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Madrassas of Pakistan are Islamic seminaries in Pakistan, known in Urdu as Madaris-e-Deeniya (literally: religious schools). Most madrassas teach mostly Islamic subjects such as tafseer (interpretation of the Quran), hadith (thousands of sayings of Muhammad), fiqh (Islamic law) and Arabic (the language of the Quran); [1] but include some non-Islamic subjects (such as logic, philosophy, mathematics), which enable students to understand the religious ones. [1] The number of madrassas grew dramatically during and since the rule of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. They are especially popular among Pakistan's poorest families, in part because they feed and house their students. [2] Estimates of the number of madrasas vary between 12,000 and 40,000. [3] [4] In some areas of Pakistan they outnumber the underfunded public schools. [2]
Most madrassas in Pakistan are Sunni, follow the doctrine of the Deobandi strand and have educated the masses about the essentials and principles of their sectarian version of Islam, throughout Pakistan. [5] An estimated 4–10 per cent of madrassas serve the minority Shia population. Additionally there are a number of Quran academies offering diplomas in Islamic courses.
The madaris rose as colleges of learning in the Islamic world in the 11th century, though there were institutions of learning earlier. [6] They catered not only to the religious establishment, though that was the dominant influence over them, but also the secular one. To the latter they supplied physicians, administrative officials, judges and teachers.
Conditions in madrassas were "regularly condemned by human rights agencies" as "crowded and undisciplined" according to Gilles Kepel. [7] A 1996 report of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, for example, complained of students being held "in chains". [8] [7]
After the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, American television commentators widely associated madrassas with violence or fundamentalism. Former Pakistani president Gen. Musharraf tried to introduce an element of nominal control as an overture to American pressure, which have by and large been considered a failure.
Estimates of the numbers of madrassas vary, but all agree their number has grown enormously, having expanded greatly during and after the rule of President General Zia-ul-Haq (1977–1988), [1] who initially funded Deobandi madrassas with funds from his compulsory zakat collection which began in 1980. [9] Another benefactor was Saudi Arabia who, starting in the mid-1980s, sought to counteract help the Islamist Islamic Republic of Iran was giving to the assertive Shia minority in Pakistan, with "substantial funds" to expand conservative Sunni madrassas. [10]
According to The News International, in 1947 there were only 189 madrassas in Pakistan but "over 40,000" by 2008. [3] [4] According to David Commins book, The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia, their number grew from around 900 in 1971 to over 8,000 official ones and another 25,000 unofficial ones in 1988. [11] In 2002 the country had 10,000-13,000 unregistered madrassas with an estimated 1.7 to 1.9 million students, according to Christopher Candland. [12] According to the New York Times, as of 2009 there more than 12,000 registered madrasas and more unregistered ones in Pakistan. In some areas of Pakistan they outnumber the underfunded public schools. [2]
In 2020 it was reported that there are more than 22,000 registered madrassas (with many more unregistered) teaching more than 2 million children. [13]
No one thought to ask about what would happen next ... nearly an entire generation came of age in a peculiar all-male world where the only concern was the Koran, sharia law and the glorification of jihad
— Dina Temple-Raston, 2007 [14]
Most madrasas teach mostly Islamic subjects such as memorization of the Quran, Tafseer (Interpretation of the Quran), Hadith (thousands of sayings of Muhammad), usul ul hadith (rules of hadith), Fiqh and Usul ul fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence and principles of Islamic jurisprudence), Sarf and Nahw (branches of Arabic grammar), Arabic language, Islamic finance, Mantiq (logic), philosophy, classic Arabic literature and eloquence. Mastery of these subjects qualifies a student to become an Islamic scholar or cleric (maulvi or maulana).
In terms of religious doctrine, many of the madrasas are funded by Saudis groups and combine Deobandi ideology with "Wahhabism as reflected in the education imparted to students in Saudi Arabia government." Critics complain on intolerance in teachings as reflected in the line that "Muslim pupils in radical madrassas chant at the morning assembly: 'When people deny our faith, ask them to convert and if they don't destroy them utterly.'" [1] Other Saudi madrassas, particularly schools in Afghan refugee camps, may provide an interpretation of Islam that "blends Pushtun ideals and Deobandi views, precisely the hallmark of the Taliban." [11] The vast expansion of madrasas during the 1980s meant a shortage of qualified teachers such that "quite a few teachers did not discern between tribal values of their ethnic group, the Pushtuns and the religious ideals." [11]
Madrassas teach Arabic and while there are over 70 languages in Pakistan, few Pakistanis speak Arabic. The Economist found that of the children who complete five years of primary school, only half are literate.[ citation needed ]
Providing free room and board to impoverished students, and shelter from the privations of poverty, the primarily Deobandi madrassas had a powerful esprit de corps. After many years in "conditions of intense intimacy" with little or no contact with the outside world, Madrassa students tended to be "extremely devoted" to their teachers. The strict doctrinaire teaching based on memorization discouraged even "the smallest expression of free thought or individual will", and gave root to fanaticism and a willingness to fight "anyone designated" an unbeliever by the master—whether a Shiite neighbor, Indian soldiers, even other Sunni Muslims. [15]
The madrassas have been called "the only realistic option" for the majority of Pakistani families to provide education for their sons. [1] Another source (Sadakat Kadri) has stated that "absent an educational Marshall Plan, the hope of educating a literate breadwinner is about as bright a future as millions of families will ever get," and that the schools offer "shelter from the social storm ... camaraderie instead of chaos," for lower middle class Pakistanis. [16] In some areas of Pakistan they outnumber the underfunded public schools. [2] Within Pakistan, there has been a relative jump in their numbers over the past two decades. The primary concern with the explosion of the madrassa system is not the schools in general, but the implications for radicalized minorities in them. These schools have become the new breeding ground for radical Islamic terrorists, where the next generation is trained and groomed. [17]
A 2008 US diplomatic cable expressed alarm that Saudi Arabian-financed madrassas were fostering "religious radicalism" in "previously moderate regions of Pakistan" as children from impoverished families were sent to isolated madrassas, and once there often recruited for "martyrdom operations".
“Graduates” of the madrassas are supposedly either retained as teachers for the next generation of recruits, or are sent to a sort-of postgraduate school for jihadi training. “Teachers at the madrassa appear to make the decision,” of where the students go next, “based on their read of the child’s willingness to engage in violence and acceptance of jihadi culture versus his utility as an effective proponent of Deobandi or Ahl-e-Hadith ideology/recruiter.”[ citation needed ]
The spring break for Pakistani Madrassas is one of the key factors in the beginning of the annual Afghanistan fighting season. [18] [19]
There are almost 2,000 registered Islamic religious schools for girls, educating almost a quarter of a million young women and providing more than half of the candidates sitting graduate-level exams every year. Oxford academic, Dr Masooda Bano has said that the madrassas gave women economic and social opportunities. [20] [21]
The tens of thousands of pupils and graduates of Deobandi madrassas gave that school of Islam the ability to "intervene directly" in Pakistani political life and "to contest everything that appeared to compromise their view of the Islamic world order," according to political scientist Gilles Kepel. [22]
After the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, the US government encouraged former Pakistani president Gen. Musharraf to do something about Madrassas. Musharraf tried to introduce an element of nominal control. [23] Two laws were passed: one to create state-controlled madrassas (model: Dini Madaris, 2001); the other to register and control them (2002). The first had moderate success, as some religious institutions registered in 2003 with the Pakistan Madrasah Education Board created by this law. However, the three alternative institutions it created suffer from organizational difficulties. The second measure proved unpopular with the madrassas, but the government has restricted some access of foreign students to the madaris education system.
Madrassas in Pakistan have been used to recruit jihadists and as a pretext to finance militancy as has been mentioned in the 9/11 Commission Report. For example, officials with the Lashkar-e-Taiba's charity wing, Jamaat-ud-Dawa, travelled to Saudi Arabia seeking donations for new schools, vastly inflating the schools costs to the donors – then siphoned off the excess money to fund militant operations. [24]
Ittehad-e-Tanzeemat-Madaris Pakistan is a federation of the five waqfs (seminary boards) in Pakistan, representing the different schools of Islam – AhleSunnat Wal Jamaat Deoband, AhleSunnat Barelwi, Ahl-e Hadith, Shia and Jamaat-e-Islami. Muhammad Muneeb ur Rehman is the president of Ittehad Tanzimat Madaris-e-Deeniya Pakistan. [25]
The Directorate General of Religious Education (DGRE) is a governmental body established in 2019 to regulate and mainstream religious seminaries. The DGRE was set up as a significant step towards integrating religious seminaries into the mainstream education system. It facilitates the registration of seminaries and operates as a facilitation center for them. With its head office in Islamabad, the DGRE has 16 regional offices across the country. It has registered around 5,000 seminaries nationwide, aiming to create equal opportunities for all students and bridge the gap between religious and modern education.
In addition to the South Asian Dars-i-Nizami curriculum, the students read books in Urdu as part of comparative religion or training in the beliefs of the sub-sect (maslak).[ citation needed ] These texts are taught in a manner in order to promote understanding of differences and similarities as they exist, with the stated goal of respect for human diversity.[ citation needed ] Subjects such as Western ideologies — capitalism, individualism, freedom, feminism, socialism, democracy, human rights are discussed in the context of how they relate to the Muslim thought and identity prevalent in the schools.[ citation needed ]
The Deobandi movement or Deobandism is a revivalist movement within Sunni Islam that adheres to the Hanafi school of law. It was formed in the late 19th century around the Darul Uloom Madrassa in Deoband, India, from which the name derives, by Muhammad Qasim Nanautavi, Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, Ashraf Ali Thanwi and Khalil Ahmad Saharanpuri after the Indian Rebellion of 1857–58. They opposed the influence of non-Muslim cultures on the Muslims living in South Asia. The movement pioneered education in religious sciences through the Dars-i-Nizami associated with the Lucknow-based ulama of Firangi Mahal with the goal of preserving traditional Islamic teachings from the influx of modernist and secular ideas during British colonial rule. The Deobandi movement's Indian clerical wing, Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, was founded in 1919 and played a major role in the Indian independence movement through its participation in the Pan-Islamist Khilafat movement and propagation of the doctrine of composite nationalism.
Ahl-i-Hadith or Ahl-e-Hadith is a Salafi reform movement that emerged in North India in the mid-nineteenth century from the teachings of Sayyid Ahmad Shahid, Syed Nazeer Husain and Nawab Siddiq Hasan Khan. It is an offshoot of the 19th-century Indian Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya movement tied to the 18th-century traditions of Shah Waliullah Dehlawi and the Wahhabi movement. The adherents of the movement described themselves variously as "Muwahideen" and as "Ahl e-Hadith."
Darul uloom, also spelled dar-ul-ulum, is an Arabic term that literally means "house of knowledge". The term generally means an Islamic seminary or educational institution – similar to or often the same as a madrassa or Islamic school – although a darul uloom often indicates a more advanced level of study. In a darul uloom, Islamic subjects are studied by students, who are known as talaba or ṭālib.
Jamia Binoria Aalamia is an Islamic educational institute in Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan. It is regarded as one of the most modern madrassas. Noman Naeem is the principal (chancellor) of the seminary.
Darul Uloom Karachi is a Madrasa in Karachi, Pakistan. It was founded by Muhammad Shafi Deobandi in June 1951 at Nanak Wara and later on it transferred to Korangi, Karachi, on 17 March 1957. It continues the tradition of the Darul uloom system initiated by Darul Uloom Deoband. The institution has adopted a balanced approach between religious and worldly matters. The secondary schools have individual faculties for both boys and girls. The school has the highest standards of Islamic education and offers a combined curriculum covering traditional Islamic studies and contemporary academic subjects. It is registered as one of the Islamic Schools under Wifaq ul Madaris Al-Arabia.
Sheikh al-Hadith Mawlānā Muhammad Abdullah Ghazi was a Pakistani Islamic scholar and theologian who served as Chairman of Ruet-e-Hilal Committee and as the first Imam and Khatib of Lal Masjid, and founded Jamia Faridia University and Jamia Hafsa.
Wifaq-ul-Madaris al-Arabia, Pakistan is the largest federation of Islamic seminaries in Pakistan, founded in 1959. More than 10,000 seminaries and 23,000 madaris across Pakistan are affiliated with the federation. It controls all the seminaries which are run by Deobandi School of thought.
Jamia Dar-ul-Uloom Siddiqia is an Islamic seminary located in the North Karachi area of Karachi, Pakistan. It is considered as one of the most successful Islamic seminary which is dealing in traditional studies of the Quran, Sunnah and Fiqha with modern techniques.
Qawmi Madrasah is an adjective describing one of the two major madrasah educational categories in Bangladesh. The Qawmi madrasahs are not regulated by the Bangladesh Madrasah Education Board. As private charitable organizations, Qawmi madrasahs are supported almost exclusively by donation.
Wifaqul Madarisil Arabia Bangladesh is the largest Qawmi madrasa education board in Bangladesh. it was founded in April 1978 after a seminar of Islamic scholars. This organization of Qawmi Madrasas of Bangladesh is also known as the "Wifaqul Madaris". It is an extension of the process that formed the Wafaq ul Madaris Al-Arabia, Pakistan in 1957. "Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasah Education Board" is the largest federation of Islamic seminaries in Bangladesh. Qawmi educational system practices originate from the traditional Muslim educational system of Bangladesh. At present, there are more than 65,000 Qawmi Madrasahs in Bangladesh. As of 2013, more than 20,000 Seminaries across the People's Republic of Bangladesh are affiliated with "Befaqul Madaris". It controls all the seminaries which are run by Deobandi School of thought. Deobandi School of thought is supposed to be the most powerful and dominated school of thought in Bangladesh.
Petro-Islam is a neologism used to refer to the international propagation of the extremist and fundamentalist interpretations of Sunni Islam derived from the doctrines of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, a Sunni Muslim preacher, scholar, reformer and theologian from Uyaynah in the Najd region of the Arabian Peninsula, eponym of the Islamic revivalist movement known as Wahhabism. This movement has been favored by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the other Arab states of the Persian Gulf.
Following the embargo by Arab oil exporters during the Israeli-Arab October 1973 War and the vast increase in petroleum export revenue that followed, the international propagation of Salafism and Wahhabism within Sunni Islam favored by the conservative oil-exporting Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies achieved a "preeminent position of strength in the global expression of Islam." The Saudi interpretation of Islam not only includes Salafiyya but also Islamist/revivalist Islam, and a "hybrid" of the two interpretations.
Jamia Salafia, Varanasi is an Islamic Jamia or central seminary university located in the city of Varanasi in India. It was founded in 1963 by the honorable ambassador of Saudi Arabia – Yusuf Al-Fauzan under the movement of All India Ahle Hadith Conference. Then it was inaugurated in 1966 by Allama Abdul Qadir Shaibatul Hamd – the representative of Sheikh Ibn Baz (Rahimahullah) Vice Chancellor of Jamia Islamia, Madina Munauwarah (K.S.A.). And the task of education and training started in a planned way with the help of highly qualified teachers. It is the largest Salafi-Ahle Hadith institution in India. The university is funded by government of Saudi Arabia and most of the teachers are graduated from Saudi Arabian Islamic universities. Saudi government prescribe Indian Muslims to take education from the university. The institution follows Salafi doctrine.
Nizamuddin Shamzai was a pro-Taliban Pakistani Deobandi Sunni Islamic scholar and the senior professor of hadith at the Jamia Uloom-ul-Islamia. He was considered "one of the most important Deobandi figures in Pakistan" and "one" of the "most revered Sunni clerics" in Pakistan. He was the mentor of Mullah Mohammed Omar, and his madrassa, "taught many students who later became important members of the Taliban regime in Kabul". He issued religious edicts and travelled to elicit support for the Taliban, including a called for a “jihad” against the US after the Al-Qaeda September 11 attacks and US invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.
Abdur Razzaq Iskander was a Pakistani Islamic scholar and writer. He was the chancellor and senior hadith-professor of Jamia Uloom-ul-Islamia, emir of the Aalmi Majlis Tahaffuz Khatm-e-Nubuwwat and the president of Wifaqul Madaris in Pakistan. He was an alumnus of Darul Uloom Karachi, Jamia Uloom-ul-Islamia, Islamic University of Madinah and the Al-Azhar University. He authored books such as At-Tarīqat al-Asriyyah and Tahafuzz-e-Madāris.
Jamia Tur Rasheed, Karachi is an Islamic seminary in Karachi, Pakistan. The seminary was established by Rasheed Ahmad Ludhianvi. It is accredited degree awarding institute by Ministry of Federal Education and Professional Training and the Higher Education Commission. The seminary has 36 departments including "Kulyatush Shariyah". It also runs female schools including "Jamia Umm Habībah lil-Banāt", "Jamia Hafsa lil-Banāt" and "Al-Bairuni Girls Secondary School".
Tanzeem ul Madaris or Tanzeem-ul-Madaris Ahl-e-Sunnat is a board of education working with over 15000 Sunni madrassas across Pakistan. It is a key seminary board in the country affiliated with the Barelvi movement within Sunni Islam. Grand Mufti Muneeb-ur-Rehman of Jamia Naeemia Lahore is the President of the board. The total strength of the students appeared in its examination was 600000 lac in 2013. Pakistan's Higher Education Commission recognizes the degrees awarded by madrassas affiliated to Tanzeem ul Madaris.
Jamia Arabia Masoodia Noorul Uloom, also known as Noorul Uloom Bahraich, is the oldest Islamic saminary belonging to the Deobandi school of thought in the Bahraich City of the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.
After 11 years of Islamization by Zia ul Haq, the madrassa total then ballooned to 2801 with the Deobandis accounting for 64% of the total, and the Barelvis only 25 per cent. Situated mostly in Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and the megalopolis of Karachi. ... With the inflow of Saudi funds in these institutions, the curriculum began to combine Deobandi ideology with Wahhabism as reflected in the education imparted to students in Saudi Arabia. Wahhabi Islam divided the world into believers and unbelievers, and enjoined the former to convert the later to the true faith. This intolerance toward non-Muslims in encapsulated in the line that Muslim pupils in radical madrassas chant at the morning assembly: `When people deny our faith, ask them to convert and if they don't destroy them utterly.`
In Pakistan, in 1947 there were 250 madrassas, in 1987 it increased to 3000, and in 2008, there were over 40,000 madrassas, mostly funded by Saudi Arabia to teach Wahhabi Islam.
...by 2004 Karachi alone had at least 1800 seminaries, of which 1500 were Deobandi institutions even though Deobandis made up less than a quarter of Pakistan's population.
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(help)Jamaati Ulama Islam ... figured as a fairly minor part of Pakistan's religious scene until the regime of General Zia al-Haq ... who used an Islamic policy to buttress his military dictatorship. Part of his policy to `Islamize` Pakistan was a campaign to expand religious education with funds for thousands of new madrases. Their number grew from around 900 in 1971 to over 8000 official ones and another 25,000 unofficial ones in 1988. With financial support from Saudi Arabia, Deobandi madrasas were part of this vast proliferation in religious education, much of it located in Afghan refugee camps that sprang up in the 1980s. This rapid expansion came at the expense of doctrinal coherence as there were not enough qualified teachers to staff all the new schools. Quite a few teachers did not discern between tribal values of their ethnic group, the Pushtuns and the religious ideals. The result was an interpretation of Islam that blended Pushtun ideals and Deobandi views, precisely the hallmark of the Taliban.