The Haitian independence debt involves an 1825 agreement between Haiti and France that included France demanding an indemnity of 150 million francs in five annual payments of 30 million to be paid by Haiti in claims over property including Haitian slaves that was lost through the Haitian Revolution in return for diplomatic recognition. Haiti was forced to take a loan for the first 30 million, [a] and in 1838 France agreed to reduce the remaining debt to 60 million to be paid over 30 years, with the final payment paid in 1883. [1] [2] [b] However, The New York Times estimates that because of other loans taken to pay off this loan, the final payment to debtors was actually in 1947. They approximated that in total 112 million francs was paid in indemnity, which when adjusted for the inflation rate would be $560 million in 2022, but considering that if it had been invested in the Haitian economy instead, it could be valued at $115 billion. [4] [5] [c]
Restoration France's demand of payments in exchange for recognizing Haiti's independence was delivered to the country by several French warships in 1825, twenty-one years after Haiti's declaration of independence in 1804. [7] [8] Despite several revolutions in France after that date (July Revolution, French Revolution of 1848, Paris Commune), successive governments, be they imperial, monarchist or republican, continued enforcing the debt and coercing Haiti to pay. [d] Haiti had to take a loan in 1875 to pay back the final portion of the original loan, and the bank that benefited most from this was Crédit Industriel et Commercial. [9] Even after the indemnity was paid, Haiti had to continue paying the other loans, and the government of the United States funded the acquisition of Haiti's treasury in 1911, [10] and in 1922, the rest of Haiti's debt was moved to be paid to American investors. [11] The New York Times states that it took until 1947 for Haiti to finally pay off all the associated interest to the National City Bank of New York (now Citibank). [10] [12] In 2016, the Parliament of France repealed the 1825 ordinance of Charles X, though no reparations have been offered by France. [5] These debts have been denounced by some historians and activists as responsible for Haiti's poverty today and a case of odious debt. [3]
Saint-Domingue, now Haiti, was the most profitable and productive European colony in the world going into the 1800s. [13] [14] France acquired much of its wealth by using slaves, with the slave population of Saint-Domingue alone accounting for forty percent of the entire Atlantic slave trade by the 1780s. [15] Between the years of 1697 and 1804, French colonists brought 800,000 West African slaves to what was then known as Saint-Domingue to work on the vast plantations. [16] [ better source needed ] The Saint-Domingue population reached 520,000 in 1790, and of those 425,000 were slaves. [17] The mortality rate among slaves was high, with the French often working slaves to death and transporting more to the colony instead of providing necessities as it was cheaper. [18] At the time, goods from Haiti comprised thirty percent of French colonial trade while its sugar represented forty percent of the Atlantic market. [14] By the 1770s, more than sixty percent of the coffee consumed in Europe came from the French West Indies, primarily from Saint-Domingue. [19]
Haiti's legacy of debt began shortly after a widespread slave revolt against the French, with Haitians gaining their independence from France in 1804, followed by the 1804 massacre of much of the remaining European population of Haiti. [20] Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Governor-General of Haiti, ordered the execution of remaining whites; in response, Thomas Jefferson, United States President, feared a slave revolt would spread to the United States, ceased the aid that was initiated by his predecessor John Adams and sought the international isolation of Haiti. [21] [22]
"An army of black troops might conquer all the British Isles and put in jeopardy our Southern states."
The news of the New Haitian State was thus received with great fear and rejection by the countries and colonial powers of the region, since all of these countries were slaveholding nations and were nervous that their slaves might follow the Haitian example. [24] [25] The Haitian diplomat and politician, Jacques Nicolas Léger writes that even Simón Bolívar ignored Haiti when he called the Congress of Panama for fear of offending the United States. [26]
After the declaration of independence, no state was willing to trade with Haiti, which led Haiti's first president Alexandre Pétion to suggest paying an indemnification to France, solely for the value of lost real estate, in order to see the de facto embargo lifted. Nevertheless, the French calculation of the indemnification (made in 1825 and confirmed in 1826) was based on articles 44 and 48 of the Code Noir, which established that the enslaved labourers on an estate in the preceding 30 years constituted 30–60 percent of the property value. [27]
Haiti had hoped that the United Kingdom would support their recognition due to Britain's strained relationship with France, even providing British merchants lower import duties, though during the Congress of Vienna in 1815 Britain agreed not to prevent France's actions by "whatever means possible, including that of arms, to recover Saint-Domingue and to subdue the inhabitants of that colony". [14] [28] In 1823, Britain recognized the independence of Colombia, Mexico and other nations in the Americas while refusing to recognize Haiti, leading to the Haitian government abolishing the lower import duties granted to British merchants in 1825. [28] The United States likewise could not be counted on as a potential ally. Despite their anti-colonial assertion in the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, the American government refused to recognize Haiti, largely due to opposition by Southern slaveowners. [29] The first American ambassador to Haiti – and with it recognition of Haiti's independence – only came in 1862, a year after the Southern politicians who had blocked such a move had left Congress after declaring secession. [30]
Until France recognized Haiti's independence, the fear of reconquest and continued isolation persisted among Haitians. [28] Haiti was also financially strained after purchasing equipment to defend itself from invasion. [28] Knowing that improvements could not happen until Haiti received international recognition, President of Haiti Jean-Pierre Boyer sent envoys to negotiate terms with France. [28] At one meeting in Brussels on 16 August 1823, Haiti proposed waiving all import duties for five years on French products and then duties would be halved at the end of the period; France refused the offer outright. [28] By 1824, President Boyer began to prepare Haiti for a defensive war, moving armaments inland to provide increased protection. [28] After being summoned by France, two Haitian envoys traveled to Paris. [28] At the meetings held between June and August 1824, Haiti offered to pay an indemnity to France, though negotiations ended after France said it would only recognize their former territory on the west half of Hispaniola and that it sought to maintain control of Haiti's foreign relations. [28]
As a show of force, captain Ange René Armand, baron de Mackau, in the ship La Circe, along with two men-of-war, arrived at Port-au-Prince on 3 July 1825. [14] [28] Soon after, more warships led by admirals Pierre Roch Jurien de La Gravière and Grivel arrived at Haiti. [28] A total of fourteen French warships equipped with 528 cannons presented demands that Haiti compensate France for its loss of slaves and the 1804 Haiti massacre. [14] [28] [2]
The following ordinance of Charles X, King of France (1824–1830), was presented: [28]
"Charles, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre. "To everyone here present, Greetings. "Having seen articles 14 [e] and 73 [f] of the Charter "Wishing to attend to the interest of French Commerce, to the misfortunes of the former colonists of Saint-Domingue and to the precarious condition of the present inhabitants of the island; "We have ordered and order the following: "Art. I. The ports of the French part of Saint-Domingue shall be open to the commerce of all nations. "The duties levied in these ports either on ships or merchandise at the times of their entry or departure shall be equal and uniform for all nations except for the French flag, on behalf of which these duties are to be reduced to half the amount. "Art. II. The present inhabitants of the French part of Saint-Domingue shall pay at the Caisse des Dépots et Consignations of France, in five annual instalments, the first one due on 31 December 1825, the sum of one hundred and fifty millions of francs, in order to compensate the former colonists who may claim an indemnity. "Art. III. Under these conditions we grant, by the present Ordinance, to the present inhabitants of the French part of Saint-Domingue the full independence of their Government. "And the present Ordinance shall be sealed with the great seal. "Done at Paris in the Palace of Tuileries, this 17 April A. D. 1825, and the first of our reign. "Charles. "By the King: The Peer of France, Minister-Secretary of State for the Navy and the colonies. "Comte de Chabrol." |
The Haitians wanted the French to recognize the Spanish part of the island as part of Haitian territory. However, the French flatly ignored this request. France had returned de jure the Spanish part of the island to Spain in the Treaty of Paris of 1814, which annulled the Treaty of Basel of 1795. Therefore France had no claim to the formerly Spanish part of Hispaniola which it could renounce in favor of Haiti.
Under Charles X's ordinance, France demanded an indemnity payment of 150 million francs in exchange for recognizing Haiti's independence. [2] In addition to the payment, Charles ordered that Haiti provide a fifty percent discount on French import duties, making payment to France more difficult. [22] On 11 July 1825, the senate of Haiti signed the agreement to pay France. [28]
The final discussions between France and Haiti regarding the signing of the Ordinance took place between the months of April and July 1825. By those dates, the Haitians had already been occupying Santo Domingo militarily for 3 years and 1 month.
During the discussions, the Haitians demanded from France that the Spanish part of the island be recognized by France as the territory of Haiti in the aforementioned Ordinance. The French rejected this Haitian demand as inadmissible, ill-founded and lacking legal basis; France, they argued, had returned the Spanish part of the island to Spain in the Treaty of Paris of 1814, which annulled the Treaty of Basel of 1795. Therefore, this territory was not theirs to dispose of, therefore, the Haitians were occupying Spanish territory, not French.
Furthermore, the French were not going to reward Haiti by giving the Haitians a territory that did not belong to France, when the Haitians made France lose its most profitable colony, Saint-Domingue, in the first place. The French-Spanish relations which had been tense during the Trienio Liberal (1820–1823) had markedly improved following the imposition by force of an absolutist regime under Ferdinand VII which was Bourbon, Legitimist and Absolutist, very much like Charles X. Whatever the political expediency might have been (and there seemed to be none), Charles X was not of a disposition to reward a revolutionary Republic at the expense of a regime he viewed very much as kindred.
The Haitians alleged that they were militarily occupying the territory of an independent state, the Republic of Spanish Haiti, free of any power, and that its president and founder José Núñez de Cáceres had recognized the Haitian occupation. The French rejected this claim of the Haitians, since the Republic of Spanish Haiti was just an attempt at a state that existed only for two months and a few days, and that never received official diplomatic recognition, neither of its metropolis, nor of any other country besides Haiti.
Furthermore, France and other major powers had not yet (as of 1822) recognized Haiti as an independent nation, therefore, the French argued, the colony of one country could not recognize the sovereignty of the colony of another.
At the same time, the Haitians wanted France to force the Dominicans to pay the Haitian Independence Debt, and to also collect local taxes from them, so that they would contribute to the payment of this debt. The French rejected this claim by the Haitians. France did not have to collect compensation from the inhabitants of the Spanish part since they had not created any loss for France that had to be compensated. Furthermore, the French never created slave plantations on the Spanish part of the island when it was under French control.
The payments were designed by France to be so large that it would effectively create a "double debt"; France would receive a direct annual payment and Haiti would pay French bankers interest on the loans required to meet France's annual demands. [4] France viewed Haiti's debt as the "principal interest in Haiti, the question that dominated everything else for us", according to a French minister. [4] Much of the debt would be paid directly to the French state-owned Caisse des dépôts et consignations (CDC). [5] France ordered Haiti to pay the 150 million francs over a period of five years, with the first annual payment of 30 million francs being six times larger than Haiti's yearly revenue. Haiti was obliged to take out a loan from the French bank Ternaux Gandolphe et Cie to make the payment. [4] [31] Ternaux Gandolphe et Cie in turn organized a bond auction to raise the sum. A consortium led by Jacques Laffitte agreed to pay 800 francs for each of the 30,000 thousand-franc bonds to the CDC. Of the 24 million that the Laffitte consortium paid to the CDC, 20 million had itself been borrowed at 3 percent interest from the CDC. [32] In 1826, Haiti shipped the contents of its treasury to France in bags [4] to make up the remaining 6 million francs. [32]
Haiti continued to take out loans from France and the United States in order to fulfill payments. [14] Such large payments became impossible for Haiti and defaults occurred immediately, with Haiti's late payments often raising tensions with France. [4] [28] Ternaux Gandolphe et Cie seized assets of the Haitian government for failing to pay on its loan, though the Tribunal de la Seine overturned these actions on 2 May 1828. [31] On 12 February 1838, France agreed to reduce the debt to 90 million francs to be paid over a period of 30 years to compensate former plantation owners who had lost their property and slaves; the 2004 equivalent of US$21 billion. [28] [2] [22] [33] President Boyer, who agreed to make the payments to prevent an invasion, was forced from Haiti in 1843 by citizens who demanded lower taxes and more rights. [4]
By the late 1800s, eighty percent of Haiti's wealth was being used to pay foreign debt; France was the highest collector, followed by the German Empire and the United States. [14] Henri Durrieu, head of the French bank Crédit Industriel et Commercial (CIC), was inspired to increase revenue for the bank by following the example of state-run banks acquiring capital from other distant French colonies such as Martinique and Senegal. [14] In 1874 and 1875 Haiti took out two large loans from CIC, greatly increasing the nation's debt. [4] [9] French banks charged Haiti 40% of the capital in commissions and fees. [14] Thomas Piketty described the loans as an early example of "neocolonialism through debt". [9]
From 1880 to 1881, Haiti granted a currency issuance concession to create the National Bank of Haiti (BNH), headquartered in Paris by CIC which was simultaneously funding the construction of the Eiffel Tower. [3] [14] [9] BNH was described as an entity of "pure extraction" by Paris School of Economics economic historian Éric Monnet. [9] On the board of the BNH was Édouard Delessert, the great-grandson of French slave trader and owner Jean-Joseph de Laborde who established himself when France controlled Haiti. [9] Haitian Charles Laforestrie, who mainly lived in France and successfully pushed for Haiti to accept the 1875 loan with the CIC, later retired from his positions in Haiti amid corruption allegations, joining the BNH board in Paris after its founding. [9] CIC took $136 million in 2022 US dollars from Haiti and distributed those funds among shareholders, who made 15% annual returns on average, not returning any of the earnings to Haiti. [9] These funds distributed among shareholders ultimately deprived Haiti of at least $1.7 billion that could have been put towards infrastructural development. [9] Under the French-controlled BNH, Haitian funds were overseen by France and all transactions generated commissions, with CIC shareholders profits often being larger than the entire budget for Haiti's public works. [4] [9] The French government acknowledged the payment of 90 million francs in 1888 and over a period of about seventy years, Haiti paid 112 million francs to France, about $560 million in 2022. [4]
In 1903, Haitian authorities began to accuse the BNH of fraud and by 1908, Haitian Minister of Finance Frédéric Marcelin pushed for the BNH to work on the behalf of Haitians, though French officials began to devise plans to reorganize their financial interests. [9] French envoy to Haiti Pierre Carteron wrote following Marcelin's objections that "It is of the highest importance that we study how to set up a new French credit establishment in Port-au-Prince ... Without any close link to the Haitian government." [9] Businesses from the United States had pursued the control of Haiti for years and from 1910 to 1911, the United States Department of State backed a consortium of American investors – headed by the National City Bank of New York – to acquire control of the National Bank of Haiti to create the Bank of the Republic of Haiti (BNRH), with the new bank often holding payments from the Haitian government, leading to unrest. [4] [9] [10] [34]
France would still keep a stake in the BNRH, though CIC was excluded. [9] Following the overthrow of Haitian president Michel Oreste in 1914, the National City Bank and the BNRH demanded the United States Marines to take custody of Haiti's gold reserve of about US$500,000 – equivalent to $13,526,578in 2021 – in December 1914; the gold was transported aboard USS Machias in wooden boxes and place into the National City Bank's New York City vault days later. [4] [34] [35] [36] The overthrow of Haiti's president Vilbrun Guillaume Sam and subsequent unrest resulted in President of the United States Woodrow Wilson ordering the invasion of Haiti to protect American business interests on 28 July 1915. [37] Six weeks later, the United States seized control of Haiti's customs houses, administrative institutions, banks and the national treasury, with the United States using a total of forty percent of Haiti's national income to repay debts to American and French banks for the next nineteen years until 1934. [38] In 1922, BNRH was completely acquired by National City Bank, its headquarters was moved to New York City and Haiti's debt to France was moved to be paid to American investors. [39] [11] Under U.S. government control, a total of forty percent of Haiti's national income was designated to repay debts to American and French banks. [38] Haiti would pay its final indemnity remittance to National City Bank in 1947, with the United Nations reporting that at that time, Haitians were "often close to the starvation level". [4] [14]
The New York Times reported the payments cost Haiti much of its development potential, removing about $21 to $115 billion of growth from Haiti (about one to eight times the nation's total economy) over two centuries, according to calculations conducted by fifteen prominent economists. Haiti could potentially have experienced a level of development on par with neighboring Caribbean island nations that gained independence in the early 19th century, such as the Dominican Republic and Jamaica. [4] [5]
The history of Haiti's indemnity is not taught as part of education in France. [5] Aristocratic French families have largely forgotten that their families benefited from the debt payments of Haiti. [5] President of France François Hollande would eventually describe the money paid by Haiti to France as "the ransom of independence" and in 2016, the Parliament of France repealed the 1825 ordinance in a symbolic gesture. [5]
On 7 April 2003, President of Haiti Jean-Bertrand Aristide demanded that France pay Haiti over 21 billion U.S. dollars, what he said was the equivalent in today's money of the 90 million gold francs Haiti was forced to pay Paris after winning its freedom from France. [40] [41] [42] French and Haitian officials later claimed to The New York Times that Aristide's calls for reparations led to French and Haitian officials collaborating with the United States on removing Aristide because France feared that discussions of reparations would set a precedent for other former colonies, such as Algeria. [5]
In February 2004, a coup d'état occurred against President Aristide. The United Nations Security Council, of which France is a permanent member, rejected a 26 February 2004, appeal from the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) for international peacekeeping forces to be sent into its member state Haiti. However, the Security Council voted unanimously to send troops into Haiti three days later, just hours after Aristide's controversial resignation. The provisional prime minister Gérard Latortue who assumed office after the coup would later rescind the reparations demand, calling it "ridiculous" and "illegal". [43]
Myrtha Desulme, chairperson of the Haiti-Jamaica Exchange Committee, told IPS, "I believe that [the call for reparations] could have something to do with it, because they [France] were definitely not happy about it, and made some very hostile comments ... I believe that he did have grounds for that demand, because that is what started the downfall of Haiti." [41] [42] [44]
Following the 2010 Haiti earthquake, the French foreign ministry made a formal request to the Paris Club on 17 January 2010 to completely cancel Haiti's external debt. [45] A number of commentators, for example The New York Times’ Matt Apuzzo, Selam Gebrekidan, Constant Méheut, and Catherine Porter, analyze how Haiti’s current troubles stem from its colonial past [46] drawing references from the early 19th-century indemnity demand and how it had severely depleted the Haitian government's treasury and economic capabilities.
The recorded history of Haiti began in 1492, when the European captain and explorer Christopher Columbus landed on a large island in the region of the western Atlantic Ocean that later came to be known as the Caribbean. The western portion of the island of Hispaniola, where Haiti is situated, was inhabited by the Taíno and Arawakan people, who called their island Ayiti. The island was promptly claimed for the Spanish Crown, where it was named La Isla Española, later Latinized to Hispaniola. By the early 17th century, the French had built a settlement on the west of Hispaniola and called it Saint-Domingue. Prior to the Seven Years' War (1756–1763), the economy of Saint-Domingue gradually expanded, with sugar and, later, coffee becoming important export crops. After the war which had disrupted maritime commerce, the colony underwent rapid expansion. In 1767, it exported indigo, cotton and 72 million pounds of raw sugar. By the end of the century, the colony encompassed a third of the entire Atlantic slave trade.
Haiti has a free market economy with low labor costs. A republic, it was a French colony before gaining independence in an uprising by its enslaved people. It faced embargoes and isolation after its independence as well as political crises punctuated by foreign interventions and devastating natural disasters. Haiti's estimated population in 2018 was 11,439,646. The Economist reported in 2010: "Long known as the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, Haiti has stumbled from one crisis to another since the Duvalier years."
Following their defeat in World War I, the Central Powers agreed to pay war reparations to the Allied Powers. Each defeated power was required to make payments in either cash or kind. Because of the financial situation in Austria, Hungary, and Turkey after the war, few to no reparations were paid and the requirements for reparations were cancelled. Bulgaria, having paid only a fraction of what was required, saw its reparation figure reduced and then cancelled. Historians have recognized the German requirement to pay reparations as the "chief battleground of the post-war era" and "the focus of the power struggle between France and Germany over whether the Versailles Treaty was to be enforced or revised."
In contract law, an indemnity is a contractual obligation of one party to compensate the loss incurred by another party due to the relevant acts of the indemnitor or any other party. The duty to indemnify is usually, but not always, coextensive with the contractual duty to "hold harmless" or "save harmless". In contrast, a "guarantee" is an obligation of one party to another party to perform the promise of a relevant other party if that other party defaults.
Jean-Pierre Boyer was one of the leaders of the Haitian Revolution, and the president of Haiti from 1818 to 1843. He reunited the north and south of the country into the Republic of Haiti in 1820 and also annexed the newly independent Spanish Haiti, which brought all of Hispaniola under one Haitian government by 1822. Serving as president for just under 25 years, Boyer managed to rule for the longest period of time of any Haitian leader.
War reparations are compensation payments made after a war by one side to the other. They are intended to cover damage or injury inflicted during a war. War reparations can take the form of hard currency, precious metals, natural resources, industrial assets, or intellectual properties. Loss of territory in a peace settlement is usually considered to be distinct from war reparations.
The United States occupation of Haiti began on July 28, 1915, when 330 U.S. Marines landed at Port-au-Prince, Haiti, after the National City Bank of New York convinced the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, to take control of Haiti's political and financial interests. The July 1915 occupation took place following years of socioeconomic instability within Haiti that culminated with the lynching of President of Haiti Vilbrun Guillaume Sam by a mob angered by his decision to order the executions of political prisoners.
The Haitian Revolution was a successful insurrection by self-liberated slaves against French colonial rule in Saint-Domingue, now the sovereign state of Haiti. The revolution was the only known slave uprising in human history that led to the founding of a state which was both free from slavery and ruled by non-whites and former captives.
The external debt of Haiti is a notable and controversial national debt which mostly stems from an outstanding 1825 compensation to former slavers of the French colonial empire and later 20th century corruptions.
The Crédit Industriel et Commercial is a bank and financial services group in France, founded in 1859. It has been majority owned by Crédit Mutuel, one of the country's top five banking groups, since 1998, and fully owned since 2017.
Agriculture in Haiti describes the tortured agricultural history of an island nation once described as the "Pearl of the Antilles". The Taíno people were the farming inhabitants of the island when the Spanish first visited in the late 15th century. The Taino died out from European diseases and exploitation and were replaced with imported African slaves. In the 18th century, Haiti became a country of large plantations, especially of sugar cane, owned by Europeans and worked by hundreds of thousands of slaves. The slaves revolted in 1791 and gained independence from France. The plantations were broken up and the land was distributed to former slaves who primarily engaged in subsistence agriculture with coffee as their most important cash crop and as Haiti's most important export.
Jean Joseph de Laborde, Marquis of Laborde was a French businessman, slave trader, fermier général and banker to the king, who turned politician. A liberal, he was guillotined in the French Revolution. Though legally a Marquis he rarely used his title.
The Saint-Domingue expedition was a large French military invasion sent by Napoleon Bonaparte, then First Consul, under his brother-in-law Charles Victor Emmanuel Leclerc in an attempt to regain French control of the Caribbean colony of Saint-Domingue on the island of Hispaniola, and curtail the measures of independence and abolition of slaves taken by the former slave Toussaint Louverture. It departed in December 1801 and, after initial success, ended in a French defeat at the Battle of Vertières and the departure of French troops in December 1803. The defeat forever ended Napoleon's dreams of a French empire in the West.
Crédit Mutuel is a French cooperative banking group, one of the country's top five banks with over 30 million customers. It traces its origins back to the German cooperative movement inspired by Friedrich Wilhelm Raiffeisen in Alsace–Lorraine under German rule, in the 1880s. Crédit Mutuel was a member of the International Raiffeisen Union (IRU).
France–Haiti relations are foreign relations between France and Haiti. Both nations are members of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, United Nations, and the World Trade Organization.
Ugo Panizza is an Italian and Swiss economist. He is a professor of International Economics, department head, and Pictet Chair in Finance and Development at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva. He is a vice-president of the Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR), the director of the International Center for Monetary and Banking Studies, the editor in Chief of Oxford Open Economics and International Development Policy, and the deputy director of the Centre for Finance and Development. He is a members of the Scientific Committees of the Fondazione Luigi Einaudi (Torino) and Long-term Investors@UniTo.
Reparations for slavery applies the UN reparations framework to the human rights violations of U.S. chattel slavery and its legacies for victims of slavery and/or their descendants. There are concepts for reparations in legal philosophy and reparations in transitional justice. Reparations can take many forms, including practical and financial assistance to the descendants of enslaved people, acknowledgements or apologies to peoples or nations negatively affected by slavery, or honouring the memories of people who were enslaved by naming things after them. Victims of slavery can refer past slavery or ongoing slavery in the 21st century.
Slavery in Haiti began at an unknown time with slavery being practiced by the native populations when Europeans first arrived on the island in 1492. Europeans engaged in forced labor of the native population until that community was decimated by disease. To replace the diminished native labor, enslaved Africans began being imported in earnest during the 16th century. By the early 17th century the Saint-Domingue was a slave society with the majority of the population enslaved.
La Borde is a village in the Les Cayes commune of the Les Cayes Arrondissement, in the Sud department of Haiti.
The National Bank of Haiti was a French bank founded in 1881 by Crédit Industriel et Commercial and headquartered in Paris to serve the Haiti indemnity obligation. It had a monopoly of currency issuance in Haiti, by concession from the Haitian government. Antoine Simon closed it in 1910, and it was succeeded by the National Bank of the Republic of Haiti, also established in Paris.
[...] French Saint Domingue at its height in the 1780s had become the single richest and most productive colony in the world.
Being a black-majority Republic that was born from a slave rebellion and a war of independence, Haiti was surrounded by cautious neighbors in every scenario.
... The existence of Haiti gave hope to the slaves of the New World, and this constituted a threat to the European colonial powers and to slave owners in the United States...
Even less could he trust the United States of America. Their attitude was so irreconcilable that even Simón Bolívar, to please them, thought it convenient to overlook the services that Haiti and the Haitians provided him. When convening the Congress of Panama, he, who personally had the greatest obligation to Pétion and his fellow citizens, deliberately ignored the people who had helped him, thus belittling the only nation that had supported him in his fight for the independence of his country...
"This claim was illegal, ridiculous and was made only for political reasons," Prime Minister Gerard Latortue said Sunday. "This matter is closed. What we need now is increased cooperation with France that could help us build roads, hospitals, schools and other infrastructure.".