Freedom of expression in Algeria is governed by the constitution, which enforces laws prohibiting actions that compromise sovereignty, national security, or disseminate false information. The media is also regulated by the law of Algeria to protect national interests. [1] However, freedom of expression continues to evolve, influenced by the interplay of the country's political, legal, and social factors. [2] Although Algerian law prohibits violations of sovereignty and national security principles, the government frequently cites the need to protect national sovereignty, public order, and national security as reasons for imposing restrictions. [3]
While the Algerian constitution formally recognizes freedom of expression, Algeria's human rights record has been subject to scrutiny. [4] The practical realization of this right is frequently hampered by state policies, legal frameworks, and socio-political pressures. The government of Algeria maintains significant control over the media, enforces stringent legal restrictions, and employs various tactics to suppress dissent. Consequently, the environment for free expression is often constrained, with journalists, activists, and ordinary citizens facing potential repercussions for expressing their opinions. This complex situation underscores the ongoing challenges and debates surrounding freedom of expression in Algeria. [5]
The Algerian constitution acknowledges freedom of expression. Article 41 of the constitution of 2016 states, "freedom of expression, association, and assembly are guaranteed to the citizen." However, this constitutional assurance is frequently undermined by other legal frameworks and practices that restrict these freedoms. [2]
The penal code and other laws contain provisions that criminalize defamation, insult to state institutions, and the dissemination of false information. These laws are often used to suppress dissent and control the media. The Information Law of 1990, despite being replaced by a new law in 2012 aimed at liberalizing the media sector, still retains several restrictive measures that limit journalistic freedom. [6] [7]
Algeria's history with human rights, particularly during the civil war of the 1990s, is marked by systemic violations, including arbitrary detentions, torture, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings. During this period, often called the "Black Decade," both government forces and armed groups committed widespread atrocity crimes. [8] Algerian security forces, especially the military and intelligence services, were implicated in severe human rights violations such as torture to extract confessions and the arbitrary detention of suspected insurgents without trial. [9]
Arbitrary detentions were rampant, often targeting people suspected of ties to terrorist organizations or opposition groups. [10] These people were frequently detained without charge, trial, or access to legal representation. Secret detention facilities were common, where detainees faced abuse. Testimonies from former detainees describe torture methods that included beatings, electric shocks, and prolonged solitary confinement. [11] [12] These violations of human rights, documented by organizations like Amnesty International, have had long-term consequences for Algerian society. Many victims have yet to receive justice, and the state has done little to hold perpetrators accountable. [13]
The issue of enforced disappearances also emerged as a serious concern during the 1990s. Thousands of people were reported missing after being taken into custody by security forces. These people were never seen again, with their fates remaining unknown to century. The Algerian government has largely avoided addressing this issue. Although President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's administration introduced the 2005 Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation, which released 2200 accused prisoners. [14] However, this initiative did not lead to justice for the families of the disappeared. Instead, the Charter granted amnesty to state agents accused of human rights abuses, making it nearly impossible for families to seek justice. [15]
Extrajudicial killings were another widespread violation during the civil war. Both government forces and insurgents were engaged in mass killings, including attacks on civilians. Insurgent groups like the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) committed violence against civilian populations, often targeting entire villages. In response, Algerian military and security forces launched counterinsurgency operations, which frequently resulted in civilian deaths. These operations were carried out without judicial oversight, further complicating justice system. [16]
A major obstacle to accountability in Algeria is the culture of impunity surrounding these violations. The 2005 Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation, while ostensibly aimed at fostering national healing, has effectively shielded state actors from prosecution. The charter prohibited legal action against people responsible for human rights violations, leaving victims and their families without a legal avenue to pursue justice. This lack of accountability has been widely criticized by human rights organizations, both domestically and internationally. [17]
Even after the civil war officially ended, human rights abuses in Algeria continued. The government, under the guise of national security, has targeted political opponents, journalists, and civil society activists. Arbitrary detentions, suppression of free speech, and tight control over the media have remained persistent issues. The intelligence services, particularly the Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité (DRS), have been accused of maintaining extensive powers that enable continued repression. [18]
Reports of torture and ill-treatment in detention centers have continued to surface. Detainees are often held without formal charges or trials and subjected to various forms of abuse. This situation reflects broader systemic problems within the Algerian political and security apparatus, which operates with limited oversight or transparency. Moreover, while efforts have been made to address some of these issues, including constitutional reforms, the entrenched power of the military and intelligence sectors has stymied meaningful progress. [10]
The overall human rights environment in Algeria remains heavily influenced by the legacy of the civil war and the structures of power that were solidified during that time. Victims of abuses, particularly those from the 1990s, continue to call for justice, but their efforts are met with significant resistance from a state apparatus that prioritizes stability over accountability. Human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, continue to advocate for investigations into the abuses committed by both state and non-state actors during the civil war, as well as for the protection of civil liberties in contemporary Algeria. [18]
Despite these attempts, the road to accountability and reform remains fraught with challenges, as the political environment in Algeria remains resistant to scrutiny and external pressure. Nonetheless, addressing these issues is critical for both the country's long-term stability and the rule of law. [19]
Algeria's media censorship comprises both state-controlled and private outlets. [20] Although the number of private newspapers and broadcasters has increased between 2015 and 2023, [21] they operate within a highly regulated environment. The government exerts significant influence over the media through various means, including ownership, control of printing facilities, and distribution networks. [22]
The state maintains a dominant position in the broadcast sector, with all television and radio stations being either state-owned or subject to strict regulations. As a result, private media outlets often resort to self-censorship to avoid potential repercussions. Journalists in Algeria face numerous challenges, including harassment, legal action, and imprisonment, which further limits the scope of free expression within the media sector. [23] [24]
Internet in Algeria has grown significantly, offering a new platform for expression and communication. Social media, in particular, has become a vital space for political discourse and activism. Despite this, the government closely monitors online activities and has implemented various measures to restrict internet freedom. [25] Authorities have the capability to block websites, and instances of bloggers and online activists being arrested and prosecuted for their online content are not uncommon. These actions indicate ongoing attempts by the state to control digital expression and limit dissenting voices in the online sphere. [26] [27]
International organizations and watchdogs frequently scrutinize Algeria's record on freedom of expression. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and Human Rights Watch (HRW) are among the prominent entities that have consistently raised concerns about the restrictive environment for free expression in the country. [28] Algeria is often ranked low with 139 rank on the World Press Freedom Index in 2024, a reflection of its stringent laws and practices that impede journalistic freedom and restrict the activities of activists. [29]
RSF has pointed out that the legal and regulatory frameworks in Algeria often serve to limit media independence and freedom of speech. The organization has documented cases of harassment, legal action, and imprisonment of journalists who criticize the government or address sensitive issues. [20] Similarly, HRW has highlighted the broader implications of these restrictions on civil society, noting that activists and ordinary citizens also face significant challenges when attempting to express dissenting opinions. [30]
The international community, including bodies such as the United Nations and the European Union, has occasionally expressed concern regarding the state of freedom of expression in Algeria. These concerns are often raised in the context of broader human rights assessments and diplomatic engagements with the Algerian government. Despite these international pressures, substantial reforms to enhance freedom of expression remain limited, and the overall environment for media and public discourse continues to be constrained. [30]
In response to international criticism, the Algerian government has sometimes defended its actions as necessary for maintaining public order and national security. This stance, however, is often seen by international observers as a justification for curbing fundamental freedoms. The ongoing dialogue between Algerian authorities and international human rights organizations underscores the persistent and complex nature of the struggle for freedom of expression in the country. [31]
In recent years, the Hirak protest movement, which began in February 2019, has brought significant attention to the ongoing struggle for freedom of expression in Algeria. The movement emerged in response to widespread dissatisfaction with the political status quo, calling for comprehensive political reform, greater transparency, and expanded civil liberties. Initially, the Algerian authorities allowed the protests to proceed, which were marked by their peaceful nature and broad public participation. [32]
However, the government's tolerance of the Hirak movement diminished over time. As the protests continued, authorities increasingly resorted to arrests and intimidation to quell dissent. [33] Activists, journalists, and social media users who were associated with the movement or who supported for its aims found themselves targeted. These individuals faced harassment, legal charges, and, in some cases, imprisonment. [34]
The state's response to the Hirak movement has underscored the precarious state of freedom of expression in Algeria. Measures taken against protesters and critics included the use of the penal code to charge individuals with offenses such as incitement and undermining national unity. [35] The government's actions drew criticism from domestic and international human rights organizations, which condemned the suppression of peaceful protests and the targeting of individuals for exercising their right to free expression. [34]
The Hirak movement's impact on the political landscape of Algeria remains significant. It has managed to sustain momentum despite the attempts of government to suppress it, highlighting the resilience of civil society and the continuing demand for reform. [36] The movement has also influenced the broader discourse on human rights in Algeria, emphasizing the need for genuine freedom of expression and association as fundamental components of democratic governance. [34]
The international community has closely monitored the situation, with various human rights groups and foreign governments calling for the protection of protestors' rights and the release of those detained for expressing their views. The Algerian government's handling of the Hirak protests and the broader issue of freedom of expression continues to be a focal point for both domestic advocacy and international diplomacy. [37]
Russia has consistently been criticized by international organizations and independent domestic media outlets for human rights violations. Some of the most commonly cited violations include deaths in custody, the systemic and widespread use of torture by security forces and prison guards, the existence of hazing rituals within the Russian Army —referred to as dedovshchina — as well as prevalent breaches of children's rights, instances of violence and prejudice against ethnic minorities, and the targeted killings of journalists.
Torture in Bahrain refers to the violation of Bahrain's obligations as a state party to the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and other international treaties and disregard for the prohibition of torture enshrined in Bahraini law.
Human Rights in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are substantially restricted. The UAE does not have democratically elected institutions and citizens do not have the right to change their government or form political parties. Activists and academics who criticize the government are detained and imprisoned, and their families are often harassed by the state security apparatus. There are reports of forced disappearances of foreign nationals and Emirati citizens, who have been abducted, detained and tortured in undisclosed locations, and denied the right to a speedy trial and access to counsel during investigations by the UAE government. Human Rights Watch states that Emirati laws maintain capital punishment and discriminate against women, migrants and LGBT individuals.
Human rights in Thailand have long been a contentious issue. The country was among the first to sign the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 and seemed committed to upholding its stipulations; in practice, however, those in power have often abused the human rights of the Thai nation with impunity. From 1977 to 1988, Amnesty International (AI) reported that there were whitewashed cases of more than one thousand alleged arbitrary detentions, fifty forced disappearances, and at least one hundred instances of torture and extrajudicial killings. In the years since then, AI demonstrated that little had changed, and Thailand's overall human rights record remained problematic. A 2019 HRW report expanded on AI's overview as it focuses specifically on the case of Thailand, as the newly government of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha assumes power in mid-2019, Thailand's human rights record shows no signs of change.
Human rights in Syria are effectively non-existent. The country's human rights record is considered one of the worst in the world. As a result, Syria has been globally condemned by prominent international organizations, including the United Nations, Human rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the European Union. Civil liberties, political rights, freedom of speech and assembly are severely restricted under the Ba'athist government of Bashar al-Assad, which is regarded as "one of the world's most repressive regimes". The 50th edition of Freedom in the World, the annual report published by Freedom House since 1973, designates Syria as "Worst of the Worst" among the "Not Free" countries. The report lists Syria as one of the two countries to get the lowest possible score (1/100).
In 2011, the then Algerian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika lifted a state of emergency that had been in place since the end of the Algerian Civil War in 2002, as a result of the Arab Spring protests that had occurred throughout the Arab world.
According to the U.S. Department of State's human rights report for 2022, there exists "significant human rights issues" in Ethiopia. In addition to extrajudicial killings and instances of "enforced disappearance", other human right issues in Ethiopia include arbitrary arrest, the censorship and unjustified arrests of journalists, the use of child soldiers, and more.
Human rights in Libya is the record of human rights upheld and violated in various stages of Libya's history. The Kingdom of Libya, from 1951 to 1969, was heavily influenced by the British and Y.R.K companies. Under the King, Libya had a constitution. The kingdom, however, was marked by a feudal regime. Due to the previous colonial regime, Libya had a low literacy rate of 10%, a low life expectancy of 57 years, with many people living in shanties and tents. Illiteracy and homelessness were chronic problems during this era, when iron shacks dotted many urban centres in the country.
International organizations have frequently alleged that Azerbaijan has violated human rights standards established in international law.
Human rights in Georgia are guaranteed by the country's constitution. There is an independent human rights Public Defender of Georgia elected by the parliament to ensure such rights are enforced. However, it has been alleged by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the United States Department of State and the Georgian opposition that these rights are often breached.
Human rights in Egypt are guaranteed by the Constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt under the various articles of Chapter 3. The country is also a party to numerous international human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. However, the state of human rights in the country has been criticized both in the past and the present, especially by foreign human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. As of 2022, Human Rights Watch has declared that Egypt's human rights crises under the government of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi is "one of its worst ... in many decades", and that "tens of thousands of government critics, including journalists, peaceful activists, and human rights defenders, remain imprisoned on abusive 'terrorism' charges, many in lengthy pretrial detention." International human rights organizations, such as the aforementioned HRW and Amnesty International, have alleged that as of January 2020, there are some 60,000 political prisoners in Egypt. Other complaints made are of authorities harassing and detaining "relatives of dissidents abroad" and use of "vague 'morality' charges to prosecute LGBT people, female social media influencers, and survivors of sexual violence." The Egyptian government has frequently rejected such criticism, denying that any of the prisoners it holds are political prisoners.
Human rights in Jordan are similar to or better than those elsewhere in the Middle East. Human Rights Watch reported in January 2018 that although recently there have been far-reaching reforms of the laws and regulations in the country, abuses against basic rights such as freedom of expression persisted.
Bahrain's record on human rights has been described by Human Rights Watch as "dismal", and having "deteriorated sharply in the latter half of 2010". Their subsequent report in 2020 noted that the human rights situation in the country had not improved.
There were widespread reports of systematic and escalating violations of human rights in Zimbabwe under the regime of Robert Mugabe and his party, ZANU-PF, between 1980 and 2017.
Human rights in Ukraine concern the fundamental rights of every person in Ukraine. Between 2017 and 2022, Freedom House has given Ukraine ratings from 60 to 62 on its 100-point scale, and a "partly free" overall rating. Ratings on electoral processes have generally been good, but there are problems with corruption and due process. Its rating later declined in 2023 due to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which led to the enactment of martial law in Ukraine, as well as a labor code that removed many legal protection for employees and small and medium-sized companies, as well as a law that that increased the government's power to regulate media companies and journalism. Since the beginning of the invasion Russia has engaged in various war crimes against Ukrainian civilians and the invasion has had a major humanitarian impact on Ukraine and its citizens.
Angola has long been severely criticized for its human rights record. A 2012 report by the U.S. Department of State said, "The three most important human rights abuses [in 2012] were official corruption and impunity; limits on the freedoms of assembly, association, speech, and press; and cruel and excessive punishment, including reported cases of torture and beatings as well as unlawful killings by police and other security personnel. Other human rights abuses included: harsh and potentially life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; lengthy pretrial detention; impunity for human rights abusers; lack of judicial process and judicial inefficiency; infringements on citizens' privacy rights and forced evictions without compensation; restrictions on nongovernmental organizations; discrimination and violence against women; abuse of children; trafficking in persons; discrimination against persons with disabilities, indigenous people, and persons with HIV/AIDS; limits on workers' rights; and forced labor." In 2022, Freedom House rated Angola "not free".
The government of Belarus is criticized for its human rights violations and persecution of non-governmental organisations, independent journalists, national minorities, and opposition politicians. In a testimony to the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, former United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice labeled Belarus as one of the world's six "outposts of tyranny". In response, the Belarusian government called the assessment "quite far from reality". During 2020 Belarusian presidential election and protests, the number of political prisoners recognized by Viasna Human Rights Centre rose dramatically to 1062 as of 16 February 2022. Several people died after the use of unlawful and abusive force by law enforcement officials during 2020 protests. According to Amnesty International, the authorities did not investigate violations during protests, but instead harassed those who challenged their version of events. In July 2021, the authorities launched a campaign against the remaining non-governmental organizations, liquidating at least 270 of them by October, including all previously registered human rights organizations in the country.
The record of human rights in Venezuela has been criticized by human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. Concerns include attacks against journalists, political persecution, harassment of human rights defenders, poor prison conditions, torture, extrajudicial executions by death squads, and forced disappearances.
Eswatini, Africa's last remaining absolute monarchy, was rated by Freedom House from 1972 to 1992 as "Partly Free"; since 1993, it has been considered "Not Free". During these years the country's Freedom House rating for "Political Rights" has slipped from 4 to 7, and "Civil Liberties" from 2 to 5. Political parties have been banned in Eswatini since 1973. A 2011 Human Rights Watch report described the country as being "in the midst of a serious crisis of governance", noting that "[y]ears of extravagant expenditure by the royal family, fiscal indiscipline, and government corruption have left the country on the brink of economic disaster". In 2012, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) issued a sharp criticism of Eswatini's human-rights record, calling on the Swazi government to honor its commitments under international law in regards to freedom of expression, association, and assembly. HRW notes that owing to a 40% unemployment rate and low wages that oblige 80% of Swazis to live on less than US$2 a day, the government has been under "increasing pressure from civil society activists and trade unionists to implement economic reforms and open up the space for civil and political activism" and that dozens of arrests have taken place "during protests against the government's poor governance and human rights record".
The issue of human rights in Tunisia, is complex, contradictory, and, in some regards, confusing in the wake of the Tunisian revolution that began in January 2011 and overthrew the longstanding rule of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. While the immediate months after the revolution were characterized by significant improvements in the status of human rights, some of those advances have since been reversed. The situation remains in a state of flux, with different observers providing virtually irreconcilable accounts of the current status of human rights in that country.