Overview | |
---|---|
Type | Statutory organ |
Elected by | Congress |
Length of term | Varied from 4 to 6 years |
Term limits | None |
History | |
Established | by 4th Congress on 28 July 1948 |
Disbanded | Ceased to exist on 22 January 1990 |
Leadership | |
Leader office | Chairman |
Executive organ | Commission sessions |
Administrative officer | Secretary |
Meeting place | |
Ušće Tower | |
Statute | |
"Statute of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia" |
The Commission on Statutory Questions (CSQ) was the statutory organ of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), the ruling party of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It was elected by, and accountable to, the Congress of the LCY. Throughout its history, the commission underwent several name changes. It was known as the Central Control Commission from 1948 to 1964, the Control Commission from 1964 to 1969 and the Commission on Statutory Questions from 1969 until the LCY's dissolution. Foreign observers often referred to the commission as the statutory commission. The commission was headed by a chairman and a secretary, similar to the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee.
At first, the Central Control Commission was institutionally subordinated to the LCY Central Committee and informally to Josip Broz Tito's heir apparent Aleksandar Ranković. To take an example. When Serbian communist Predrag Ajtić was expelled from the LCY in 1962, he appealed directly to the LCY Central Committee but got no response. He then appealed to the Central Control Commission, which dissuaded him from appealing directly to the coming party congress and proposed instead of appealing directly to Ranković personally. Ranković then personally decided that Ajtić could rejoin the party, but that the event that had caused his expulsion in the first place would not be reexamined. [1] However, the commission could also formulate constructive criticism of the party. For instance, in November 1963 it stated in a report that both ordinary members and leading officials tended to curtail members' right to criticise individuals and policies. [2] The 8th LCY Congress, held on 7–13 December 1964, amended the party statute so that the party congress elected the commission and not the LCY Central Committee. Lazar Koliševski, the chairman of the Central Control Commission, in his speech to the 8th LCY Congress, claimed that this rule change made the commission independent of the LCY Central Committee. This, he argued, would make it easier for the commission to supervise and enforce the party statute. [3] However, he later qualified this statement by saying that the commission would continue working alongside the LCY Central Committee. [1]
This institutional framework established lasted until the 5th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 4 October 1966. [4] Earlier, at the 4th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 1 July 1966, the LCY had purged Ranković, the Vice President of Yugoslavia and the head of the State Security Administration, for allegedly bugging Tito's bedroom. [5] To reduce the over-centralisation of power in key individuals, the same session established the Commission for the Reorganisation and Further Development of the LCY (CRFD–LCY), headed by Mijalko Todorović, to recommend party organisational reform. [6] During the debate on party reform, According to scholar April Carter, "The Control Commission noted a complete lack of interest in its future during the 1967 discussions on reorganisation and therefore undertook to debate the question itself." [1] Arguing against those who believed the commission was superfluous, the commission argued that it was needed to safeguard the party's rules. It proposed reforming its composition by turning the republican control commissions into final courts of appeal on disciplinary matters and turning the federal control commission into a constitutional court of sorts tasked with safeguarding the party's regulatory order. It was tasked by supervising organs to ensure that democratic practices were observed within the party, propose and consider statutory amendments, and supervise and keep the league branches' statutes in line with the federal statute. The 9th LCY Congress, held on 11–15 March 1969, amended the party statute to reflect these changes and changed the name of the commission to the "Commission of Statutory Questions of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia". [1] The 9th LCY Congress amended the federal statute to state that the statutes of the league branches had a year to amend their statutes to make them in line with the last federal statute amendment. In June 1969, the statutory commission convened a meeting to begin the process of amending the league branch statutes, and in November later that year, it noted that all branches had amended their statutes to be in line with the federal one. [7]
The CSQ was elected by, and accountable to, the Congress of the LCY, the league's highest forum. The commission had to report on its activities at each congress since the last convened congress. [8] The report given to the congress had to be approved by voting. If the report failed to garner endorsement from congress, a discussion would ensue and would end with a vote of confidence on the CSQ. If the vote of confidence were successful, the congress would organise a new election on the CSQ's composition. [9] The CSQ could only adopt decisions within the scope of its work and responsibility and had no powers outside of its statutory functions. Together with the lower-level statutory commissions, the CSQ ensured that the statute was applied consistently within the party. It monitored the implementation of the statute's provisions, issued warnings whenever it identified deviations from statutory principles or norms, and made recommendations to the relevant party organisations, forums, and organs to eliminate them. As part of its analysis of complaints regarding violations of statutory principles and norms, and in evaluating whether various decisions and actions within the party were in accordance with the statute, the commission could make autonomous decisions per its rights and responsibilities and according to the procedures outlined in the statute, at the request of party members, organisations, and organs. It was mandatory for all members, basic organizations, forums, and organs of the party to comply with the CSQ's decisions. [10]
Article 88 of the party statute stated that candidates for CSQ membership was elected in an identical manner as candidates for LCY Central Committee membership. [11] Meaning that candidates for membership of the CSQ were nominated by communal conferences and other corresponding conferences, applying a democratic procedure based on uniform criteria. Nominees were decided by the congress of the LC branches, according to their respective jurisdictions. [12] Each LC republican branch had an equal number of representatives in the CSQ while the non-republican branches had one representative each. A chairman of a statutory questions commission in a branch was an ex officio member of the commission. Changes in the composition of the CSQ due to changes in the ex officio members were ratified by the first convened commission session after the fact. [11] The chairman and secretary of the CSQ were elected from amongst its own members, and they had to serve their electoral term out since elections during a mandate could not be repeated. [13] In addition, the LCY Central Committee had the right to set the number of members the party congress could elect to the CSQ. [12]
The CSQ chairman had the right to convene meetings of the commission whenever possible, but it could also convene on the proposal of its own members. The LCY Central Committee, the LCY Presidency and the central committees and statutory commissions of the republican branches also had the right to propose meetings of the CSQ, but could not convene them. The chairman set the meeting's agenda, and the officeholder chaired the commission's meetings. [13] The Commission on Statutory Questions was authorised to interpret statute provisions and to determine whether provisions in the LCY statutes did not conform with the statutes of the republican and Yugoslav People's Army branches. [14] In line with these powers, the commission had the right to make proposals, monitor statute work, and analyse the implementation of the LCY statute. Further, it could make recommendations to the Presidency, the Central Committee, and the Congress of the LCY regarding ways to improve the enforcement of statutory norms and prevent violations. It was the sole organ with the right to prepare proposals on the amendment and supplementation of the statute to the LCY Congress. Either the CSQ initiated these proposals, or ordinary party members or LCY organs initiated them. Based on its own conclusion, the CSQ could reject these initiatives if it considered the proposals unuseful. [14] The LCY statute made clear that the branch statutes could adopt their own statutes only on the "basis" and "in conformity" of the federal one. [15]
Every party member, organisation, forum and party organ could request the commission to assess whether certain acts conformed with the statute. Within two months of a decision being made, they could appeal to the CSQ the decision of the commissions of statutory questions of a republican and military branch concerning disputes concerning seniority and expulsions. The CSQ was also entitled to examine complaints or requests to assess whether decisions on expulsion from the LCY were correct. When deemed necessary, the commission could initiate consultation on such matters with the statutory commissions of an LCY branch and institute proceedings to clarify the circumstances further and to determine facts and the justification for passing the decision on expulsion. If a member of the LCY Central Committee or a committee of one of the branches appealed against their expulsion from the LCY, the CSQ was required to notify the LCY Presidency thereof. The commission and the presidency would then consider the appeal together in cooperation with the relevant branch committee. [14]
The League of Communists of Yugoslavia, known until 1952 as the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, was the founding and ruling party of SFR Yugoslavia. It was formed in 1919 as the main communist opposition party in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and after its initial successes in the elections, it was proscribed by the royal government and was at times harshly and violently suppressed. It remained an illegal underground group until World War II when, after the invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941, the military arm of the party, the Yugoslav Partisans, became embroiled in a bloody civil war and defeated the Axis powers and their local auxiliaries. After the liberation from foreign occupation in 1945, the party consolidated its power and established a one-party state, which existed in that form of government until 1990, two years prior to the breakup of Yugoslavia.
Stane Dolanc was a Slovenian communist politician during SFR Yugoslavia. Dolanc was one of president Josip Broz Tito's closest collaborators and one of the most influential people in Yugoslav federal politics in the 1970s and 1980s. He was secretary of the Executive Bureau of the Presidency of the Central Committee (CC) of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) from 1971 to 1978, federal Secretary of the Interior from 1982 to 1984 and a member of the Presidency of Yugoslavia from 1984 to 1989. He was regularly appointed a member of the Federal Council for Protection of the Constitutional Order and was chairing the body in late 1980s.
The president was the leader of the League of Communists of Serbia (LCS), the ruling party of the Socialist Republic of Serbia (SRS) in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Party rules stipulated that the LCS Central Committee elected the president. Moreover, the Central Committee was empowered to remove the president. The president served ex officio as a member of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and of the SRS Presidency. To be eligible to serve, the president had to be a member of the Presidency of the LCS Central Committee. The 8th LCS Congress instituted a two-year term limits for officeholders.
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The office of leader of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) was first established on 23 April 1919 under the name "Political Secretary of the Central Committee". However, in reality, power in this period was shared in a collective leadership with the "Organisational Secretary of the Central Committee". When the office of political secretary changed its name in November 1936 to "General Secretary of the Central Committee", the position became more powerful. It kept that name until its abolishment on 4 October 1966, when it was replaced by the "President of the Central Committee". This office lasted until 4 May 1980, when Tito died and was replaced with the "President of the Presidency of the Central Committee". With several branches having already left the LCY, the remaining members of the Central Committee of the 13th Congress established the office of "Coordinator of the Presidency of the Central Committee". Three days later, on 26 May, the 14th Congress rejourned and elected a provisional leadership, with the leader holding the office of "Chairman of the Committee for the Preparation of the Congress of Democratic and Programmatic Renewal of the Central Committee". The officeholder was the de facto leader of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The president was the leader of the League of Communists of Slovenia (ZKS), the ruling party of the Socialist Republic of Slovenia (SRS) in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Party rules stipulated that the ZKS Central Committee elected the president. Moreover, the Central Committee was empowered to remove the president. The president served ex officio as a member of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and of the SRS Presidency. To be eligible to serve, the president had to be a member of the Presidency of the ZKS Central Committee. The 8th ZKS Congress instituted a two-year term limits for officeholders.
The president was the leader of the League of Communists of Vojvodina (LCV), the ruling party of the Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (SAPV) of the Socialist Republic of Serbia in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The LCV was the provincial organisation of the League of Communists of Serbia (LCS) in Vojvodina. Party rules stipulated that the LCV Central Committee elected the president. Moreover, the Central Committee was empowered to remove the president. The president served ex officio as a member of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and of the SAPV Presidency. To be eligible to serve, the president had to be a member of the LCV Executive Committee of the LCV Provincial Committee.
The president was the leader of the League of Communists of Kosovo (LKK), the ruling party of the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo (SAPK) of the Socialist Republic of Serbia in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The LKK was the provincial organisation of the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) in Kosovo. Party rules stipulated that the LKK Provincial Committee elected the president. Moreover, the Central Committee was empowered to remove the president. The president served ex officio as a member of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and of the SAPK Presidency. To be eligible to serve, the president had to be a member of the Executive Committee of the LKK Provincial Committee. The 13th LKK Provincial Conference instituted a one-year term limits for officeholders.
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The Central Committee was the highest organ of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), the ruling party of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, between two congresses, which it was elected by and reported to. An exception to this rule occurred at the LCY 9th Congress in 1969 when the Central Committee was replaced with the Conference, which lasted until the reestablishemtn of the central committee at the 10th LCY Congress in 1974. The central committee oversaw the work of the LCY as a whole and ensured that the guidelines and assignments adopted by the LCY Congress were complied with. It could set policy and formulate a political platform within the parameters set by the last convened party congress. All central committee members were of equal standing, including the presidency members. Specifically, the LCY Central Committee had the right to elect and remove members of its political-executive organ, the LCY Presidency, which led the LCY when the central committee was not in session.
The League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) convened the highest forum for its 14th Extraordinary Congress on 20–22 January 1990 before it adjourned and reconvened. This was the last convened LCY Congress and was attended by 1,457 delegates. The congress was chaired by the Macedonian Milan Pančevski, the President of the Presidency of the Central Committee, on 20–22 January and by Montenegrin Miomir Grbović, acting president, when it reconvened on 26 May 1991. It reconvened without the delegates from Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia and elected a provisional leadership, the Committee for the Preparation of the Democratic and Programmatic Renewal of the LCY, tasked it with convening the 15th LCY Congress on or before 29 September 1990.
The congress was the highest forum of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), the ruling party of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It assessed the activities of the LCY organs elected at the last congress and adopted, amended and supplemented the statute and programme. The party programme discussed important issues in Yugoslavia's socialist development and the country's international affairs. The congress assessed, decided on the eligibility of and elected candidates put forward by the LCY branches to the Central Committee, the Commission on Statutory Questions, and the Supervisory Commission.
The conference of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) refers to three different institutions: the Territorial Conference that convened prior to the LCY seizing power, the annual Conference of the LCY which replaced the LCY Central Committee in the period 1969 to 1974, and the national party conference which could be convened either by a decision of the LCY Central Committee or on the suggestions of the LCY branches.
The Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) convened the supreme body for its 6th Congress in Zagreb on 2–7 November 1952. It was attended by 2,022 delegates representing 779,382 party members. The 6th Congress sought to discuss new policies, first of all in reaction to the Yugoslav–Soviet split and Yugoslav rapprochement with the United States. The congress is considered the peak of liberalisation of Yugoslav political life in the 1950s. The Congress also renamed the party the League of Communists of Yugoslavia.
The League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) convened the highest forum for its 12th Congress on 26–29 June 1982. It was the first party congress convened since Josip Broz Tito's death in 1980. It was attended by 1,547 delegates and 355 guests from all the republics and provinces and 355 foreign delegates.
The League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) convened the highest forum for its 13th Congress on 25–28 June 1986. It was attended by delegates from all the LCY branches. The Congress received numerous congratulatory messages from parties and movements from many countries and over a thousand telegrams domestic labour organisations.
The Committee for the Preparation of the Congress of Democratic and Programmatic Renewal of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) was elected on 26 May 1990, the last day of the 14th Congress, with Montenegrin Miroslav Ivanović as its chairman. The committee was tasked with convening the 15th LCY Congress on 29 September 1990 and renewing the organisation. It also acted like a provisional leadership that took over some of the powers of the Presidency and the Central Committee, whose composition was not reelected at the 14th Congress. It worked on creating a new statute and programme for the reformed organisation. A committee working group was established to propose a new name for the LCY. It eventually landed on the "Yugoslav Socialist Party" (YSP), wrote a draft programme, and created an electoral symbol to participate in national elections. According to Serb Predrag Jereminov, the committee's vice chairman, the party would base its program on the following principles: "Democratic socialism, federalism, national equality, a market, and a rule of law and welfare state". The proposed draft programme stated the YSP originated from the LCY, but that it was a new party since, according to Jereminov, "the League of Communists of Yugoslavia is definitively going into history."
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