the Instituto de Desarrollo e Investigación de Ciencias Económicas (IDICE) indicated that 12.1% of the respondents intended to vote for Fujimori in the 2006 presidential election. [65] A poll conducted on 25 November 2005, by the Universidad de Lima indicated a high approval (45.6%) rating of the Fujimori period between 1990 and 2000, attributed to his counterinsurgency efforts (53%). [66]

According to a more recent Universidad de Lima survey, Fujimori still retains public support, ranking fifth in personal popularity among other political figures. Popular approval for his decade-long presidency (1990–2000) has reportedly grown (from 31.5% in 2002 to 49.5% in May 2007).[ citation needed ] Despite accusations of corruption and human rights violations, nearly half of the individuals interviewed in the survey approved of Fujimori's presidential regime.[ citation needed ] In a 2007 Universidad de Lima survey of 600 Peruvians in Lima and the port of Callao, 82.6% agreed that the former president should be extradited from Chile to stand trial in Peru. [67] During his campaign, Alejandro Toledo promised Peruvians higher wages, a fight against poverty, anti-corruption measures, higher pensions, more employment, military reform, development of tourism, and industrialization. As Peru's top economist Pedro Pablo Kuczynski noted “Toledo comes after almost 30 years of either dictatorships or governments that weren't so democratic. People expect Toledo to solve all the problems of the last 30 years, which included an enormous increase in relative poverty." [68] Toledo's inability to fulfill many of these promises created widespread dissatisfaction. His approval ratings were consistently low throughout his presidency, sometimes sinking into single digits.

Related Research Articles

The politics of the Republic of Peru takes place in a framework of a unitary semi-presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Peru is both head of state and head of government, and of a pluriform multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the President and the Government. Legislative power is vested in both the Government and the Congress. The Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature. The Economist Intelligence Unit rated Peru a "hybrid regime" in 2022.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Peruvian Armed Forces</span> Combined military services of Peru

The Peruvian Armed Forces are the military services of Peru, comprising independent Army, Navy and Air Force components. Their primary mission is to safeguard the country's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity against any threat. As a secondary mission they participate in economic and social development as well as in civil defence tasks.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cambio 90</span> Peruvian right-wing political party

Cambio 90 was a Peruvian right-wing political party which entered the political spectrum in early 1990, and throughout the 1990s until late-2000 was the most powerful political party in Peru alongside New Majority, serving more as an instrumental electoral vehicle for Alberto Fujimori.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Alejandro Toledo</span> President of Peru from 2001 to 2006

Alejandro Celestino Toledo Manrique is a Peruvian former politician who served as President of Peru, from 2001 to 2006. He gained international prominence after leading the opposition against president Alberto Fujimori, who held the presidency from 1990 to 2000. On October 21, 2024 he was sentenced to 20 years in prison for taking $35 million dollars in bribes to award the Brazilian company Odebrecht with a highway contract.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Alberto Fujimori</span> President of Peru from 1990 to 2000

Alberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto was a Peruvian politician, professor, and engineer who served as the 54th president of Peru from 1990 to 2000. Of Japanese descent, Fujimori was an agronomist and university rector before entering politics. Generally recognized as a civilian-military dictatorship, his government was characterized by its use of propaganda, widespread political corruption, and human rights violations.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Vladimiro Montesinos</span> Former Head of Peruvian Intelligence Service

Vladimiro Lenin Ilich Montesinos Torres is a Peruvian former intelligence officer and lawyer, most notorious for his role as the head of Peru's National Intelligence Service (SIN) during the presidency of Alberto Fujimori. Montesinos was widely regarded as the power behind the throne, often regarded as the true authority in the government, supported by the Peruvian Armed Forces.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Valentín Paniagua</span> Peruvian lawyer and politician (1936–2006)

Valentín Toribio Demetrio Agustin Paniagua Corazao was a Peruvian lawyer and politician who briefly served as 55th President of Peru from 2000 to 2001. Elected President of Congress on 16 November 2000, he ascended to the presidency as incumbent Alberto Fujimori and both his Vice Presidents resigned by 22 November 2000.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Christian People's Party (Peru)</span> Political party in Peru

The Christian People's Party is a centre-right and conservative political party based on the principles of Christian democracy. It was founded in 1966 by Christian Democratic Party dissidents, led by Luis Bedoya Reyes, at the time mayor of Lima.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Lourdes Flores</span> Peruvian lawyer and politician

Lourdes Celmira Rosario Flores Nano is a Peruvian lawyer and politician who served as a councilwoman of Lima, Deputy from Lima from 1990 to 1992, Democratic Constituent Congresswoman from 1992 to 1995, Congresswoman from 1995 to 2000, and the Christian People's Party candidate for President of Peru in the 2001 and 2006 elections in which she ran under the National Unity.

The 1992 Peruvian self-coup, sometimes known as the Fujimorazo, was performed in Peru in 1992 after President Alberto Fujimori dissolved the Congress as well as the judiciary and assumed full legislative and judicial powers. With the collaboration of the military, the Fujimori government subsequently began to implement objectives of the Green Plan following the coup.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2006 Peruvian general election</span>

General elections were held in Peru in on 9 April 2006 to elect the President, two Vice-Presidents, 120 members of Congress and five members of the Andean Parliament for the 2006–2011 period. As the no presidential candidate received a majority of the vote, a second round was held on 4 June between the top two candidates, Ollanta Humala and Alan García. Garcia won the run-off with 52.63% to Humala's 47.37%. He was subsequently inaugurated on 28 July 2006, Peruvian Independence Day.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2000 Peruvian general election</span> Highly controversial and fraudulent election

General elections were held in Peru on 9 April 2000, with a run-off of the presidential election on 28 May. The elections were highly controversial and widely considered to have been fraudulent. Incumbent President Alberto Fujimori was re-elected for a third term with almost three-quarters of the vote. However, the elections were tainted with allegations of unconstitutionality, bribery, structural bias, and outright electoral fraud. Alejandro Toledo boycotted the second round of the presidential election, in which over 30% of ballots were declared invalid. Fujimori subsequently called for new elections after his scandal, fled Peru, and faxed in his resignation from a hotel in Japan.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ollanta Humala</span> President of Peru from 2011 to 2016

Ollanta Moisés Humala Tasso is a Peruvian politician and former military officer who served as President of Peru from 2011 to 2016. Originally a socialist and left-wing nationalist, he is considered to have shifted towards neoliberalism and the political centre during his presidency. He is the most recent president to complete a full term.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Peru–United States relations</span> Bilateral relations

The Republic of Peru and United States of America (USA) established relations following Peru's independence from Spain in 1826. In the twenty-first century the two countries have become close partners, collaborating in trade with a free trade agreement and in limiting the trafficking of narcotics into the United States.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2011 Peruvian general election</span>

General elections were held in Peru on 10 April 2011 to elect the president, the vice presidents, 130 members of Congress and five members of the Andean Parliament. As no presidential candidate received a majority in the first round, a second round was held on 5 June to determine the successor of outgoing president Alan García. Former army officer Ollanta Humala narrowly defeated Keiko Fujimori, daughter of imprisoned former President Alberto Fujimori. Humala was sworn in as the 94th President of Peru on 28 July.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">1990 Peruvian general election</span>

General elections were held in Peru on 8 April 1990, with a second round of the presidential elections on 10 June. This exercise was to elect the President of the Republic, two vice presidents, and the members of Congress. The elections filled 180 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 60 seats in the Senate for the 1990-1995 governmental period.

Censorship in Peru has been prevalent throughout its history. There have been multiple shifts in the level of freedom of the press in Peru, starting in the late 1900s when the country was oppressed, to the early 2000s when the country experienced more freedom; only recently has the country been ranked as partly free. After the neoliberal economic policies implemented in the 1990s stabilized the national economy and led it to an economic boom in the 21st century, usage of TV and access to internet has vastly increased, leading to more spaces of expression.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Plan Verde</span> Peruvian clandestine military operation

Plan Verde was a clandestine military operation developed by the armed forces of Peru during the internal conflict in Peru; it involved the control or censorship of media in the nation and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta in Peru. Initially drafted in October 1989 in preparation for a coup d'état to overthrow President Alan García, the plan was substantively implemented after the victory of political outsider Alberto Fujimori in the 1990 Peruvian general election, and subsequent 1992 Peruvian self-coup d'état. Plan Verde was first leaked to the public by Peruvian magazine Oiga, shortly after the coup, with a small number of other media outlets also reporting access to the plan's documents.

The "Lima Consensus", a term attributed to Harvard University's government professor, Steven Levitsky, refers to a set of economic policies that have predominated in Peru starting from the presidency of Alberto Fujimori. This term was fashioned analogously to the "Washington Consensus." Defined by its neoliberal, deregulatory stance and a export-led growth emphasizing raw materials, the Lima Consensus is based on free market capitalism. Peru's economic elites expressly support these economic policies.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fujimorist propaganda</span> Propaganda for Peruvian president Fujimori

Fujimorist propaganda encompasses the political and media strategies employed to shape public opinion in Peru during and after the presidency of Alberto Fujimori. This propaganda apparatus, orchestrated primarily by Fujimori’s intelligence advisor Vladimiro Montesinos, sought to control Peru's media landscape, suppress opposition, and cultivate a favorable public image of Fujimori’s regime. Rooted in the military plan known as Plan Verde, which outlined the establishment of an authoritarian and neoliberal state, these efforts intensified after Fujimori’s 1992 "self-coup" that dissolved Peru’s Congress and judiciary, consolidating power in the executive branch.

References

  1. ↑ Fox, Elizabeth, and Fox, de Cardona and Waisbord, Silvio Ricardo. Latin Politics, Global Media. 2002, p. 154
  2. ↑ Hough, Peter. Understanding Global Security. 2008, pp. 79–80
  3. ↑ "Ex-President's Trial a Moment of Truth". Fox News . 8 December 2007.
  4. ↑ "Fujimori's controversial career". BBC News . 18 September 2000. Retrieved 4 November 2006.
  5. ↑ Burt, Jo-Marie (2006). "Quien habla es terrorista": the political use of fear in Fujimori's Peru". Latin American Research Review . 41 (3): 32–61. doi:10.1353/lar.2006.0036. S2CID   146449265.
  6. 1 2 "Mass sterilization scandal shocks Peru". BBC News . 24 July 2002. Retrieved 30 April 2006.
  7. ↑ "Peru court sentences Fujimori to 25 years in prison for 'dirty war'". CBC News . 7 April 2009.
  8. ↑ Burt, Jo-Marie (25 September 2007). "Peru: Facade of Democracy Crumbles". NACLA . Retrieved 2020-12-11.
  9. ↑ Brooke, James (1990-11-27). "A Peruvian Is Laying Out Another Path". The New York Times . ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved 2020-09-26.
  10. ↑ Stokes, Susan (1997). "Are Parties What's Wrong with Democracy in Latin America?". XX International Congress of the Latin American Studies Association, Guadalajara, Mexico, April 17-19, 1997. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.569.1490 .
  11. ↑ Borda, Luis (2016-05-08). "Hernando de Soto: "Alberto Fujimori fue víctima de la seducción de Montesinos"" [Hernando de Soto: "Alberto Fujimori was a victim of Montesinos' seduction"]. RPP (Peru) (in Spanish). Retrieved 2020-12-11.
  12. 1 2 Pee, Robert (2018). The Reagan Administration, the Cold War, and the Transition to Democracy Promotion. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 178–180. ISBN   978-3319963815.
  13. ↑ "Peru seeks to maintain growth as demand for commodities falls". Oxford Business Group. 2016-02-14. Archived from the original on 2021-04-10. Retrieved 2020-12-07.
  14. ↑ Interview with Fujimori, in Ellen Perry's The Fall of Fujimori
  15. 1 2 Benson, Sara and Hellander, Paul and Wlodarski, Rafael. Lonely Planet: Peru. 2007, pages 37–8.
  16. 1 2 Gouge, Thomas. Exodus from Capitalism: The End of Inflation and Debt. 2003, page 363.
  17. 1 2 3 4 Manzetti, Luigi. Privatization South American Style. 1999, page 235.
  18. ↑ John Sheahan, Searching for a better society, p. 157.
  19. ↑ (in Spanish) Banco Central de Reserva, Producto bruto interno por sectores productivos 1951–2006 Archived 2007-03-20 at the Wayback Machine . Retrieved on May 15, 2007.
  20. 1 2 Gouge, Thomas. Exodus from Capitalism: The End of Inflation and Debt. 2003, page 364.
  21. 1 2 Stokes, Susan Carol. Public Support for Market Reforms in New Democracies. 2001, page 163.
  22. ↑ Smith, Peter H. Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Methods and Analysis. 1995, page 234.
  23. ↑ Kenney, Charles D. (2004). Fujimori's coup and the breakdown of democracy in Latin America. University of Notre Dame Press. ISBN   978-0-268-03171-8.
  24. ↑ Levitsky, Steven (1999). "Fujimori and Post-Party Politics in Peru". Journal of Democracy. 10 (3): 78. doi:10.1353/jod.1999.0047. S2CID   17183707.
  25. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Smith, Peter H. Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Methods and Analysis. 1995, page 236.
  26. 1 2 3 Barry S. Levitt. 2006 "A desultory defense of democracy: OAS Resolution 1080 and the Inter-American Democratic Charter. (Organization of American States)." Latin American Politics and Society 48(3):93–123.
  27. ↑ (in Spanish) Mensaje a la nación del presidente del Perú, ingeniero Alberto Fujimori Fujimori, el 5 de abril de 1992 (PDF). On the website of the Peruvian National Congress. Retrieved 26 September 2006.
  28. ↑ Smith, Peter H. Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Methods and Analysis. 1995, page 238.
  29. ↑ Organization of American States (OAS). 1992. Ser. G MRE/RES 1/92 April 13.
  30. ↑ Cameron, Maxwell A. and Mauceri, Philip. The Peruvian Labyrinth. 1997, page 216.
  31. ↑ Conaghan, Catherine M. Fujimori's Peru: Deception in the Public Sphere. 2006, page 55.
  32. ↑ Dominguez, Jorge et al. (2003) Boundary Disputes in Latin America United States Institute of Peace, Washington, D.C., page 33, OCLC   53067610
  33. ↑ Buckman, Robert T. (2010). The World Today Series: Latin America 2010. Harpers Ferry, West Virginia: Stryker-Post Publications. ISBN   978-1-935264-12-5.
  34. ↑ Cathleen Caron, Judiciary Firmly Under Control in Fujimori's Peru Archived 2012-02-07 at the Wayback Machine , Human Rights Brief, Volume 6 Issue 1 (1999). p.9 et. seq.
  35. ↑ Roger Atwood, 'Democratic Dictators: Authoritarian Politics in Pertu from Leguia to Fujimori,' SAIS Review, vol. 21, no. 2 (2001), p. 167
  36. ↑ Kurt Weyland, 'Neopopulism and Neoliberalism in Latin America: Unexpected Affinities,' Studies in Comparative International Development, vol. 31, no. 3 (1996)
  37. ↑ Gastón Antonio Zapata Velasco, Kenneth Broad, et al., Peru Country Case Study: Impacts and Responses to the 1997–98 El Niño Event Archived 2006-09-05 at the Wayback Machine , Peru Country Case Study supported by the International Research Institute for climate prediction (IRI) and NOAA’s Office of Global Programs as a contribution to the UNEP/NCAR/WMO/UNU/ISDR study for the UN Foundation. Retrieved 27 September 2006.
  38. ↑ El Entorno Archived 2005-04-11 at the Wayback Machine , Atlas Internet Perú – Red Científica Peruana, 2003. Retrieved 26 September 2006.
  39. ↑ Undernourishment around the world: Reductions in undernourishment over the past decade, part of The state of food insecurity in the world 2001, FAO Corporate Document Repository. Retrieved 26 September 2006.
  40. ↑ (in Spanish) Las Privatizaciones y la Pobreza en el Perú: Resultados y Desafios Archived 2006-07-21 at the Wayback Machine (PowerPoint presentation), unsigned, undated, on the site of El Área de Economía de la Regulación, Centro de Investigación de la Universidad del Pacífico (CIUP). Retrieved 27 September 2006.
  41. ↑ Peru after Privatization: Are Telephone Consumers Better Off? Archived 2016-11-16 at the Wayback Machine . Máximo Torero, Enrique Schroth, and Alberto Pascó-Font. Retrieved 4 October 2006.
  42. ↑ Líneas en servicio y densidad en la telefonía fija y móvil: 1993 – 2006 Archived 2006-10-25 at the Wayback Machine Excel spreadsheet, on the site of Peru's Ministry of Transport and Communications. Retrieved 28 September 2006.
  43. ↑ The Information Revolution in Latin America: The Case of Peru (PDF), 6 December 1999. Student group paper from Stanford University. Retrieved 28 September 2006.
  44. ↑ McClintock, Cynthia and Vallas, Fabian. The United States and Peru: Cooperation at a Cost. 2003, pages 105–6.
  45. ↑ (in Spanish) Primer reporte-resumen ... Actividades en el Congreso, El Heraldo, 27 October 2004, reprinted on the site of the Peruvian Congress. Retrieved 28 September 2006.
  46. ↑ (in Spanish) Noti-Aprodeh Archived 2006-02-19 at the Wayback Machine , 8 April 2003, Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (APRODEH). Accessed 28 September 2006.
  47. ↑ "State Society Interactions as Sources of Persistence and Change in Inequality" in Inequality in Latin America: Breaking With History? (World Bank Latin American and Caribbean Studies. Viewpoints). David De Ferranti, et al. World Bank Publications. 2004, p. 139
  48. ↑ David R. Mares 2001 Violent Peace: Militarized Interstate Bargaining in Latin America New York: Columbia University Press, p. 161.
  49. ↑ Clifford Krauss, Peru's Chief to Seek 3rd Term, Capping a Long Legal Battle, 'New York Times, 28 December 1999. Retrieved 26 September 2006.
  50. ↑ "Chile, Peru – How much do mining companies contribute? The debate on royalties is not over yet", Latinamerica Press, Special Edition – The Impact of Mining Latinamerica Press, Vol. 37, No. 2, 26 January 2005. ISSN 0254-203X. Accessible online Archived 2005-04-16 at the Wayback Machine as a Microsoft Word document. Retrieved 26 September 2006. There appears to be a separate HTML copy of the article Archived 2005-04-16 at the Wayback Machine on the site of Carrefour Amérique Latine (CAL) Archived 2007-12-04 at the Wayback Machine . Retrieved 27 September 2006.
  51. ↑ "Peru: Public consultation says NO to mining in Tambogrande", pp.14–15 in WRM Bulletin # 59, June 2002 (World Rainforest Movement, English edition). Accessible online Archived 2005-03-10 at the Wayback Machine as Rich Text Format (RTF) document. Retrieved 26 September 2006.
  52. ↑ Jeffrey Bury, "Livelihoods in transition: transnational gold mining operations and local change in Cajamarca, Peru" The Geographical Journal (Royal Geographic Society), Vol. 170 Issue 1 March 2004, p. 78. Link leads to a pay site allowing access to this paper.
  53. ↑ "Investing in Destruction: The Impacts of a WTO Investment Agreement on Extractive Industries in Developing Countries", Oxfam America Briefing Paper, June 2003. Retrieved 27 September 2006.
  54. ↑ "A Backwards, Upside-Down Kind of Development": Global Actors, Mining and Community-Based Resistance in Honduras and Guatemala Archived 2005-11-03 at the Wayback Machine , Rights Action, February 2005. Retrieved 27 September 2006.
  55. ↑ Arce, Moisés (2005). Market Reform in Society: Post-Crisis Politics and Economic Change in Authoritarian Peru. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press. ISBN   978-0-271-02542-1.
  56. ↑ Charles D. Kenney, 2004 Fujimori's Coup and the Breakdown of Democracy in Latin America (Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies) University of Notre Dame Press ISBN   0-268-03172-X
  57. ↑ Julio F. Carrion (ed.) 2006 The Fujimori Legacy: The Rise of Electoral Authoritarianism in Peru. Pennsylvania State University Press ISBN   0-271-02748-7
  58. ↑ Catherine M. Conaghan 2005 Fujimori's Peru: Deception In The Public Sphere (Pitt Latin American Series) University of Pittsburgh Press ISBN   0-8229-4259-3
  59. ↑ (in Spanish) Esteban Cuya, La dictadura de Fujimori: marionetismo, corrupción y violaciones de los derechos humanos, Centro de Derechos Humanos de Nuremberg, July 1999. Retrieved 22 October 2006.
  60. ↑ Resolución del Parlamento Europeo apoyando la extradición de Fujimori, Strasbourg, 19 January 2006
  61. ↑ Chile Opts to Extradite Fujimori. World Press, 23 September 2007.
  62. ↑ Human Rights Watch. Human Rights Watch World Report, 1992. 1991, p. 314.
  63. ↑ "World's Ten Most Corrupt Leaders1". Infoplease.com Source: Transparency International Global Corruption Report 2004. Retrieved 6 August 2009.
  64. ↑ "Global Corruption Report" (PDF). Transparency International. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 September 2010. Retrieved 6 August 2009.
  65. ↑ García, Fujimori Top Candidates In Peru Archived 2005-10-25 at the Wayback Machine , Angus Reid Global Monitor (Angus Reid Consultants), 30 March 2005. Accessed 27 September 2006.
  66. ↑ (in Spanish) Estudio 293 – Barómetro – Lima Metropolitana y Callao – Sábado 19 y Domingo 20 de Noviembre de 2005 Archived 2012-02-08 at the Wayback Machine , Grupo de Opinión Pública de la Universidad de Lima. Retrieved 27 September 2006.
  67. ↑ Peruvians Call for Fujimori's Extradition Angus Reid Global Monitor (Angus Reid Consultants), 12 May 2007. Retrieved 19 May 2007.
  68. ↑ "Pedro-Pablo Kuczynski." Newsweek. 28 Feb., 2005. Retrieved 27 June 2011.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.