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Variations in the number of lexical categories across the languages is a notable idea in cultural anthropology. A former study on "color terms" explores such variations. Brent Berlin and Paul Kay (1969) argued that these qualitative and quantitative differences can be organized into a coherent hierarchy. As far as kinship terms are concerned, the variation is not found as an hierarchical organization, but as a result of conditions or constraints. That is to say, the number of kinship terms varies across the languages because of sociocultural conditions or constraints on the biological traits.
Numerical Range | Languages |
---|---|
21-25 | Afrikaans, Dutch, Yiddish, Icelandic, German, Norwegian, Belarusian, Czech, Macedonian, Slovak, Slovenia and Ukrainian |
26-30 | Danish, Faroese, Swedish, Italian, French, Occitan, Catalan, Spanish, Galician, Portuguese, Romanian, Bulgarian, Croatian, Russian and Serbian |
31-35 | Breton, Welsh, Irish Gaelic, Cornish, Telugu and Kannad |
35-40 | Malay, Tuvaluan, Hungarian, Polish, Tamil and Malayalam |
40-45 | Manx |
61-65 | Hindi, Bengali, Gujrati, Rajasthani and Marathi |
66-70 | Cantonese, Hakka, Mandarin and Taiwanese |
This article does not include all the studies on kinship, but only those relevant studies which indicate a relation with the number of kinship terms. References include: first, of course the base, the 1871 Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family by Lewis H. Morgan; second, the 1949 'Social Structure' by George Peter Murdock; and third, the 1949 "Elementary Structures of Kinship" by Claude Lévi-Strauss. In a succession to these studies on kinship terminology study of Saxena R. T. (2012) on Hindi and Telugu kinship terminology explained the variations in the number of kinship terms.
Morgan's (see in kinship) (1971) work is well known for six classical patterns. These patterns were based on two kinds of terminological systems: 1)descriptive and 2)classificatory. Descriptive systems have the terms indicating unique relatives, whereas classificatory systems classify relatives in a term on the basis of generalization. Collateral merging is one of the example (see more in Morgan, 1971). A classificatory system, by definition, implies relatively less term; and a descriptive system more terms. Morgan was not interested in the number of the terms but in the distribution of the terms.
Murdock's (1949) explanation was an attempt to define kinship terminology in terms of distinctive features and deterministic factors. He described nine features on the basis of which a term can be said as a classificatory term or as a descriptive term. Some features are age, affinity, polarity, generation, gender (see more in Murdock, 1949). He explained that number of factors (such as morphological, social, psychological etc.) are the factors which determine whether a terminology will describe or classify relatives. It was the first time when an attempt towards numerical evaluation of kinship terms was made. Though for Morgan too number was not the primary concern but the concern was "nuclear family".
Claude Lévi-Strauss (1969) came up with a new approach. His first idea (in 1969) was that 'the culture is universal and innate'. His ideas (in 1969) resemble the impact of structural linguistics. In linguistics Phonemes are known as the realization of hidden neurological binary opposition. On the same principle Claude Lévi-Strauss (1969) claimed that culture is a realization of some hidden property. Though in the case of culture the universal property is not neurological but "Attitudinal". Latter in 2004 he showed, taking examples from different culture, that how attitudinal opposition construct the structure of kinship terms.
Humans have a set of distinctive features (known as phonetic features), and by this set they can produce any speech sound (phoneme) of any human language. BUT NOTE: a particular language have limited features and phonemes, thus speaker of language A may not produce phonemes of language B. In this way a particular language is a "Constraint" on the ability of humans to produces many more speech sounds. On the same schema Saxena R. T. (2012) claims that Kinship terms are formed on some biological features (like "gene" and "sexuality") and some social features ("consanguinity" and "affinity"). The former is universal and latter is particular. Say every one have sexual instinct by birth but it is the society that constrains the use of this ability to the limited members by exogamy. Exogamy vary cross culturally, so the number of kinship term. Take an example from Hindi (Hindu Brahmin in North India. They can not may within the kinship group of birth. On the other hand, take Telugu speakers (Reddi caste) into account, they can marry the child of mother's brother. The result of kin-group exogamy among Hindi speaking Hindu is that they have EXTRA terms for IN-LAW RELATIVES, on the contrary Telugu speakers LACK those terms for in-laws. THUS there is a variation in the number. Based on these examples four classes of relatives were declared:
Kingroup-exogamous systems have the four classes whereas kin-group endogamous systems have only three (first three) classes. We should note that the features such as relative age, gender, generation etc. are also responsible for numerical variations.
Structuralism is an intellectual current and methodological approach, primarily in the social sciences, that interprets elements of human culture by way of their relationship to a broader system. It works to uncover the structural patterns that underlie all the things that humans do, think, perceive, and feel.
An incest taboo is any cultural rule or norm that prohibits sexual relations between certain members of the same family, mainly between individuals related by blood. All human cultures have norms that exclude certain close relatives from those considered suitable or permissible sexual or marriage partners, making such relationships taboo. However, different norms exist among cultures as to which blood relations are permissible as sexual partners and which are not. Sexual relations between related persons which are subject to the taboo are called incestuous relationships.
Exogamy is the social norm of mating or marrying outside one's social group. The group defines the scope and extent of exogamy, and the rules and enforcement mechanisms that ensure its continuity. One form of exogamy is dual exogamy, in which two groups continually intermarry with each other.
In anthropology, kinship is the web of social relationships that form an important part of the lives of all humans in all societies, although its exact meanings even within this discipline are often debated. Anthropologist Robin Fox says that the study of kinship is the study of what humans do with these basic facts of life – mating, gestation, parenthood, socialization, siblingship etc. Human society is unique, he argues, in that we are "working with the same raw material as exists in the animal world, but [we] can conceptualize and categorize it to serve social ends." These social ends include the socialization of children and the formation of basic economic, political and religious groups.
A totem is a spirit being, sacred object, or symbol that serves as an emblem of a group of people, such as a family, clan, lineage, or tribe, such as in the Anishinaabe clan system.
Consanguinity is the characteristic of having a kinship with a relative who is descended from a common ancestor.
Iroquois kinship is a kinship system named after the Haudenosaunee people, also known as the Iroquois, whose kinship system was the first one described to use this particular type of system. Identified by Lewis Henry Morgan in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, the Iroquois system is one of the six major kinship systems.
Eskimo kinship or Inuit kinship is a category of kinship used to define family organization in anthropology. Identified by Lewis Henry Morgan in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, the Eskimo system was one of six major kinship systems. The system of English-language kinship terms falls into the Eskimo type.
Hawaiian kinship, also referred to as the generational system, is a kinship terminology system used to define family within languages. Identified by Lewis H. Morgan in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, the Hawaiian system is one of the six major kinship systems.
Crow kinship is a kinship system used to define family. Identified by Lewis Henry Morgan in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, the Crow system is one of the six major kinship systems.
Omaha kinship is the system of terms and relationships used to define family in Omaha tribal culture. Identified by Lewis Henry Morgan in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, the Omaha system is one of the six major kinship systems which he identified internationally.
Sudanese kinship, also referred to as the descriptive system, is a kinship system used to define family. Identified by Lewis Henry Morgan in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, the Sudanese system is one of the six major kinship systems.
In discussing consanguineal kinship in anthropology, a parallel cousin or ortho-cousin is a cousin from a parent's same-sex sibling, while a cross-cousin is from a parent's opposite-sex sibling. Thus, a parallel cousin is the child of the father's brother or of the mother's sister, while a cross-cousin is the child of the mother's brother or of the father's sister. Where there are unilineal descent groups in a society, one's parallel cousins on one or both sides will belong to one's own descent group, while cross-cousins will not.
Structural anthropology is a school of sociocultural anthropology based on Claude Lévi-Strauss' 1949 idea that immutable deep structures exist in all cultures, and consequently, that all cultural practices have homologous counterparts in other cultures, essentially that all cultures are equatable.
Alliance theory, also known as the general theory of exchanges, is a structuralist method of studying kinship relations. It finds its origins in Claude Lévi-Strauss's Elementary Structures of Kinship (1949) and is in opposition to the functionalist theory of Radcliffe-Brown. Alliance theory has oriented most anthropological French works until the 1980s; its influences were felt in various fields, including psychoanalysis, philosophy and political philosophy.
Kinship terminology is the system used in languages to refer to the persons to whom an individual is related through kinship. Different societies classify kinship relations differently and therefore use different systems of kinship terminology; for example, some languages distinguish between consanguine and affinal uncles, whereas others have only one word to refer to both a father and his brothers. Kinship terminologies include the terms of address used in different languages or communities for different relatives and the terms of reference used to identify the relationship of these relatives to ego or to each other.
Claude Lévi-Strauss was a French anthropologist and ethnologist whose work was key in the development of the theories of structuralism and structural anthropology. He held the chair of Social Anthropology at the Collège de France between 1959 and 1982, was elected a member of the Académie française in 1973 and was a member of the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in Paris. He received numerous honors from universities and institutions throughout the world.
Systems theory in anthropology is an interdisciplinary, non-representative, non-referential, and non-Cartesian approach that brings together natural and social sciences to understand society in its complexity. The basic idea of a system theory in social science is to solve the classical problem of duality; mind-body, subject-object, form-content, signifier-signified, and structure-agency. System theory suggests that instead of creating closed categories into binaries (subject-object); the system should stay open so as to allow free flow of process and interactions. In this way the binaries are dissolved.
Aboriginal Australian kinship comprises the systems of Aboriginal customary law governing social interaction relating to kinship in traditional Aboriginal cultures. It is an integral part of the culture of every Aboriginal group across Australia, and particularly important with regard to marriages between Aboriginal people.
Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family is an 1871 book written by Lewis Henry Morgan and published by the Smithsonian Institution. It is considered foundational for the discipline of anthropology and particularly for the study of human kinship. It was the culmination of decades of research into the variety of kinship terminologies in the world conducted partly through fieldwork and partly through a global survey of kinship terminologies in the languages and cultures of the world.
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