A paper local is a local union with no or few members, chartered by an existing union (usually an international or national union body) or self-chartered, and formed for the purpose of criminal activity. [1] As implied by the name, paper locals often "exist only on paper", and have no members. In some cases, however, paper locals may have members, but the members are not workers but rather friends, family members, or criminal associates of the individual or individuals in control of the paper local.
Although paper locals may occur wherever labor unions are given formal, legal status and rights, they have been a particular problem in the United States. Paper locals are denounced by the AFL–CIO Code of Ethical Practices. [1]
Paper locals are often used as a means of extorting money. The individual who controls a paper local may threaten to unionize an employer's workers unless he receives a payoff. [1] The paper local may even list the workers at a worksite as "members" and accept the payment as "union dues", when in fact the workers have not consented to forming or joining the union, have not paid dues, and do not receive the benefits of collective bargaining. [2] In at least one case, a paper local based its extortion fee not on the number of workers an employer had but the number of coin-operated machines it had installed in local businesses. [3]
Paper locals often enter into sweetheart contracts that are grossly unfair to workers, and then the employer and paper local embezzle money from the business. While a legitimate union contract might cost X amount of money in wages and benefits, the sweetheart contract costs much less; the difference is split between the individual(s) who control the paper local and the company owners. [1] [2] [4] In one infamous example, a paper local and an employer entered into a sweetheart contract in which workers were able to take only one holiday off each year, Passover. Since the workers were almost all Puerto Rican and non-Jewish, they did not take the holiday off and the employer was not forced to pay workers for a day off. [4]
When a paper local is controlled by organized crime, the paper local may also accept bribes in order to guarantee that there will be no strikes, grievances, or work stoppages (e.g., "labor peace"), or it may intimidate, coerce, vandalize, or sabotage the employer's competitors in order to protect the employer and a lucrative contract. [2] [4] This can create distinct competitive advantages for the employer, which can be higher than the bribes paid. [2] [4]
More recently, paper locals have been used for committing fraud. Paper locals have charged real estate developers for union services while hiring non-union workers (allowing the individual[s] controlling the paper local to pocket the difference in wages and benefits). [5]
On occasion, employers have formed paper locals in order to establish company unions, and prevent unionization of their workforce. [6]
Paper locals have sometimes been established by labor union leaders in efforts to fraudulently win internal elections. Perhaps the most famous example is the establishment of the "Dio locals" in the International Brotherhood of Teamsters in the mid-1950s. Midwestern Teamster leader Jimmy Hoffa wished to unseat Dave Beck, the union's international president. In October 1956, mobster Johnny Dio met with Hoffa in New York City and the two men conspired to create as many as 15 paper locals to boost Hoffa's delegate totals. [7] [8] When the paper locals applied for charters from the international union, Hoffa's political foes were outraged. [9] [10] A major battle broke out within the Teamsters over whether to charter the locals, and the media attention led to inquiries by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the U.S. Senate Committee on Government Operations. [11] Beck and other Teamster leaders challenged the authority of the U.S. Senate to investigate the union, [12] which caused the Senate to establish the Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management—a new committee with broad subpoena and investigative powers. [13] Senator John L. McClellan, chair of the select committee, hired Robert F. Kennedy as the subcommittee's chief counsel and investigator. [14]
The Select Committee (also known as the McClellan Committee, after its chairman), exposed widespread corruption in the Teamsters union. Beck fled the country for a month to avoid its subpoenas before returning. [15] Four of the paper locals were dissolved to avoid committee scrutiny, several Teamster staffers were charged with contempt of Congress, union records were lost or destroyed (allegedly on purpose), and wiretaps were played in public before a national television audience in which Dio and Hoffa discussed the creation of even more paper locals. [16] Beck appeared before the select committee for the first time on March 25, 1957, and notoriously invoked his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination 117 times. [17] The McClellan Committee turned its focus to Hoffa and other Teamsters officials, and presented testimony and evidence alleging widespread corruption in Hoffa-controlled Teamster units. [8] [18] The scandals uncovered by the McClellan committee, which affected not only the Teamsters but several other unions, led directly to the passage of the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (also known as the Landrum-Griffin Act) in 1959. [19]
The use of paper locals may still be a problem for American labor unions. The Service Employees International Union (SEIU) has been accused of establishing paper locals (known in the union as "provisional locals") so that leaders can win election to office and dominate political opponents. [20]
Paper locals can sometimes be used as a legitimate organizing tool. Some unions form them in industries where they have no foothold and yet anticipate organizing workers. This was a common organizing tool of the Industrial Workers of the World and International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union in the early part of the 20th century. [21] The president of the Service Employees International Union has also been accused of creating "provisional locals with no members" in order to affect vote counts on union matters. [20]
James Riddle Hoffa was an American labor union leader who served as the president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) from 1957 until 1971.
The International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) is a labor union in the United States and Canada. Formed in 1903 by the merger of the Team Drivers International Union and the Teamsters National Union, the union now represents a diverse membership of blue- and white-collar workers in both the public and private sectors, totalling about 1.3 million in 2015. The union was formerly called the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers of America.
James Phillip Hoffa, also known as James Hoffa Jr., is an American labor leader and attorney who was the tenth General President of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. He is the son of Jimmy Hoffa. Hoffa was first elected in 1998, and subsequently re-elected in 2001, 2006, 2011, and 2016 to five-year terms. In 2018, Hoffa was elected chair of the Road Transport Section of the International Transport Workers' Federation at its quadrennial Congress in Singapore. Hoffa is the second-longest serving General President of the Teamsters Union, after Dan Tobin, who served from 1907 to 1952. Hoffa's final term as General President ended in 2022.
William George Meany was an American labor union leader for 57 years. He was the key figure in the creation of the AFL–CIO and served as the AFL–CIO's first president, from 1955 to 1979.
Frank Edward Fitzsimmons was an American labor leader. He was acting president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters from 1967 to 1971, and president from 1971 to 1981.
Victor Riesel was an American newspaper journalist and columnist who specialized in news related to labor unions. At the height of his career, his column on labor union issues was syndicated to 356 newspapers in the United States. In an incident which made national headlines for almost a year, a gangster threw sulfuric acid in his face on a public street in New York City on April 5, 1956, causing his permanent blindness.
David Daniel Beck was an American labor leader, and president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters from 1952 to 1957. He helped found the "Conference" system of organization in the Teamsters union, and shot to national prominence in 1957 by repeatedly invoking his right against self-incrimination before a United States Senate committee investigating labor racketeering.
Daniel Joseph Tobin was an American labor leader and president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters from 1907 to 1952. From 1917 to 1928, he was treasurer of the American Federation of Labor. He served on the federation's Executive Council beginning in 1934, and served until his resignation in 1952.
Ronald Robert Carey was an American labor leader who served as president of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters from 1991 to 1997. He was the first Teamster General President elected by a direct vote of the membership. He ran for re-election in 1996 and won, but in 1997 federal investigators discovered that the Carey campaign had engaged in an illegal donation kickback scheme to raise more than $700,000 for the 1996 re-election effort. His re-election was overturned, Carey was disqualified from running for Teamsters president again, and he was subsequently expelled from the union for life. Although a federal jury ultimately cleared him of all wrongdoing in the scandal, the lifetime ban remained in place until his death.
Giovanni Ignazio Dioguardi, known as John "Johnny Dio" Dioguardi, was an Italian-American organized crime figure and a labor racketeer. He is known for being involved in the acid attack which led to the blinding of newspaper columnist Victor Riesel, and for his role in creating fake labor union locals to help Jimmy Hoffa become General President of the Teamsters.
The 1952 steel strike was a strike by the United Steelworkers of America (USWA) against U.S. Steel (USS) and nine other steelmakers. The strike was scheduled to begin on April 9, 1952, but US President Harry Truman nationalized the American steel industry hours before the workers walked out. The steel companies sued to regain control of their facilities. On June 2, 1952, in a landmark decision, the US Supreme Court ruled in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952), that the President lacked the authority to seize the steel mills. The strike involved 560,000 workers
The United States Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management was a select committee created by the United States Senate on January 30, 1957 and dissolved on March 31, 1960. The select committee was directed to study the extent of criminal or other improper practices in the field of labor-management relations or in groups of employees or employers, and to recommend changes in the laws of the United States that would provide protection against such practices or activities. It conducted 253 active investigations, served 8,000 subpoenas for witnesses and documents, held 270 days of hearings, took testimony from 1,526 witnesses, and compiled almost 150,000 pages of testimony. At the peak of its activity in 1958, 104 persons worked for the committee. The select committee's work led directly to the enactment of the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act on September 14, 1959.
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