The struggle for women's right to vote in Mexico dates back to the nineteenth century, with the right being achieved in 1953.
The liberal Mexican Constitution of 1857 did not bar women from voting in Mexico or holding office, but "election laws restricted the suffrage to males, and in practice women did not participate nor demand a part in politics," with framers being indifferent to the issue. [1] [2]
Years of civil war and the French intervention delayed any consideration of women's role in Mexican political life, but during the Restored Republic and the Porfiriato (1876–1911), women began organizing to expand their civil rights, including suffrage. Socialist publications in Mexico began advocating changes in law and practice as early as 1878. The journal La Internacional articulated a detailed program of reform that aimed at "the emancipation, rehabilitation, and integral education of women." [3] The era of the Porfiriato did not record changes in law regarding the status of women, but women began entering professions requiring higher education: law, medicine, and pharmacy (requiring a university degree), but also teaching. [4] Liberalism placed great importance on secular education, so that the public school system ranks of the teaching profession expanded in the late nineteenth century, which benefited females wishing to teach and education for girls.
The status of women in Mexico became an issue during the Mexican Revolution, with Francisco I. Madero, the challenger to the continued presidency of Porfirio Diaz interested in the rights of Mexican women. Madero was part of a rich estate-owning family in the northern state of Coahuila, who had attended University of California, Berkeley briefly and traveled in Europe, absorbing liberal ideas and practices. Madero's wife as well as his female personal assistant, Soledad González, "unquestionably enhanced his interest in women's rights." [4] González was one of the orphans that the Maderos adopted; she learned typing and stenography, and traveled to Mexico City following Madero's election as president in 1911. [4] Madero's brief presidential term was tumultuous, and with no previous political experience, Madero was unable to forward the cause of women's suffrage.
Women played a big role in the Mexican Revolution. Mexican Women had different roles in the revolution that played a significant impact in the war. Known as soldaderas, or female soldiers, they participated in meal preparation, house chores, and some even fought on the battlefield. Females aided their husbands and provided support for their families. Some women followed their male counterparts and helped with the services and support for them. [5] Society’s perception of women directly impacted how women were perceived in the Mexican Revolution. They either joined the war, assisted with the needs of the soldiers, and or provided medical supplies or other resources. During this time, they assisted the needs of their male counterparts. According to Mexican standards, women were expected to be submissive to their partner and prioritize his needs at home or in preparation for battle. Machismo, or the sense of masculine pride made it difficult for women to receive any acknowledgement for their efforts in the war. [5] The dictatorship of Proforio Diaz made it difficult for society to keep track of the war efforts of women. Therefore, most women continued to support their families without compensation. As a result of the Diaz dictatorship, different rebellious groups were created in response. These groups were spread along different geographical regions. In the north, Pancho Villa dominated his rebellious group and in the south, Madero dominated his. Women from different regions joined these rebellious groups. The uprising of these rebellions inspired women to pursue fighting in the war due to mass frustration and civil unrest. [6] In Madero’s group, women were praised for their involvement in which female colonels, known as coronelas, played an important role. Unlike the Zapatistas, Villa did not praise the war efforts of women. [5] Villa believed that having females in his group had slowed the progress of his male soldiers. Male soldiers appreciated the company of the soldaderas, so Villa let the female soldiers march with them. Due to a battle in Chihuahua in 1917, Villa had killed 90 women because he had lost the battle. In response, society doubted the efforts of females in the war. [6]
Following his ouster by military coup led by Victoriano Huerta and Madero's assassination, those taking up Madero's cause and legacy, the Constitutionalists (named after the liberal Constitution of 1857) began to discuss women's rights. Venustiano Carranza, former governor of Coahuila, and following Madero's assassination, the "first chief" of the Constitutionalists. Carranza also had an influential female private secretary, Hermila Galindo, who was a champion of women's rights in Mexico. [4]
Carranza promulgated the Plan de Guadalupe in 1914. In the "Additions" to the Plan de Guadalupe, Carranza made some important statements that affected families and the status of women in regards to marriage. In December 1914, Carranza issued a decree that legalized divorce under certain circumstances. [4] Although the decree did not lead to women's suffrage, it eased somewhat restrictions that still existed in the civil even after the nineteenth-century liberal La Reforma established the State's right to regulate marriage as a civil rather than an ecclesiastical matter.
Valentina Ramirez, born in 1893 in Durango State, is known as a female fighter. In order to feel a sense of freedom, she fought in the war after her dad died. She dressed up as a male, under the name Juan Ramirez since female soldiers were not allowed directly on the battlefield. [7] Her sense of bravery and independence inspired many women to join the war. Her story inspired the creation of a corrido, “La Valentina”. In the corrido, it mentions the inequality she faced while fighting as a woman in the revolution. Her participation in the war was dismissed by the government since they did not want to recognize the efforts of women. [8] Ramirez’s bravery had earned her the nickname “Mexican Mulan” by the Mexican public. [7] Like Ramirez, many soldaderas adopted male names and wore male clothing to protect their identity. By wearing male clothing, women felt protected against sexual violence in the war. [8]
Other famous soldaderas include Angela Jimenez, who was known as Angel Jimenez. [7] She dressed in male clothing and threatened those who tried to shame her. A prominent figure that symbolizes feminism is “La Adelita”. It is a revolutionary icon that depicts a provocative woman that is armed for war. By showing a woman wearing armed gear, it shows that they can be courageous as well. This depiction goes against the perception of women during the 1910s, in which women were seen as incapable of fighting alongside men. [9] It was until after the revolution that Mexican Revolutionaries were recognized for their participation in the war.
There was increased advocacy for women's rights in the late 1910s, with the founding of a new feminist magazine, Mujer Moderna, which ceased publication in 1919. Mexico saw several international women's rights congresses, the first being held in Mérida, Yucatán, in 1916. The International Congress of Women had some 700 delegates attend, but did not result in lasting changes. [10]
Accessible through the “Diario Oficial'', the first feminist constitutional document for women’s rights was published in 1916. The document was written by 620 delegates and addressed women’s rights in Mexico through the collaboration of both male and female members. [11] The named contributors of this publication in the “Diario Oficial'' of the government were director Antonio Ancona and administrator José Samboa Espinosa. [11] Many sections detail equal educational access and opportunities for women in the workplace, and outline the importance of women in administrative positions and career prospects in modern life. The document writes about how the revolution of 1910 opened the doors for women and changed the way they had been viewed for twenty preceding centuries. [11] Additionally, the document names educational institutions that were installed for women such as the “Escuela Vocacional de Artes Domésticas”, “El Instituto Literario de Niñas” of 1877, along with the “Escuela Normal de Profesoras” of 1912. [11]
In 1915, President Carranza appointed Salvador Alvarado as military governor of Yucatan. Alvarado advocated for women’s rights at all social class levels. For example, he increased access to medical services for women and sex workers. [12] He increased educational opportunities for women of all social classes. He believed that higher education will allow females to receive higher status and respect. With more females receiving higher education, they were battling gender stereotypes by society during the 1910s. Since women were given more educational opportunities, they were able to seek jobs in government positions. This gave women more power and influence as they took important job positions. [12] This increased the movement for suffrage of women after the revolution period. In 1922, Felipe Carrillo Puerto was appointed governor of Yucatan. Puerto wanted to help the most vulnerable groups such as women, so he implemented socialist policies to help Mexican females. [12] He also advocated for women to receive higher education. Puerto allowed the right for women to divorce their spouses without needing their consent. These figures had helped the feminist movement and increased the journey to suffrage, after the revolution period. [12]
As women's suffrage made progress in Great Britain and the United States, in Mexico there was an echo. Carranza, who was elected president in 1916, called for a convention to draft a new Mexican Constitution that incorporated gains for particular groups, such as the industrial working class and the peasantry seeking land reform. It also incorporated increased restrictions on the Roman Catholic Church in Mexico, an extension of the anticlericalism in the Constitution of 1857. The Constitution of 1917 did not explicitly empower women's access to the ballot.
In the northern Mexican state of Sonora, Mexican women pushed for more rights for women, including the vote. Emélida Carrillo and school teacher María de Jesús Váldez led the effort. Notably, the movement for Mexican women's rights there was linked to the movement to exclude and expel Chinese in Mexico, racial essentialism that was also seen in the suffrage movement in the U.S., but generally not elsewhere in Latin America. [13]
The 1968 student movement led by the National Strike Council contributed towards strides for gender equality in Mexico. [14] The students’ efforts towards equality of the genders increased awareness towards democratic rights facilitating social change. [14] Following the student movement in Mexico, support towards female participation in various forms of expression such as cultural, artistic, political, and academic contributions increased. For example, they paved the way for the first addition of women in positions of political power, namely as governors and ministers of state, deputies, senators, and judiciaries. [14] These movements raised the cognizance of the public both in the realm of local and national political environments and social relations.[ citation needed ]
Although the majority of the movement's participants were male, there were a plethora of women involved in the protests as well. A quote from Ana Ignacio Avendaño, the head of the School of Law in 1968 conveys, “...the true heroines of the student movement: those anonymous women whose names aren’t well known, who go unrecognized. But some of them gave their lives. If we have gained democratic freedo ms, it’s due to them.” [14] There were five female participants, most recognized were representatives of the UNAM School of Law, Ignacia (La Nacha) Rodríguez Márquez and María Esther (La Tita) Rodriguez. They were both activists and were involved in brigades and assemblies at their schools. Ignacia Rodríguez was later detained and put in the Santa Martha Acatitla prison for over two years, along with María Esther Rodríguez, due to their efforts. 13 other women who were members of the National Strike Council are as follows: Dana Aerenlund, Patricia Best, Adriana Corona, Oralia García, Mirthokleia González, Mareta Gutiérrez, Consuelo Hernández, Ianira León, Eugenia Mesta, Erlinda Sánchez, Marta Servín, Eugenia Valero, and Rosalba Zúñiga. [14] Along with these participants, hundreds of women were active in the movement through their participation in debates during assemblies on campuses. While the content of their debates was not centered around feminist proposals, their presence in collaborative spaces opened doors for female contributions and involvement. These women did not go to prison as a result of their efforts. [14]
One indigenous-centered movement in Mexico is the Zapatista movement. The principles of the movement revolve around dismantling systems of colonization, exploitation, and injustice committed against indigenous communities for centuries. [15] The Zapatista uprising that occurred on January 1, 1994 called for justice and the right to democracy for Indigenous peasants in the south of the country. [16] In the time following their uprising, the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional) [17] or Zapatista Army of National Liberation, focused on contributing to the liberation of Indigenous people in Mexico through actions such as facilitating peaceful protests and opening the line of communication between organizations in the public sphere. [18] Their modern efforts work to achieve economic, political, and cultural autonomy for Indigenous communities, including the goal of reconstructing the prominent gender roles and expectations set for Indigenous Mexican women. [15]
The Zapatista movement was a driving force for the development of social movements in indigenous communities, including feminist efforts in Mexico. The instrumental position women had in the Zapatista movement led to their increased exposure and influence in society. [19] For example, in Chiapas, the efforts of Zapatista women in leadership positions along with support from women in the Zapatista base conjoined to transform the laws, institutions, autonomy, gender roles and expectations, and domestic violence cases of Zapatista women who were involved in the movement. [20] [18]
Activism was sparked in part due to the interaction between various groups with the common goal of expanding the freedom of Indigenous communities and women. The association with Zapatista women and indigenous feminism led to the creation of spaces that allow for open discussion and collaboration between women in Mexico. Their role in the feminist movement was more openly discussed and developed through the installation of the National Coordinating Committee of Indigenous Women in 1997. [21] Indigenous women contribute directly to the progression of the movement, such as Marta, a Mixtec woman who is a member of an organization named Et Naazwiihy (The Space We Live In) along with Alma López, a Quiché woman who is a council member of the City of Quetzaltenango in Guatemala. [20]
In 1916, during the Mexican revolution, the very first Feminist Congress of Yucatan met. The women there discussed and demanded equality so that responsibly help men build a new Mexican society. Yucatan was the first state to recognize women’s right to vote in 1923. Unfortunately, they were soon forced to resign from any positions that they were granted. [22] In 1937, Mexican feminists challenged the wording of the Constitution concerning who is eligible for citizenship – the Constitution did not specify "men and women." [23] María del Refugio García ran for election as a Sole Front for Women's Rights candidate for her home district, Uruapan. [23] García won by a huge margin, but was not allowed to take her seat because the government would have to amend the Constitution. [23] In response, García went on a hunger strike outside President Lázaro Cárdenas's residence in Mexico City for 11 days in August 1937. [23] Cárdenas responded by promising to change Article 34 in the Constitution that September. [23] By December, the amendment had been passed by congress, and women were granted full citizenship.
A growing concern among members of Cárdenas's party around the debate of women's suffrage was that enfranchising women would give power to Mexico's conservative factions, and women would vote against the country's ongoing revolutionary politics. Cárdenas, who had at this point been an advocate for women's rights and suffrage for years, saw the push for women's right to vote as a matter of justice and progress, and believed that Mexico would intrinsicly benefit as a nation from the reform. In 1937, he proposed a constitutional amendment that would establish women's suffrage into national law; this amendment, despite being passed through the Senate and a majority of state legislatures, ultimately failed to get ratified. [24]
Later, in 1947, President Miguel Alemán proposed a constitutional amendment that would let women exercise their right to participate in municipal elections. Upon assuming the presidency, Adolfo Ruíz Cortines fulfilled his campaign promise and sent an initiative to reform Constitutional Articles 34 and 115 that promoted universal suffrage for women to the Chamber of Deputies. [25] However, the vote for women in Mexico was not granted until 1953. [23] The history and meaning of the women's vote in Mexico has been the subject of some recent scholarly research. [26] [27]
Emiliano Zapata Salazar was a Mexican revolutionary. He was a leading figure in the Mexican Revolution of 1910–1920, the main leader of the people's revolution in the Mexican state of Morelos, and the inspiration of the agrarian movement called Zapatismo.
The Mexican Revolution was an extended sequence of armed regional conflicts in Mexico from 20 November 1910 to 1 December 1920. It has been called "the defining event of modern Mexican history" and destroyed the Federal Army, its replacement by a revolutionary army, and the transformation of Mexican culture and government. The northern Constitutionalist faction prevailed on the battlefield and drafted the present-day Constitution of Mexico, which aimed to create a strong central government. Revolutionary generals held power from 1920 to 1940. The revolutionary conflict was primarily a civil war, but foreign powers, having important economic and strategic interests in Mexico, figured in the outcome of Mexico's power struggles; the U.S. involvement was particularly high. The conflict led to the deaths of around one million people, mostly non-combatants.
Women's suffrage is the right of women to vote in elections. At the beginning of the 19th century, some people sought to change voting laws to allow women to vote. Liberal political parties would go on to grant women the right to vote, increasing the number of those parties' potential constituencies. National and international organizations formed to coordinate efforts towards women voting, especially the International Woman Suffrage Alliance.
José Venustiano Carranza de la Garza, known as Venustiano Carranza, was a Mexican land owner and politician who served as President of Mexico from 1917 until his assassination in 1920, during the Mexican Revolution. He was previously Mexico's de facto head of state as Primer Jefe of the Constitutionalist faction from 1914 to 1917, and previously served as a senator and governor for Coahuila. He played the leading role in drafting the Constitution of 1917 and maintained Mexican neutrality in World War I.
This is an index of articles related to the issue of feminism, women's liberation, the women's movement, and women's rights.
The current Constitution of Mexico, formally the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, was drafted in Santiago de Querétaro, in the State of Querétaro, Mexico, by a constituent convention during the Mexican Revolution. It was approved by the Constituent Congress on 5 February 1917, and was later amended several times. It is the successor to the Constitution of 1857, and earlier Mexican constitutions. "The Constitution of 1917 is the legal triumph of the Mexican Revolution. To some it is the revolution."
The military history of Mexico encompasses armed conflicts within that nation's territory, dating from before the arrival of Europeans in 1519 to the present era. Mexican military history is replete with small-scale revolts, foreign invasions, civil wars, indigenous uprisings, and coups d'état by disgruntled military leaders. Mexico's colonial-era military was not established until the eighteenth century. After the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire in the early sixteenth century, the Spanish crown did not establish on a standing military, but the crown responded to the external threat of a British invasion by creating a standing military for the first time following the Seven Years' War (1756–63). The regular army units and militias had a short history when in the early 19th century, the unstable situation in Spain with the Napoleonic invasion gave rise to an insurgency for independence, propelled by militarily untrained men fighting for the independence of Mexico. The Mexican War of Independence (1810–21) saw royalist and insurgent armies battling to a stalemate in 1820. That stalemate ended with the royalist military officer turned insurgent, Agustín de Iturbide persuading the guerrilla leader of the insurgency, Vicente Guerrero, to join in a unified movement for independence, forming the Army of the Three Guarantees. The royalist military had to decide whether to support newly independent Mexico. With the collapse of the Spanish state and the establishment of first a monarchy under Iturbide and then a republic, the state was a weak institution. The Roman Catholic Church and the military weathered independence better. Military men dominated Mexico's nineteenth-century history, most particularly General Antonio López de Santa Anna, under whom the Mexican military were defeated by Texas insurgents for independence in 1836 and then the U.S. invasion of Mexico (1846–48). With the overthrow of Santa Anna in 1855 and the installation of a government of political liberals, Mexico briefly had civilian heads of state. The Liberal Reforms that were instituted by Benito Juárez sought to curtail the power of the military and the church and wrote a new constitution in 1857 enshrining these principles. Conservatives comprised large landowners, the Catholic Church, and most of the regular army revolted against the Liberals, fighting a civil war. The Conservative military lost on the battlefield. But Conservatives sought another solution, supporting the French intervention in Mexico (1862–65). The Mexican army loyal to the liberal republic were unable to stop the French army's invasion, briefly halting it with a victory at Puebla on 5 May 1862. Mexican Conservatives supported the installation of Maximilian Hapsburg as Emperor of Mexico, propped up by the French and Mexican armies. With the military aid of the U.S. flowing to the republican government in exile of Juárez, the French withdrew its military supporting the monarchy and Maximilian was caught and executed. The Mexican army that emerged in the wake of the French Intervention was young and battle tested, not part of the military tradition dating to the colonial and early independence eras.
"La Adelita" is one of the most famous corridos of the Mexican Revolution. Over the years, it has had many adaptations. The ballad was inspired by Adela Velarde Pérez, a Chihuahuense woman who joined the Maderista movement in the early stages of the revolution and fell in love with Madero. She became a popular icon and a symbol of the role of women in the Mexican Revolution. The figure of the adelita gradually became synonymous with the term soldadera, the woman in a military-support role, who became a vital force in the revolutionary efforts through provisioning, espionage, and other activities in the battles against Mexican federal government forces.
Soldaderas, often called Adelitas, were women in the military who participated in the conflict of the Mexican Revolution, ranging from commanding officers to combatants to camp followers. "In many respects, the Mexican revolution was not only a men's but a women's revolution." Although some revolutionary women achieved officer status, coronelas, "there are no reports of a woman achieving the rank of general." Since revolutionary armies did not have formal ranks, some women officers were called generala or coronela, even though they commanded relatively few men. A number of people assigned female at birth, took male identities, dressing as men, and being called by the male version of their given name, among them Ángel Jiménez and Amelio Robles Ávila.
Las Adelitas de Aztlán was a short-lived Mexican American female civil rights organization that was created by Gloria Arellanes and Gracie and Hilda Reyes in 1970. Gloria Arellanes and Gracie and Hilda Reyes were all former members of the Brown Berets, another Mexican American Civil rights organization that had operated concurrently during the 1960s and 1970s in the California area. The founders left the Brown Berets due to enlarging gender discrepancies and disagreements that caused much alienation amongst their female members. The Las Adelitas De Aztlan advocated for Mexican-American Civil rights, better conditions for workers, protested police brutality and advocated for women's rights for the Latino community. The name of the organization was a tribute to Mexican female soldiers or soldaderas that fought during the Mexican Revolution of the early twentieth century.
Hermila Galindo Acosta was a Mexican feminist and a writer. She was an early supporter of many radical feminist issues, primarily sex education in schools, women's suffrage, and divorce. She was one of the first feminists to state that Catholicism in Mexico was thwarting feminist efforts, and was the first woman to run for elected office in Mexico.
The status of women in Mexico has changed significantly over time. Until the twentieth century, Mexico was an overwhelmingly rural country, with rural women's status defined within the context of the family and local community. With urbanization beginning in the sixteenth century, following the Spanish conquest of the Aztec empire, cities have provided economic and social opportunities not possible within rural villages. Roman Catholicism in Mexico has shaped societal attitudes about women's social role, emphasizing the role of women as nurturers of the family, with the Virgin Mary as a model. Marianismo has been an ideal, with women's role as being within the family under the authority of men. In the twentieth century, Mexican women made great strides towards a more equal legal and social status. In 1953 women in Mexico were granted the right to vote in national elections.
Feminism in Mexico is the philosophy and activity aimed at creating, defining, and protecting political, economic, cultural, and social equality in women's rights and opportunities for Mexican women. Rooted in liberal thought, the term feminism came into use in late nineteenth-century Mexico and in common parlance among elites in the early twentieth century. The history of feminism in Mexico can be divided chronologically into a number of periods with issues. For the conquest and colonial eras, some figures have been re-evaluated in the modern era and can be considered part of the history of feminism in Mexico. At the time of independence in the early nineteenth century, there were demands that women be defined as citizens. The late nineteenth century saw the explicit development of feminism as an ideology. Liberalism advocated secular education for both girls and boys as part of a modernizing project, and women entered the workforce as teachers. Those women were at the forefront of feminism, forming groups that critiqued existing treatment of women in the realms of legal status, access to education, and economic and political power. More scholarly attention is focused on the Revolutionary period (1915–1925), although women's citizenship and legal equality were not explicitly issues for which the revolution was fought. The Second Wave and the post-1990 period have also received considerable scholarly attention. Feminism has advocated for the equality of men and women, but middle-class women took the lead in the formation of feminist groups, the founding of journals to disseminate feminist thought, and other forms of activism. Working-class women in the modern era could advocate within their unions or political parties. The participants in the Mexico 68 clashes who went on to form that generation's feminist movement were predominantly students and educators. The advisers who established themselves within the unions after the 1985 earthquakes were educated women who understood the legal and political aspects of organized labor. What they realized was that to form a sustained movement and attract working-class women to what was a largely middle-class movement, they needed to utilize workers' expertise and knowledge of their jobs to meld a practical, working system. In the 1990s, women's rights in indigenous communities became an issue, particularly in the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas. Reproductive rights remain an ongoing issue, particularly since 1991, when the Catholic Church in Mexico was no longer constitutionally restricted from being involved in politics.
María Rosa Torre González was born in the state of Yucatán, Mexico. She was the first woman in Mexico to hold an elected office.
Gerónima Sofía Villa de Buentello was a Mexican feminist who worked in the first wave of the suffrage movement in Mexico and was one of the first women to analyze the legal equality of men and women before the law. She founded the Women of the [Hispanic] race and led the faction of more moderate feminists in the 1920s in Mexico.
Latin American feminism is a collection of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and achieving equal political, economic, cultural, personal, and social rights for Latin American women. This includes seeking to establish equal opportunities for women in education and employment. People who practice feminism by advocating or supporting the rights and equality of women are feminists.
Zapatismo is the armed movement identified with the ideas of Emiliano Zapata, one of the leaders of the Mexican Revolution, reflected mainly in the Plan of Ayala (1911). The members of the Liberation Army of the South led by Zapata were known as "Zapatistas". Zapatismo is a form of agrarian socialism.
Women's suffrage in the Spanish Second Republic period was the result of efforts dating back to the mid-1800s. Women and men working towards universal suffrage had to combat earlier feminist goals that prioritized social goals, including access to education, political rights such as a woman's right to vote and equal wages. As a middle class developed and women gained more access to education, they began to focus more on the issue of suffrage but this was often around specific ideological philosophies; it was not tied into a broader working class movement calling for women's emancipation.
La Mujer Moderna was a Mexican weekly feminist magazine founded by Hermila Galindo and published between 1915 and 1919. Between September 16, 1915 and September 16, 1919, 102 issues were published in México City, México. The magazine had weekly, then monthly publications. The name La Mujer Moderna was changed to Mujer Moderna as time progressed .La Mujer Moderna aimed to advance women’s suffrage, promoting constitutionalism, political participation in the Mexican Revolution, and re-defining conditions for women in society.
The First Feminist Congress of Yucatán was a gathering of Mexican feminists that happened in 1916. The delegates gathered at the José Peón Contreras Theater in Mérida, Yucatán, Mexico from January 13 to 16. It was held under the auspices of the Yucatecan government. The Mexican government and historians largely consider it the first of its kind in the country. It was the second to be held in all of Latin America and the Caribbean, the first held in Argentina in 1910.
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: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)Yucatan was the first state to recognize women's right to vote in 1923.
Later, in 1947, President Miguel Alemán proposed a constitutional amendment that would let women exercise their right to participate in municipal elections.