Pacific Counseling Service

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PCS 1971 Pamphlet Cover Page - GI Rights Organization Pacific Counseling Service Pamphlet 1971 Cover Page.jpg
PCS 1971 Pamphlet Cover Page - GI Rights Organization

The Pacific Counseling Service (PCS) was a G.I. counseling service organization created by antiwar activists during the Vietnam War. PCS saw itself as trying to make the U.S. Armed Forces "adhere more closely to regulations concerning conscientious objector discharges and G.I. rights." [1] The Armed Forces Journal , on the other hand, said PCS was involved in "antimilitary activities", including "legal help and incitement to dissident GIs." [2] PCS evolved out of a small GI Help office started by a freshly discharged Air Force Sergeant in San Francisco, California in January 1969. [3] [1] The idea rapidly caught on among antiwar forces and within a year PCS had offices in Monterey, Oakland, and San Diego in California, plus Tacoma, Washington. By 1971 it had spread around the Pacific with additional offices in Los Angeles, Hong Kong, Okinawa, the Philippines, as well as Tokyo and Iwakuni in Japan. Each location was established near a major U.S. military base. At its peak, PCS was counseling hundreds of disgruntled soldiers a week, helping many with legal advice, conscientious objector discharges and more. [4] :61 & 78 As the war wound down, ending in 1975, the offices closed with the last office in San Francisco printing its final underground newspaper in 1976. [5]

Contents

Background

By 1968 the movement against the Vietnam War was rapidly expanding in the U.S. and around the world, and GI resistance among the soldiers and sailors of the U.S. military was growing. The San Francisco area, where several key U.S. military bases served as launching pads for troops heading to the war zone, was developing into a center for disaffected soldiers, military deserters, and GI protestors. [4] :57 In July 1968, nine military men, from all four branches of the armed forces, publicly refused to go to Vietnam and chained themselves to ministers at St. Andrews Presbyterian Church in Marin City just north of San Francisco. Their arrests, described as "a media spectacle", involved the Military Police entering the church during a Communion service, using bolt cutters to dislodge the protesters, and arresting all nine of the soldiers plus the ministers they were chained to. The incident received international press coverage and served as an early indication of wide spread discontent and antiwar sentiment among soldiers. [6] [7] [8] :270 One of the nine GIs was Air Force Sergeant and radar instructor Oliver Hirsch, who had just escaped in his pajamas from the Presidio Military Stockade where he had been held for a psych evaluation after feigning insanity in an attempt to avoid orders to Vietnam. [9]

GI Help Office

After his arrest, Hirsch, expected an extended stay in Leavenworth military prison, but was instead quickly dishonorably discharged. "I went from facing years in prison . . . to standing on the side of the highway in civilian clothes -- free as a man can be in this country," he told an interviewer years later. [9] Recognizing how difficult it had been to resist the war within the military, he decided there was a pressing need to help other soldiers under similar circumstances. In January 1969 he started the GI Help office in downtown San Francisco as a service to soldiers resisting deployment to Vietnam. [10] This office, in the Mission District at 483 Guerrero Street, was the first of its kind in the U.S. [11] Hirsch had recognized and been an early part of a rapidly expanding expression within the U.S. military of the growing antiwar and anti-military sentiment surrounding the Vietnam War. Military statistics have revealed "there were about 1.5 million AWOLS and 563,000 less-than-honorable discharges between 1964 and 1974." In other words, by 1969 there was a growing and acute need among disaffected GIs for legal counseling and support. [12] [13]

West Coast Counseling

Other antiwar activists soon realized that Hirsch was on to something as many GIs contacted the GI Office asking for help. Sidney Peterman, a Unitarian minister and longtime peace activist in the American Friends Service Committee, along with several other area activists, opened a second office in Monterey, California in March 1969, rebranding the overall project as West Coast Counseling. Peterman had been inspired by the burgeoning G.I. coffeehouse movement which was already convincing antiwar activists of the effectiveness of civilian and student support for GIs in their growing resistance to the military and the war. The new office was right next to the Fort Ord Army Base where 40,000 Army soldiers were being trained for Vietnam. Funding was obtained from pacifist and religious organizations, as well as some Vietnam veterans and conscientious objectors. One of the most active early staffers was Alan Miller, a Presbyterian cleric from Minnesota. By the end of 1969, additional offices were opened in Oakland, San Diego and Tacoma, Washington. The Oakland office was set up near the Oakland Army Base, which in 1970 was the main embarkation point for soldiers being sent to Indochina, often sending more than a thousand a day. [8] :272 [4] :78

Expansion to Pacific Counseling Service

During 1969, the U.S. began a major tactical shift of U.S. combat operations in Southeast Asia from the ground to the air. As the ground war stalemated and Army grunts increasingly refused to fight or resisted the war in various other ways, the U.S. "turned increasingly to air bombardment". [14] [2] As a result, much of the U.S. war related activity shifted to bases on the West Coast and the chain of U.S. Navy and Air Force bases ringing the Pacific. [8] :268 [4] :114 Recognizing this shift in early 1970, Peterman and other organizers made plans to expand abroad and replaced "West Coast" with "Pacific" becoming the Pacific Counseling Service. [15] :6870 Peterman made a two-month tour of possible Asian locations, and Japanese peace activists recalled Peterman appearing at their Tokyo office in March 1970 "wearing black clerical robes that reached to the ankles with a high collar". [16] Peterman returned to Tokyo to open the first Asian office in April 1970. [8] :275 During the last six months of 1970, additional offices were established in Okinawa, Hong Kong, Olongapo City in the Philippines, and in Iwakuni, Japan. An office was also opened in Los Angeles during this period. As of May, 1971, forty full time staff were working in the eleven PCS projects on the West Coast and in Asia. [4] :78 For short periods of time there were PCS offices in Balibago and Angeles City in the Philippines, Misawa and Yokota Air Bases in Japan, and Honolulu. [16] :220

Political evolution

The name change signaled more than the organization's expansion around the Pacific. In a 1970 report, PCS activists explained that much of their work was "directed towards the support of non-white GIs." They recognized that "a disproportionately high number of service personnel are…members of the black, brown or third world communities." And nonwhite GIs received "twice as many" courts-martial and non-judicial punishments as white GIs. [8] :273 [10] Just as other left activists of the period were looking beyond the U.S. and taking "inspiration from liberation movements around the world", PCS and other GI movement organizers began to move beyond mainly antiwar politics to embrace "antiracist and anti-imperialist consciousness" and to work towards instilling this among GIs. [8] :274 As they put it in a 1974 pamphlet "our efforts must go beyond the short range goal of ending the war and must focus on building the movement to create a new society." [10] Expanding to Asia, they felt, would allow them to organize GIs overlooked stateside while building alliances between GIs and Asian activists. This expansion also helped them recognize "the Vietnam War as a phase of a larger history of the US empire." [8] :31 To implement this, PCS moved beyond mainly legal counseling and discharge advice to offering a more GI Coffeehouse-like environment where GIs could "talk about politics and society, read underground papers and historical and political books not available on bases," as well as meet young men and women "not part of the rip-off honky-tonk environment" around U.S. bases, particularly in Asia. At the Iwakuni office, PSC organized "rock concerts, camping and beach trips" and helped GIs put out an underground newspaper called Semper Fi . [17] Working together with Japanese antiwar activists they developed slogans such as "Break up the American military system. Stop the war machine!" [16] :220 PCS was also instrumental in establishing a women's center in Okanawa, which reflected the growing understanding of women's issues within the progressive movements of the times. The Women's House, "became a center for living, counseling, consciousness-raising groups, and formulating actions and solutions to common problems." And "was the only place of its kind serving the needs of women in the military, military wives and daughters (over 35,000 in Okinawa alone), women employed by the DOD, civilian women working with the GI projects, and Asian women whose work ties them to U.S. bases as baseworkers, prostitutes, and maids." PCS published a women's journal at two of its Asian offices. [10]

National Lawyers Guild

From its very early days PCS recognized the need for additional legal help when issues of law were involved. Non-legal counselors could offer advice, support and community, but when more serious questions of military or civilian law arose, actual lawyers were needed. The National Lawyers Guild provided many of the attorneys who volunteered to help, advise and defend GIs. Often the NLG would establish an office next door or in the same building as PCS, with the first of these being in Monterey in 1970 and the second in San Francisco in 1971. [18] All PCS offices received help at one time or another from the NLG and several Guild attorneys became regular PCS advisors. As PCS expanded around the Pacific region, the Guild opened offices in the Philippines, Japan and Okinawa, "offering free legal counsel to hundreds of G.I.’s opposed to the Vietnam War." [19] [12] [10] A Congressional Investigation into radical activity among GIs looked into the NLG's Southeastern Asian GI movement project and reported it "working with PCS at four PCS facilities in Japan." Investigators also reported that "NLG representatives" conducted workshops outside Clark Air Force Base in the Philippians "on such subjects as conscientious objector claims, UCMJ Article 138 complaints, and dissent activities in general." They also noted the use of a local GI underground newspaper, Cry Out, to advertise legal services. [20]

Turning the Regs Around

Turning the Regs Around Cover Page 1973 Edition Turning the Regs Around Cover Page.png
Turning the Regs Around Cover Page 1973 Edition

In 1972, PCS was instrumental in creating an influential pamphlet about GI counseling and organizing. Known officially as Turning the Regs Around: A Handbook on Military Law and Counseling, An Aid to Organizing for GIs and Civilians it started out as the handbook for a class on military counseling given in San Francisco to 40 or 50 GIs and civilians. It was written by Nancy Hausch, a PCS staffer, who described its purpose: "Teaching people how to stay on top of the military machine by knowing and using the various legal tools ordinarily used to keep them down, is a very important part of the struggle." [21] The initial pamphlet was so popular in the GI movement that within a year a second improved longer edition (124 pages) was released by The Bay Area Turning The Regs Around Committee. The handbook covered everything from correspondence with Congress to filing charges against officers to courts-martial, and explained GI rights to demonstrate and exercise their freedom of speech. It applied to all branches of the military and was written "so that anybody can read and apply it, not just lawyers." It also cautioned that the knowledge in the handbook couldn't "stop the brass from using their power to harass, exploit and oppress enlisted people"; that it was "only one helpful tool in a long and difficult fight." [22] During the Vietnam War, the handbook could be found in GI coffeehouses and counseling centers around the world, as well as smuggled onto military bases and ships, and was frequently reprinted, excerpted and cited wherever GI resistance emerged. [23] One GI counseling project called the pamphlet its "biggest seller" and said they were "going faster than a speeding bullet." [24]

Turning the Regs Around ad in the Liberated Barracks GI underground newspaper, Oct 1973 Issue Turning the Regs Around Ad Liberated Barracks.jpg
Turning the Regs Around ad in the Liberated Barracks GI underground newspaper, Oct 1973 Issue

Impact

Within the first six months of the opening of the Monterey office, the organizers "handled more than seven hundred legal cases involving GI rights, and helped 120 soldiers obtain ‘conscientious objector’ status." [8] :272 [25] In early 1970 Oakland PCS activists began extensive leafleting of area airports informing incoming soldiers of their right to file for conscientious objector status, which at the time, automatically delayed overseas orders. By March that year, "twelve hundred men had successfully delayed their orders" through this process. In response, the Pentagon issued a special change in regulations for West Coast bases forbidding C.O. applications during transit to Vietnam forcing GIs to wait until they arrived. [4] :17 In Japan, PCS started by providing legal assistance to a number of U.S. military deserters. From about 1965 to 1970, there was an alliance between unhappy U.S. GIs and Japanese antiwar groups. By some estimates, Japanese activists helped "two to three hundred GIs" go underground in Japan during that period, but improved cooperation between the U.S. agents and Japanese detectives made this increasingly difficult. PCS stepped into this breach by offering GIs advice and counseling about legal avenues to resist or exit the military. [17] [16] :190&219 PCS was also instrumental in helping the highly successful FTA Show come to several U.S. military bases in the Asia-Pacific region, including in the Philippines, Japan, and Okinawa. The show, an anti-Vietnam War road show for GIs starring Jane Fonda, Donald Sutherland and a number of other entertainers, was very popular with GIs everywhere it went. PCS provided show organizers with local contacts and helped spread the word to the many GIs who came to the shows. The historical evidence indicates that over its lifetime, PCS counseled and supported many thousands of disgruntled and antiwar GIs, many of whom found ways out of the military or to avoid combat. The military conducted extensive undercover investigations and surveillance of PCS as revealed in days of hearings and testimony by the House Committee on Internal Security, and reported that "numerous military personnel are known to have sought the support or assistance of the organization." [15] :7088 The U.S. military was so concerned about PCS/NLG activities in the Philippines that in 1972 Naval commanders provided information to the new martial law regime of Ferdinand Marcos which led to the arrest, interrogation and deportation of several PCS/NLG staff, effectively bringing an end to PCS activities in the country. [26] [27]

See also

Related Research Articles

The Central Committee for Conscientious Objectors (CCCO) was a United States nonprofit organization dedicated to helping people avoid or resist military conscription or seek discharge after voluntary enlistment. It was active in supporting conscientious objectors ("CO's"), war resisters, and draft evaders during the Vietnam War. Founded in Philadelphia in 1948 and dissolved in 2011, CCCO emphasized the needs of secular and activist COs, while other organizations supporting COs principally focused on religious objectors and/or legislative reform and government relations.

<i>FTA Show</i> 1971 political vaudeville antiwar show

The FTA Show, a play on the common troop expression "Fuck The Army", was a 1971 anti-Vietnam War road show for GIs designed as a response to Bob Hope's patriotic and pro-war USO tour. The idea was first conceived by Howard Levy, an ex-US Army doctor who had just been released from 26 months in Fort Leavenworth military prison for refusing orders to train Green Beret medics on their way to the Vietnam War. Levy convinced actress Jane Fonda to participate and she in turn recruited a number of actors, entertainers, musicians and others, including the actors Donald Sutherland, Peter Boyle, Garry Goodrow and Michael Alaimo, comedian and civil rights activist Dick Gregory and soul and R&B singer Swamp Dogg. Alan Myerson, of San Francisco improv comedy group The Committee, agreed to direct, while cartoonist and author Jules Feiffer and playwrights Barbara Garson and Herb Gardner wrote songs and skits for the show. Fred Gardner, the originator of the antiwar GI Coffeehouse movement, became the Tour's "stage manager and liaison to the coffeehouse staffs." At various times other actors, writers, musicians, comedians and entertainers were involved. The United States Servicemen's Fund (USSF), with Dr. Levy as one of its principal organizers, became the official sponsor of the tour. The anti-Vietnam War USSF, promoted free speech within the US military, funded and supported independent GI newspapers and coffeehouses, and worked to defend the legal rights of GIs. Sponsorship was later taken over by a group called the Entertainment Industry for Peace & Justice (EIPJ).

<i>Sir! No Sir!</i> 2005 film about anti-Vietnam War soldiers and sailors

Sir! No Sir! is a 2005 documentary by Displaced Films about the anti-war movement within the ranks of the United States Armed Forces during the Vietnam War. The film was produced, directed, and written by David Zeiger. The film had a theatrical run in 80 cities throughout the U.S. and Canada in 2006, and was broadcast worldwide on Sundance Channel, Discovery Channel, BBC, ARTE France, ABC Australia, SBC Spain, ZDF Germany, YLE Finland, RT, and several others.

The abbreviation or acronym RITA stands for "Resistance Inside the Army", "Resister Inside the Army", or "Resist! Inside the Army".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Jeff Sharlet (activist)</span>

Jeff Sharlet (1942–1969), a Vietnam veteran, was a leader of the GI resistance movement during the Vietnam War and the founding editor of Vietnam GI. David Cortright, a major chronicler of the Vietnam GI protest movement wrote, "Vietnam GI, the most influential early paper, surfaced at the end of 1967, distributed to tens of thousands of GIs, many in Vietnam, closed down after the death of founder Jeff Sharlet in June, 1969."

<i>F.T.A.</i> Documentary about the 1971 anti-Vietnam War FTA Show

F.T.A. is a 1972 American documentary film starring Jane Fonda and Donald Sutherland and directed by Francine Parker, which follows a 1971 anti-Vietnam War road show for G.I.s, the FTA Show, as it stops in Hawaii, The Philippines, Okinawa, and Japan. It includes highlights from the show, behind the scenes footage, local performers from the countries visited, and interviews and conversations with GIs "as they discuss what they saw in battle, their anger with the military bureaucracy, and their opposition to America's presence in Indochina." Called by Fonda "a spit and a prayer production" it was far from a big budget Hollywood movie, or even a well-funded documentary. While the movie "is raw," it "underscores how infectious the movement of the 60s and 70s was", and chronicles both the Tour itself as well as the soldiers who came to see it and "the local talent of organizers, labor unions and artist/activists" in the countries visited.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fort Hood Three</span> Three U.S. Army soldiers who refused to deploy to Vietnam in 1966

The Fort Hood Three were three United States Army soldiers – Private First Class James Johnson, Private David A. Samas, and Private Dennis Mora – who refused to be deployed to fight in the Vietnam War on June 30, 1966. This was the first public refusal of orders to Vietnam, and one of the earliest acts of resistance to the war from within the U.S. military. Their refusal was widely publicized and became a cause célèbre within the growing antiwar movement. They filed a federal suit against Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara and Secretary of the Army Stanley Resor to prevent their shipment to Southeast Asia and were court-martialed by the Army for insubordination.

The Lawyers Military Defense Committee (LMDC) was a non-profit legal organization founded in 1970 by a group concerned that military members serving in Vietnam were unable to exercise their right to civilian counsel in courts-martial. LMDC existed for six years (1970–76) – two years in the combat zone of Vietnam, and for four years amidst disciplinary clashes inside US military forces in West Germany. During this period high caliber civilian representation and counseling by a cohort of young attorneys were provided free of charge country-wide, in often challenging and controversial cases for hundreds of service members, including scores of trial and post-trial proceedings. Initial logistical obstacles in Vietnam were ultimately resolved satisfactorily, so that communications with clients, other counsel, and the court could be accomplished pursuant to newly issued U.S. Army regulations, as were needs for access to military transport, billeting, and research facilities. In almost every instance representation by LMDC lawyers was welcomed by assigned military counsel. LMDC's operations in a war zone were unique. No undertaking of its kind has appeared in subsequent US conflicts.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Concerned Officers Movement</span> Organization of U.S. military officers opposed to the Vietnam War

The Concerned Officers Movement (COM) was an organization of mainly junior officers formed within the U.S. military in the early 1970s. Though its principal purpose was opposition to the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, it also fought for First Amendment rights within the military. It was initiated in the Washington, D.C., area by commissioned officers who were also Vietnam Veterans, but rapidly expanded throughout all branches and many bases of the U.S. military, ultimately playing an influential role in the opposition to the Vietnam War. At least two of its chapters expanded their ranks to include enlisted personnel (non-officers), in San Diego changing the group's name to Concerned Military, and in Kodiak, Alaska, to Concerned Servicemen's Movement.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">GI's Against Fascism</span> First antiwar and resistance group within the U.S. Navy during the Vietnam War

GI's Against Fascism was a small but formative organization formed within the United States Navy during the years of conscription and the Vietnam War. The group developed in mid-1969 out of a number of sailors requesting adequate quarters, but coalesced into a formal organization with a wider agenda: a more generalized opposition to the war and to perceived institutional racism within the U.S. Navy. Although there had been earlier antiwar and GI resistance groups within the U.S. Army during the Vietnam era, GI's Against Fascism was the first such group in the U.S. Navy. The group published an underground newspaper called Duck Power as a means of spreading its views.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Movement for a Democratic Military</span> Anti-war and GI rights organization during the Vietnam War

The Movement for a Democratic Military (MDM) was an American anti-war, anti-establishment, and military rights organization formed by United States Navy and Marine Corps personnel during the Vietnam War. Formed in California in late 1969 by sailors from Naval Station San Diego in San Diego and Marines from Camp Pendleton Marine Base in Oceanside, it rapidly spread to a number of other cities and bases in California and the Midwest, including the San Francisco Bay Area, Long Beach Naval Station, El Toro Marine Air Station, Fort Ord, Fort Carson, and the Great Lakes Naval Training Center.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">G.I. coffeehouses</span> Antiwar coffeehouses near U.S. military bases during and after the Vietnam War

GI coffeehouses were coffeehouses set up as part of the anti-war movement during the Vietnam War era as a method of fostering antiwar and anti-military sentiment within the U.S. military. They were mainly organized by civilian antiwar activists, though many GIs participated in establishing them as well. They were created in numerous cities and towns near U.S. military bases throughout the U.S as well as Germany and Japan. Due to the normal high turnover rate of GIs at military bases plus the military's response which often involved transfer, discharge and demotion, not to mention the hostility of the pro-military towns where many coffeehouses were located, most of them were short-lived, but a few survived for several years and "contributed to some of the GI movement's most significant actions". The first GI coffeehouse of the Vietnam era was set up in January 1968 and the last closed in 1974.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Stop Our Ship</span> Campaign of U.S. sailors and civilians against the Vietnam War

The Stop Our Ship (SOS) movement, a component of the overall civilian and GI movements against the Vietnam War, was directed towards and developed on board U.S. Navy ships, particularly aircraft carriers heading to Southeast Asia. It was concentrated on and around major U.S. Naval stations and ships on the West Coast from mid-1970 to the end of the Vietnam War in 1975, and at its height involved tens of thousands of antiwar civilians, military personnel and veterans. It was sparked by the tactical shift of U.S. combat operations in Southeast Asia from the ground to the air. As the ground war stalemated and Army grunts increasingly refused to fight or resisted the war in various other ways, the U.S. “turned increasingly to air bombardment”. By 1972 there were twice as many Seventh Fleet aircraft carriers in the Gulf of Tonkin as previously and the antiwar movement, which was at its height in the U.S. and worldwide, became a significant factor in the Navy. While no ships were actually prevented from returning to war, the campaigns, combined with the broad antiwar and rebellious sentiment of the times, stirred up substantial difficulties for the Navy, including active duty sailors refusing to sail with their ships, circulating petitions and antiwar propaganda on board, disobeying orders, and committing sabotage, as well as persistent civilian antiwar activity in support of dissident sailors. Several ship combat missions were postponed or altered and one ship was delayed by a combination of a civilian blockade and crewmen jumping overboard.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">G.I. movement</span> Movement within the United States military during the Vietnam War

The G.I. movement was the resistance to military involvement in the Vietnam War from active duty soldiers in the United States military. Within the military popular forms of resistance included combat refusals, fragging, and desertion. By the end of the war at least 450 officers were killed in fraggings, or about 250 from 1969–1971, over 300 refused to engage in combat and approximately 50,000 American servicemen deserted. Along with resistance inside the U.S. military, civilians opened up various G.I. coffeehouses near military bases where civilians could meet with soldiers and could discuss and cooperate in the anti-war movement.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Court-martial of Susan Schnall</span> U.S. Navy nurse court-martialed for anti-Vietnam War activity

The court-martial of Susan Schnall, a lieutenant U.S. Navy nurse stationed at the Oakland Naval Hospital in Oakland, California, took place in early 1969 during the Vietnam War. Her political activities, which led to the military trial, may have garnered some of the most provocative news coverage during the early days of the U.S. antiwar movement against that war. In October 1968, the San Francisco Chronicle called her the “Peace Leaflet Bomber” for raining tens of thousands of antiwar leaflets from a small airplane over several San Francisco Bay Area military installations and the deck of an aircraft carrier. The day after this “bombing” run, she marched in her officer’s uniform at the front of a large antiwar demonstration, knowing it was against military regulations. While the Navy was court-martialing her for "conduct unbecoming an officer", she was publicly telling the press, "As far as I'm concerned, it's conduct unbecoming to officers to send men to die in Vietnam."

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Intrepid Four</span> U.S. Sailors who deserted to oppose the Vietnam War

The Intrepid Four were a group of United States Navy sailors who grew to oppose what they called "the American aggression in Vietnam" and publicly deserted from the USS Intrepid in October 1967 as it docked in Japan during the Vietnam War. They were among the first American troops whose desertion was publicly announced during the war and the first within the U.S. Navy. The fact that it was a group, and not just an individual, made it more newsworthy.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fort Lewis Six</span> Six U.S. Army enlisted men courts-martialed for refusing orders to Vietnam in June 1970

The Fort Lewis Six were six U.S. Army enlisted men at the Fort Lewis Army base in the Seattle and Tacoma, Washington area who in June 1970 refused orders to the Vietnam War and were then courts-martialed. They had all applied for conscientious objector status and been turned down by the Pentagon. The Army then ordered them to report for assignment to Vietnam, which they all refused. The Army responded by charging them with "willful disobedience" which carried a maximum penalty of five years at hard labor. The six soldiers were Private First Class Manuel Perez, a Cuban refugee; Private First Class Paul A. Forest, a British citizen from Liverpool; Specialist 4 Carl M. Dix Jr. from Baltimore; Private James B. Allen from Goldsboro, North Carolina; Private First Class Lawrence Galgano from Brooklyn, New York; and Private First Class Jeffrey C. Griffith from Vaughn, Washington. According to the local GI underground newspaper at Fort Lewis, this was the largest mass refusal of direct orders to Vietnam at the base up to that point in the war. Their refusal and subsequent treatment by the Army received national press coverage.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">GI Underground Press</span> Military press produced without official approval or acceptance during the Vietnam War

The GI Underground Press was an underground press movement that emerged among the United States military during the Vietnam War. These were newspapers and newsletters produced without official military approval or acceptance; often furtively distributed under the eyes of "the brass". They were overwhelmingly antiwar and most were anti-military, which tended to infuriate the military command and often resulted in swift retaliation and punishment. Mainly written by rank-and-file active duty or recently discharged GIs, AWOLs and deserters, these publications were intended for their peers and spoke the language and aired the complaints of their audience. They became an integral and powerful element of the larger antiwar, radical and revolutionary movements during those years. This is a history largely ignored and even hidden in the retelling of the U.S. military's role in the Vietnam War.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">United States Servicemen's Fund</span> American anti-war support organization

The United States Servicemen's Fund (USSF) was a support organization for soldier and sailor resistance to the Vietnam War and the U.S. military that was founded in late 1968 and continued through 1973. It was an "umbrella agency" that funded GI underground newspapers and GI Coffeehouses, as well as providing logistical support for the GI antiwar movement ranging from antiwar films and speakers to legal assistance and staff. USSF described itself as supporting a GI defined movement "to work for an end to the Viet Nam war" and "to eradicate the indoctrination and oppression that they see so clearly every day."

<i>Soldiers in Revolt: GI Resistance During the Vietnam War</i> Non-fiction book about soldier & sailor resistance during the Vietnam War

Soldiers in Revolt: GI Resistance During the Vietnam War was the first comprehensive exploration of the disaffection, resistance, rebellion and organized opposition to the Vietnam War within the ranks of the U.S. Armed Forces. It was the first book written by David Cortright, a Vietnam veteran who is currently Professor Emeritus and special adviser for policy studies at the Keough School of Global Affairs and Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame, and the author, co-author, editor or co-editor of 22 books. Originally published as the war was ending in 1975, it was republished in 2005 with an introduction by the well known progressive historian Howard Zinn. Despite being first published 49 years ago, it remains the definitive history of this often ignored subject. The book argues persuasively, with encyclopedic rigor, the still under appreciated fact that by the early 1970s the U.S. armed forces, particularly its ground forces, were essentially breaking down; experiencing a deep crises of moral, discipline and combat effectiveness. Cortright reveals, for example, that in fiscal year 1972, there were more conscientious objectors than draftees, and precipitous declines in both officer enrollments and non-officer enlistments. He also documents "staggering level[s]" of desertions, increasing nearly 400% in the Army from 1966 to 1971. Perhaps more importantly, Cortright makes a convincing case for this unraveling being both a product and an integral part of the anti-Vietnam War sentiment and movement widespread within U.S. society and worldwide at the time. He documents hundreds of GI antiwar and antimilitary organizations, thousands of individual and group acts of resistance, hundreds of GI underground newspapers, and highlights the role of Black GIs militantly fighting racism and the war. This is where the book stands alone as the first and most systematic study of the antiwar and dissident movements impact and growth within the U.S. armed forces during the Vietnam War. While other books, articles and studies have examined this subject, none have done it as thoroughly and systematically.

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