Demeny voting

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Demeny voting (also called parental voting or family voting [1] ) is a type of proxy voting where the provision of a political voice for children by allowing parents or guardians to vote on their behalf. The term is named after demographer Paul Demeny, though the concept predates him. [2] It is often proposed as a measure to ensure the (indirect) representation of children who are considered too young to vote. [3] Under a Demeny voting system, parents would cast a proxy vote for their child, possibly allowing for a split weighted vote if the parents' political views differ. [4]

Contents

Etymology

Demeny voting is named after demographer Paul Demeny. Demeny argued that children "should not be left disenfranchised for some 18 years: let custodial parents exercise the children's voting rights until they come of age". Demeny's motivation behind proposing such a system was to "make the political system more responsive to the young generation's interests" and was part of a broader set of policy proposals aimed at combating the low fertility rate in certain countries. [5]

History

The idea, however, is older than Demeny's idea; it was regularly discussed in France in the 1920s and was almost adopted by the National Assembly. [6] [7]

In Germany the idea was even first discussed in the 1910s. [8] In the 1970s and the 1980s lawyers and political scientists began a discussion which is still going on. In 2003 and 2008 the German parliament held a vote on whether to introduce such a right (called Kinderwahlrecht), but both proposals were defeated. [9]

Pieter Vanhuysse (head of research and Deputy Director at the European Centre for Social Welfare Policy and Research, Vienna) argued in 2013 that in Austria, where there are relatively strong pro-elderly policies, that "the time is ripe for at least opening a clear-headed and empirically informed democratic debate about the radical idea of giving each parent one half extra vote, to be used on behalf of each under-age child until that child reaches legal voting age". [10]

Japan has discussed Demeny voting as a possible answer to its aging population, which gives disproportionate voice to the elderly as a result of their increasing numbers. This follows the publication of a paper by Reiko Aoki of the Centre for Intergenerational Studies at Hitotsubashi University and Rhema Vaithianathan of the University of Auckland. [11] On 2 March 2011, the Centre for Intergenerational Studies at Hitotsubashi University hosted a conference on Demeny voting. [12] Aoki and Vaithianathan have also conducted a number of surveys on voter attitude to Demeny Voting and found that a considerable percentage of respondents would cast their children's vote differently to their own. In July 2013, Nikkei in Japan wrote a major editorial supporting the idea as part of a debate on constitutional reform in Japan.

In Hungary, the ruling coalition has been advocating Demeny voting, but admitted in April 2011 that it probably won't come into practice for some time. [13]

Paul Demeny discussed the idea on a CBC interview. [14] Professor Miles Corak from the University of Ottawa has also written a blog on the idea and promoted it in Canada. He suggests that it is supported on a humanitarian basis since the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child provides that children be given civil and political rights. He suggests that given the evidence that households where mothers control the purse-strings spend more on their children, it is mothers who ought to be given the proxy vote until the child comes of age. Professor Corak's thesis has been taken up by journalist-turned-politician Chrystia Freeland.

Arguments in favor

Aoki and Vaithianathan argue that Demeny voting is justified because it reduces gerontocracy. They calculate that Demeny voting in Japan would increase the parent voting bloc from 24% to 37% and lower the over-55-year-old voter-bloc from 43% to 35%. [15]

Stefan Olsson [16] argues that "the delegation of the children's right to vote is not any stranger than when adults delegate political authority to their elected representative. After the election, the representatives have the right to make use of this authority." (page 71). He suggests that delegating a child's authority to the parent is perfectly reasonable. Olsson also argues that there are other areas where parents are delegated authority such as what the child eats, where he goes to school, and children are regularly represented in a court of law by parents. He says that "Arguing that parents cannot act as their children's representative because they might abuse their position becomes absurd in comparison to all the other powers parents already have over their children." (page 72).

It has been suggested it would make it harder for elderly voters to vote in governments that borrow money for social security but which will only be paid back by future generations. [17] It may ensure that the needs of children, such as education, childcare, and healthcare, are better taken into account. [11] [18] It could also make governments more ecologically conscious as younger people will be more affected by poor environmental policy than older voters. Finally, extending the vote to children may increase their involvement in politics, encouraging children to grow up and be more active citizens.

Arguments made against

Enfranchising children is preferable

Some writers argue that, like marrying or making a will, voting is an exercise of the informed will and cannot legitimately be done by proxy. [7] Some opponents see Demeny voting as a violation of a fundamental normative principle of democracy: 'one person, one vote'. They point to the fact that children below the minimum voting age can hold different political opinions and thus prefer different parties to their parents.[ citation needed ] There is no evidence that parents would split their votes. Instead, they would have plural votes for the same party they prefer (and have formerly preferred).[ citation needed ]

Yet others have argued that more youth suffrage, by lowering the voting age to 13 or 14 or lower would be more beneficial, as many children are able to express complex opinions at that age. [19] [20] Further, law professor Vivian Hamilton argues that in light of findings from research in developmental psychology and cognitive and social neuroscience, governments can "no longer justify the electoral exclusion of mid-adolescents by claiming that they lack the relevant competencies." [21] In the United Kingdom, Politics professor David Runciman argues for lowering the voting age to 6. [22] [23] Some scholars advocate a 'flexible voting age' building on the willingness of minors to participate in elections. [24] The ‘flexible voting age’ proposal contains a need for adolescents to register in voting lists and so differs from proposals that come under the name of ‘voting from birth on’ or ‘voting age zero’. It takes into account that infants, small children and many younger adolescents will have no interest in political participation.

Suffrage should only be for adults

Others have argued that with the right to vote comes other obligations of citizenship, such as military service. [25] Some people worry that the power of older votes will be diluted and the interests of children might be prioritised above those of the elderly.[ citation needed ]

Jon Elster has argued that if the justification for Demeny is on the basis of consequences, then said consequences should be voted on, rather than changing the voting demographic. His argument is that to advance Demeny voting on the grounds that it leads to desirable consequences is pointless, since it will be blocked by exactly those groups who will block the desired consequences (e.g. raising the pension age). [26]

Variations

In 1998, in "One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents", family law professor Jane Rutherford considered proxy voting on behalf of children as a means of achieving fair representation of their interests in political debate in the context of the United States. As criteria for who should hold proxies for children, she suggested the following: "(1) the representative should have a stake in a very substantial shared venture with the child; (2) the representative should be personally familiar with the needs and circumstances of the child; (3) the child should have ready and frequent access to the representative so the child can express herself in her own terms whenever possible; (4) the representative should be accountable to the child in some fashion, either emotionally or legally; and (5) the representative should share an emotional bond with the child that promotes caring, sympathy, and empathy."

In 2014, childhood studies professor John Wall put forward a proposal for proxy-claim suffrage, in which a child could actively claim their right to vote from their proxy-holder, rather than passively waiting for age-based voting qualification, in Why Children and Youth Should Have the Right to Vote: An Argument for Proxy-Claim Suffrage. He further developed this idea and its relation to childism in the book Give Children the Vote: on Democratizing Democracy. Wall co-founded the ongoing Children's Voting Colloquium with Robin Chen to bring together in virtual society discussants of minimum voting age reform.

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Suffrage</span> Right to vote in public and political elections

Suffrage, political franchise, or simply franchise is the right to vote in public, political elections and referendums. In some languages, and occasionally in English, the right to vote is called active suffrage, as distinct from passive suffrage, which is the right to stand for election. The combination of active and passive suffrage is sometimes called full suffrage.

Universal suffrage or Universal franchise ensures the right to vote for as many people who are bound by a government's laws as possible, as supported by the "one person, one vote" principle. For many, the term universal suffrage assumes the exclusion of youth and non-citizens, while some insist that much more inclusion is needed before suffrage can be called universal. Democratic theorists, especially those hoping to achieve more universal suffrage, support presumptive inclusion, where the legal system would protect the voting rights of all subjects unless the government can clearly prove that disenfranchisement is necessary. Universal full suffrage includes both the right to vote, also called active suffrage, and right to be elected, also called passive suffrage.

Participatory democracy, participant democracy or participative democracy is a form of government in which citizens participate individually and directly in political decisions and policies that affect their lives, rather than through elected representatives. Elements of direct and representative democracy are combined in this model.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Compulsory voting</span> Practice of requiring all eligible citizens to register and vote in elections

Compulsory voting, also called universal civic duty voting or mandatory voting, is the requirement that registered voters participate in an election. As of January 2023, 21 countries have compulsory voting laws. Enforcement of the law in those countries varies considerably and the penalty for not casting a ballot without a proper justification ranges from severe to non-existent.

A voting age in law is a minimum age established by law that a person is allowed to vote in a democracy.

Noocracy is an ideal type of government where decisions are delegated to those deemed wisest. The idea is classically advanced, among others, by Plato, al-Farabi and Confucius.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902</span> Australian suffrage law

The Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902(Cth) was an Act of the Parliament of Australia which set out who was entitled to vote in Australian federal elections. The Act established, in time for the 1903 Australian federal election, suffrage for federal elections for those who were British subjects over 21 years of age who had lived in Australia for six months. The Act excluded natives of Australia, Asia, Africa and the Pacific Islands (other than New Zealand) from the federal franchise, unless they were already enrolled to vote in an Australian state. The Act gave Australian women the right to vote and stand for parliament at the federal level unless they fell into one of the categories of people excluded from the franchise.

The General Election Law was a law passed in Taishō period Japan, extending suffrage to all males aged 25 and over. It was proposed by the Kenseitō political party and it was passed by the Diet of Japan on 5 May 1925.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Intergenerational equity</span> Concept of fairness or justice between generations

Intergenerational equity in economic, psychological, and sociological contexts, is the idea of fairness or justice between generations. The concept can be applied to fairness in dynamics between children, youth, adults, and seniors. It can also be applied to fairness between generations currently living and future generations.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Liberal democracy</span> Form of government

Liberal democracy, Western-style democracy, or substantive democracy is a form of government that combines the organization of a representative democracy with ideas of liberal political philosophy.

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Proxy voting is a form of voting whereby a member of a decision-making body may delegate their voting power to a representative, to enable a vote in absence. The representative may be another member of the same body, or external. A person so designated is called a "proxy" and the person designating them is called a "principal". Proxy appointments can be used to form a voting bloc that can exercise greater influence in deliberations or negotiations. Proxy voting is a particularly important practice with respect to corporations; in the United States, investment advisers often vote proxies on behalf of their client accounts.

Youth suffrage is the right of youth to vote and forms part of the broader universal suffrage and youth rights movements. Most democracies have lowered the voting age to between 16 and 18, while some advocates for children's suffrage hope to remove age restrictions entirely.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Aging of Japan</span> Demographic transition of Japan that commenced in 1888

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Voting rights in Singapore</span> Status of the right to vote in Singapore

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The following outline is provided as an overview of and topical guide to democracy.

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References

  1. Wall, John (2022). "Ch. 1: Voting over History". Give Children the Vote: On Democratizing Democracy. London, UK. ISBN   978-1-350-19630-8 OCLC   1262678642
  2. Gesley, Jenny (19 April 2018). "Family Voting as a Solution to Low Fertility? Experiences from France and Germany | In Custodia Legis". The Library of Congress. Retrieved 17 May 2023.
  3. Stone, Lyman (1 September 2021). "Opinion | The Minimum Voting Age Should Be Zero". The New York Times. ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved 20 January 2023.
  4. Wall, John (2022). "Ch. 7: The Proxy-Claim Vote". Give Children the Vote: On Democratizing Democracy. London, UK. ISBN   978-1-350-19630-8. OCLC   1262678642.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  5. Demeny, P. 1986 "Pronatalist Policies in Low-Fertility Countries: Patterns, Performance and Prospects," Population and Development Review, vol. 12 (supplement): 335–358.
  6. Parijs, Philippe van, 1999 ,"The Disenfranchisement of the Elderly, and Other Attempts to Secure Intergenerational Justice", Philosophy and Public Affairs, vol. 27,: 292–333.
  7. 1 2 Hinrichs, Karl, 2002,"Do the Old Exploit the Young? Is Enfranchising Children a Good Idea?", Archives of European Sociology Vol 23.
  8. Rupprecht, I. "Das Wahlrecht für Kinder", Baden-Baden 2012, Nomos-Verlag: 26–32
  9. "Wahlrecht für Kinder?".
  10. "A Snapshot of Intergenerational Justice - Downloads - European Centre for Social Welfare Policy and Research" (PDF).
  11. 1 2 EconPapers: Is Demeny Voting the Answer to Low Fertility in Japan?
  12. "一橋大学経済研究所 世代間問題研究機構 | 世代間問題研究会". Archived from the original on 31 January 2011. Retrieved 14 February 2011.
  13. Politics.hu, April 4th, 2011: "Fidesz official urges body set up to examine giving extra vote to families" Archived 11 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved 2011-06-23
  14. CBC interview with Paul Demeny
  15. EconPapers: Is Demeny Voting the Answer to Low Fertility in Japan?
  16. Olsson, Stefan, 2008,"Children's Suffrage: A Critique of the Importance of Voters' Knowledge for the Well-Being of Democracy", The International Journal of Children's Rights, vol. 16,: 55–76.
  17. Should Parents Vote for Kids? | Tokyo Notes
  18. Sanderson, Warren (20 January 2008). "Low Fertility and Population Aging in Germany and Japan: Prospects and Policies" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 March 2012. Retrieved 30 January 2011.
  19. No Right Turn: Against Demeny voting
  20. No Right Turn: Lowering the voting age
  21. Hamilton, Vivian E. (2012). "Democratic Inclusion, Cognitive Development, and the Age of Electoral Majority". Rochester, NY. SSRN   2086875.{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  22. "Lower voting age to six to tackle bias against young, says academic". the Guardian. 6 December 2018. Retrieved 17 January 2023.
  23. "Votes for children! Why we should lower the voting age to six | David Runciman". the Guardian. 16 November 2021. Retrieved 17 January 2023.
  24. 5. Tremmel, Jörg / Wilhelm, James (2015): Democracy or Epistocracy? Age as a Criterion of Voter Eligibility. In: Tremmel, Jörg / Mason, Antony / Dimitrijoski, Igor / Godli, Petter (eds.): Youth Quotas in Ageing Societies. Dordrecht, NL: Springer, pp. 125–147.
  25. Schrag, F., 2004, "Children and Democracy: Theory and Practice Politics", Philosophy and Economics Vol 3
  26. Elster, Jon (1986) "Comment on van der Veen and Van Parijs", Theory and Society pp.709- 722