Agency overview | |
---|---|
Formed | January 2004 |
Headquarters | Washington, D.C., U.S. |
Employees | ~300 (2011) |
Annual budget | $930 million (FY 2023) [1] |
Agency executive |
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Website | www.mcc.gov |
The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) is a bilateral United States foreign aid agency established by the U.S. Congress in 2004. It is an independent agency separate from the State Department and USAID. It provides grants to countries that have been determined to have good economic policies and potential for economic growth. The country qualification process is objective, involving scores provided by third parties in 20 different areas. An eligible country must apply for a grant with a specific project in mind.
According to the OECD, the United States’ total official development assistance (ODA) (USD 55.3 billion, preliminary data) increased in 2022, mainly due to support to Ukraine, as well as increased costs for in-donor refugees from Afghanistan. ODA represented 0.22% of gross national income (GNI). [3]
At the Inter-American Development Bank meeting on March 14, 2002, President George W. Bush called for a new compact for development with accountability for both rich and poor countries. He pledged to increase development assistance by 50% by fiscal year 2006 (which, by the end of 2004, doubled and was to double again by 2010). [4] Other development programs like USAID have been thought to suffer from many different and sometimes conflicting goals, which often are a result of political pressures, and for not delivering long-term economic improvements.[ citation needed ]
MCC was authorized in 2004 with bipartisan support. Its guiding principles are:
The first CEO of the Millennium Challenge Corporation was Paul V. Applegarth, a finance manager with experience in emerging markets. Applegarth was followed by John Danilovich, a business executive who had served as the U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica from 2001 to 2004 and then U.S. Ambassador to Brazil. [5] On November 20, 2009, Daniel W. Yohannes, an Ethiopian-born American business person, was confirmed by the Senate as the CEO. [6] He was appointed in May 2014 as US Ambassador to the OECD and succeeded by Dana Hyde who was CEO through January 2017. [7] Sean Cairncross was confirmed as CEO under the Trump administration in June 2019 after four acting CEOs. [8] In January 2021 Mahmoud Bah became Millennium Challenge Corporation Acting CEO. [9] On February 16, 2022, Alice P. Albright was sworn in as CEO. [10]
The board of directors is composed of nine members, four appointed by the president of the United States with the consent of the United States Senate and five ex officio members. The five ex officio members are the U.S. Secretary of State, the U.S. Secretary of the Treasury, the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, the CEO of the MCC, and the U.S. Trade Representative. Of the four appointed members, one each shall be appointed from lists of individuals with relevant international experience submitted by the minority and majority leaders of the House of Representatives and Senate, respectively. These four each serve initial terms of three years, and may be reappointed to one additional term of two years. They may continue to serve after the expiration of each of their terms of office until a successor has been confirmed, for a maximum of one year. [11]
The Secretary of State serves as the chairperson of the board. A majority of the members of the board constitutes a quorum, which must include at least one of the four appointed members. [11]
The current board members as of September 25, 2024: [12]
Position | Name | Party | Assumed office | Term expiration |
---|---|---|---|---|
Chair (ex officio) Secretary of State | Antony Blinken | Democratic | January 26, 2021 | — |
Vice chair (ex officio) Secretary of the Treasury | Janet Yellen | Democratic | January 26, 2021 | — |
Member (ex officio) Administrator of USAID | Samantha Power | Democratic | May 3, 2021 | — |
Member (ex officio) CEO of the MCC | Alice P. Albright | Democratic | February 16, 2022 | — |
Member (ex officio) U.S. Trade Representative | Katherine Tai | Democratic | March 18, 2021 | — |
Member | Ander Crenshaw | Republican | June 5, 2019 | June 5, 2022 |
Member | Vacant | |||
Member | Vacant | |||
Member | Vacant |
President Biden has nominated the following to fill seats on the board. They await Senate confirmation. [13]
Name | Party | Replacing |
---|---|---|
Stuart A. Levey | Republican | Mike Johanns |
Stanley H. Ryan | Republican | Ander Crenshaw |
A country is considered eligible for a compact (aid grant) if selected as eligible by the Board of Directors. [14] [15] The Board of Directors chooses countries based on three factors: policy performance as measured by the selection indicators on MCC's scorecard, the opportunity to reduce poverty in a country, and the availability of funds. [14] [16] In order to pass the scorecard a country must pass 10 of the 20 indicators, pass either the Political Rights or Civil Liberties Indicators, and pass the Control of Corruption indicator. [17] For 16 of the 20 indicators, a country passes if its score exceeds the median score of its peer group. [18] The remaining 4 indicators (Political Rights, Civil Liberties, Immunization Rates (if the median is above 90%, otherwise it is median based), and Inflation) are scored based on a static threshold. [19]
All 20 indicators are compiled by third parties with no connection to MCC. MCC grants are made without considering politics. This is perhaps the most innovative aspect of MCC, as previous foreign aid missions were plagued by political considerations. The focus of the MCC is to promote economic growth in the recipient countries. The program emphasizes good economic policies in recipient countries, such as free markets and low corruption.[ citation needed ]
The indicators are: [21]
An eligible country must apply for a grant with a specific project in mind.
MCC signs either a compact or a threshold agreement with a partner country. A compact is awarded if the country scores highly on the selection criteria indicators. If the country scores poorly but has a positive, upward trend on the selection criteria, it can still be eligible for a smaller grant, called a threshold program.
MCC requires that each partner government creates a special purpose legal entity that will be accountable for implementing the compact program.
In the first year (2004), 17 countries were made eligible for an MCC grant: Armenia, Benin, Bolivia, Cape Verde, El Salvador, Georgia, Ghana, Honduras, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mali, Mongolia, Morocco, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Senegal, Sri Lanka, and Vanuatu. Madagascar and Honduras were the first countries to receive actual funding from the MCA. On June 16, 2006, the Gambia was suspended, citing deterioration in 8 of the 16 criteria categories. [46] Mali was approved in October 2006 for a $461 million program to develop modern irrigation systems and an industrial park. [47] Jordan was granted full compact eligibility, despite objections from Freedom House for its lack of full political and civil rights. [48] MPs in Uganda from the opposition party hailed their country's rejection from full compact status, demanding instead a stronger effort in stopping the corruption that disqualified their country. [49] In June 2007, MCA-eligible countries in Africa held a meeting in Accra, Ghana, to discuss their experiences. [50] Malawi qualified for a full compact in 2007, while Mauritania became threshold eligible. [51]
Several countries were chosen in 2004 for a new part of the program called Threshold Program Assistance, which are smaller compacts used to assist a country close to meeting account eligibility to become eligible for a full program. [52] Jordan received a Threshold program aimed at democracy and trade totaling $25 million. [53] Yemen was previously eligible for a threshold agreement, but was suspended after their indicators fell too low to qualify. But having successfully completed a democratic election and various economic reforms, the MCC made Yemen eligible again for a threshold agreement. [54] On December 12, 2007, the MCC Board selected Malawi for a compact and Mauritania for a threshold agreement, as well as allowing Albania, Paraguay, and Zambia to submit a first ever second stage threshold agreement. [55] In 2007 the U.S. Ambassador to Swaziland highlighted the progress on the MCC indicators over the last few years and encouraged the country to work toward eligibility. [56]
A full listing of MCC partner countries can be found at https://web.archive.org/web/20130101234121/http://www.mcc.gov/pages/countries. MCC's portfolio focuses mostly on African nations.
Congress has consistently provided less funding for the program than the president has requested. In fiscal year 2004, $650 million were provided for the program, with an increase up to $1.5 billion the next year. [57] For fiscal year 2007, $2 billion were provided, a 14% increase over the previous year but still under the $3 billion target. [58] Again for fiscal year 2008, less funding will be provided than was hoped for, and only $1.2 billion was budgeted; the CEO of the MCC commented that it would undercut the program's efforts. Congress declined to re-authorize the program, which technically was not needed since the program had been authorized already, but also since there was argument over the authorization language. [59] In discussions of the FY 2009 budget, the United States Senate proposed that only half of the money needed for a compact be provided up front, as opposed to full funding for each one provident in advance, which officials at the corporation insist would be a "large step backward" causing too little aid to make an impact on recipient countries. [60] Senator Richard Lugar, the author of the amendment, responded that more "realistic" funding levels allowed for more compacts, thus spreading the "MCC effect". [61] The amendment did not make it into the final bill. [62] President Bush's FY 2008 budget requested $2.225 billion, the first time since the program's inception that the amount was not $3 billion, and enough money for five compacts, several threshold agreements and administrative funding. [63]
Studies by conservative groups such as The Heritage Foundation in the United States have shown that many developing countries that have received foreign aid have seen their per capita income fall or stagnate over the last 40 years. The Heritage Foundation has consistently supported the MCC's approach, which has used their trade measure from the Index of Economic Freedom. [64] In April 2005, the United States Government Accountability Office issued a favorable report about the work of the MCC and its work thus far. [65] The Program Assessment Rating Tool (PART), which reviews the efficiency and results produced by U.S. government programs, was scheduled to be reviewed in 2007. [66]
A study in 2006 looking at the "MCC effect" estimated that potential recipient countries improved 25% more on MCA's criteria than other countries, after controlling for time-trends. [67] The World Policy Council, headed by Ambassador Horace Dawson and Senator Edward Brooke, recognizes the MCC as the most recent and most promising program in its area, and recommended that the Bush administration and the Congressional Black Caucus focus on full funding and an accelerated pace of spending. [68] Doing Business 2007 cited the Millennium Challenge Accounts as a catalyst for reforms underway in 13 countries. [69] Also, Freedom House released subcategories for the first time since it was being used as part of the MCC's measurements to allow for more granular distinctions. [70] Also, the number of days it takes to start a business in low and low-middle income countries has decreased significantly since 2002, which is one of the factors the accounts measure since rapid business registration is thought to increase economic activity. [71]
Since its inception, MCC has invested over $16 billion dollars in projects benefiting over 380 million people, including training nearly half a million farmers, creating over 7,000 kilometers of electrical lines and building thousands of roads. [72] [73] MCC has published over 190 studies on the effectiveness of its assistance in partner countries. [74] Reviews of multiple studies on particular sectors have found some programs have had an impact on growth and poverty reduction, while others have had less impact than initially expected. [75] [76] [77] Immediate outputs from the programs are more frequently attributed to MCC's assistance, while longer term impacts are often more difficult to connect directly MCC's programs. [75] [76] [77]
More recent research has also been done into the "MCC Effect" and the relationship between MCC's Country Scorecards economic growth, and poverty reduction. [78] [79] [80] Some studies have found evidence that countries do engage in policy reform in order to improve on MCC's scorecards. [78] [79] While others have demonstrated a connection between MCC's eligibility criteria and development outcomes for a country such as lower poverty. [81] [80] Some find that these relationships are independent of growth, with lower poverty rates in countries that have passed the MCC scorecard than those that fail it, even holding GDP constant. [80]
Some critics have charged that the program uses indicators by conservative groups, such as The Heritage Foundation, and is therefore biased toward free market economics and reimposing American imperialism on the Global South. [82] [83] [84] [85] The program is said to have resulted in countries receiving less funding from other U.S. government development organizations and not more. Some development agencies have felt frozen out of the process since the compact programs are designed primarily by the country involved. [86] Implementation has been difficult in Armenia, and concern about its effectiveness has been expressed. [87]
In February 2020, the Cabinet of Sri Lanka said it would not sign the proposed MCC agreement in its present form. A committee of experts had determined that it contained clauses incompatible with the Constitution of Sri Lanka and was "detrimental" to the country's sovereignty. [88] After a board meeting on 15 December 2020, the MCC announced the cancelation of the proposed compact with Sri Lanka. [89] [90] Several sources have cited a Chinese government disinformation campaign against MCC was the origin of these concerns. [91] [92] [93] A similar disinformation effort attributed to the Chinese government was attempted against MCC's program in Nepal, but was ultimately unsuccessful and the compact moved forward. [94] [95] [96] [97] [98]
Mark Andrew Green is an American politician and diplomat. He is currently president and CEO of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Before joining the Wilson Center on March 15, 2021, he served as executive director of the McCain Institute for International Leadership, and prior to that, as the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development. He served in the Wisconsin State Assembly from 1993 to 1999, was a Republican member of the United States House of Representatives from 1999 to 2007, representing Wisconsin's 8th congressional district, ran unsuccessfully for governor of Wisconsin in 2006, and held the post of United States Ambassador to Tanzania from August 2007 until January 2009. Green served as president of the International Republican Institute from 2014 to 2017 and sits on the board of directors of the Millennium Challenge Corporation.
Africare is a non-profit organization based in Washington, D.C., which provides development aid for Africa. It was founded by Dr. Joseph Kennedy and C. Payne Lucas in 1970, former Peace Corps members who worked in eastern Niger. Africare is the largest and oldest African-American founded international NGO focused exclusively on the continent of Africa. Since 1970, Africare has been improving lives and building a better future by partnering with local communities, focusing on agriculture and food security, healthcare, maternal and child health, HIV/AIDS, access to potable water, and women's empowerment. In more than 40 years of building partnerships with local communities, NGOs, governments and the private sector, Africare has invested over $1 billion in more than 35 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Based on a long-standing research program of the World Bank, the Worldwide Governance Indicators capture six key dimensions of governance between 1996 and present. They measure the quality of governance in over 200 countries, based on close to 40 data sources produced by over 30 organizations worldwide and are updated annually since 2002.
Global Integrity was an independent, nonprofit organization tracking governance and corruption trends around the world using local teams of researchers and journalists to monitor openness and accountability. Global Integrity's reporting has been cited by over 50 newspapers worldwide, and is used by the World Bank, USAID, Millennium Challenge Corporation and other donor agencies to evaluate aid priorities. Global Integrity's methodology for metrics of governance and corruption differed from the Corruption Perceptions Index or Bribe Payers Index) because GI drew from local experts and transparent source data, rather than surveys of perceptions. Unlike traditional charities, Global Integrity was a hybrid organization that seeks to generate earned revenue to support its public-interest mission.
The World Policy Council of Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity is a nonprofit and nonpartisan think tank established in 1996 at Howard University to expand the fraternity's involvement in politics and social and current policy to encompass important global and world issues. They describe their mission as to "address issues of concern to our brotherhood, our communities, our Nation, and the world."
The United States established diplomatic relations with Malawi in 1964 after Malawi gained independence from the United Kingdom. Malawi's transition from a one-party state to a multi-party democracy significantly strengthened the already cordial U.S. relationship with Malawi. Significant numbers of Malawians study in the United States. The United States has an active Peace Corps program, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Department of Health and Human Services, and an Agency for International Development (USAID) mission in Malawi. Both countries have a common history and English language, as they were part of the British Empire.
The diplomatic relationship between the United States of America and Zambia can be characterized as warm and cooperative. Relations are based on their shared experiences as British colonies, both before, after and during the struggle for independence. Several U.S. administrations cooperated closely with Zambia's first president, Kenneth Kaunda, in hopes of facilitating solutions to the conflicts in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Angola, and Namibia. The United States works closely with the Zambian Government to defeat the HIV/AIDS pandemic that is ravaging Zambia, to promote economic growth and development, and to effect political reform needed to promote responsive and responsible government. The United States is also supporting the government's efforts to root out corruption. Zambia is a beneficiary of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The U.S. Government provides a variety of technical assistance and other support that is managed by the Department of State, U.S. Agency for International Development, Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) Threshold Program, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Department of Treasury, Department of Defense, and Peace Corps. The majority of U.S. assistance is provided through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), in support of the fight against HIV/AIDS.
In the years after the September 11, 2001 attack on the World Trade Center in New York City, Yemen became a key site for U.S. intelligence gathering and drone attacks on Al-Qaeda. According to the 2012 U.S. Global Leadership Report, 18% of Yemenis approved of U.S. leadership, with 59% disapproving and 23% uncertain. According to a February 2015 report from the Congressional Research Service, U.S. officials considered Al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula the Al-Qaeda affiliate "most likely to attempt transnational attacks against the United States."
Relations between Burkina Faso and the United States are good, but has been subject to strains in the past because of the Compaoré government's past involvement in arms trading and other sanctions-breaking activity.
Cape Verde–United States relations are the international relations between Cape Verde and the United States.
Jordan has been a very close ally of the United States for decades, dating back to the establishment of bilateral relations between the two countries in 1949. The country was named a major non-NATO ally of the U.S. in 1996.
According to the 2014 census, there are 37,241 Moldovan-Americans residing in the United States.
Bilateral relations between Mongolia and the United States formalized in 1987 with the establishment of diplomatic relations. Since then, the United States has become a key third neighbor to Mongolia, and in 2019 this relationship was upgraded to a strategic partnership. Ties focus on education, development assistance, and defense.
Mozambique – United States relations are bilateral relations between Mozambique and the United States.
Sherri Kraham Talabany is the President and Executive Director of the Kurdistan-based NGO, SEED Foundation, and the US-based SEED for Change, which support the social, educational and economic development of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. SEED's focus is supporting survivors of violence and conflict in Kurdistan to recover and rebuild their lives. In Kurdistan and in the US, Sherri is an outspoken advocate for the most vulnerable including the displaced, women and children, and survivors of gender based violence.
Adrian Prenkaj is a public policy consultant, former Kosovo diplomat and former Adviser for European Integration to the President of the Republic of Kosovo, Atifete Jahjaga, He joined Jahjaga's Cabinet in February 2012, following three years as First Secretary for Political Affairs at the Embassy of the Republic of Kosovo in the United States. Before joining the diplomatic service of Kosovo, he worked as a Senior European Affairs Officer in the Agency for European Integration of Kosovo.
Daniel W. Yohannes is an Ethiopian-American businessman and philanthropist who served as the U.S. Ambassador to the OECD from 2014 to 2017.
John Joseph Danilovich is an American business executive who was secretary general of the International Chamber of Commerce from 2014 – 2018. He previously held roles as a senior United States government executive, diplomat, and ambassador.
Atifete Jahjaga was the President of Kosovo 2011–2016.
The Board of Directors selects eligible countries for MCC program assistance, typically in December of each year. In determining country eligibility, the Board considers three factors: A country's policy performance; The opportunity to reduce poverty and generate economic growth within a country; and the Availability of funds. The selected countries, if they agree to participate, then develop a Compact Proposal with MCC.
In accordance with the Act and with the "Report on the Criteria and Methodology for Determining the Eligibility of Candidate Countries for Millennium Challenge Account Assistance in Fiscal Year 2021" formally submitted to Congress on September 15, 2020, selection was based primarily on a country's overall performance in three broad policy categories: Ruling Justly, Encouraging Economic Freedom, and Investing in People. The Board relied, to the fullest extent possible, upon transparent and independent indicators to assess countries' policy performance and demonstrated commitment in these three broad policy areas. The Board compared countries' performance on the indicators relative to their income-level peers, evaluating them in comparison to either the group of countries with a GNI per capita equal to or less than $1,945, or the group with a GNI per capita between $1,946 and $4,045.
In accordance with the Act and with the "Report on the Criteria and Methodology for Determining the Eligibility of Candidate Countries for Millennium Challenge Account Assistance in Fiscal Year 2021" formally submitted to Congress on September 15, 2020, selection was based primarily on a country's overall performance in three broad policy categories: Ruling Justly, Encouraging Economic Freedom, and Investing in People. The Board relied, to the fullest extent possible, upon transparent and independent indicators to assess countries' policy performance and demonstrated commitment in these three broad policy areas. The Board compared countries' performance on the indicators relative to their income-level peers, evaluating them in comparison to either the group of countries with a GNI per capita equal to or less than $1,945, or the group with a GNI per capita between $1,946 and $4,045.
A country is considered to "pass" the scorecard if it: (i) "passes" at least 10 of the 20 indicators; (ii) "passes" the Control of Corruption indicator; and, (iii) "passes" either the Civil Liberties or Political Rights indicator.
A country is considered to "pass" a given indicator if it performs better than the median score in its income group...
Indicators with absolute thresholds in lieu of a median include: Inflation, on which a country's inflation rate must be under a fixed ceiling of 15 percent; Immunization Rates, on which a country must have immunization coverage above 90% or the median, whichever is lower; Political Rights, on which countries must score above 17; and Civil Liberties, on which countries must score above 25.
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