List of Celtic place names in Galicia

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Ancient (bracketed) and modern places in the Iberian Peninsula which have names containing the Celtic elements -briga or -bris < -brixs 'hill, hillfort' Bri e Briga.jpg
Ancient (bracketed) and modern places in the Iberian Peninsula which have names containing the Celtic elements -brigā or -bris < -brixs 'hill, hillfort'

The Celtic toponymy of Galicia is the whole of the ancient or modern place, river, or mountain names which were originated inside a Celtic language, and thus have Celtic etymology, and which are or were located inside the limits of modern Galicia. According to Churchin (2008), 40% of the toponyms are possibly Celtic, close to the numbers of Non-Celtic Indo-European toponyms.

Contents

Ancient Celtic toponyms

The Roman lighthouse known as 'Torre de Hercules', and in the past as 'Faro Bregancio', in A Coruna. Coruna, Torre de Hercules, Galiza.jpg
The Roman lighthouse known as 'Torre de Hércules', and in the past as 'Faro Bregancio', in A Coruña.
Doors to the 'castro' of San Cibrao de Las, ancient Labiobriga or Lansbriga. Muros de San Cibrao de Las.jpg
Doors to the 'castro' of San Cibrao de Lás, ancient Labiobriga or Lansbriga.
The Mino river as seen from the oppidum of Santa Tegra, A Guarda. Casa reconstruida do castro de Santa Tegra.jpg
The Miño river as seen from the oppidum of Santa Tegra, A Guarda.
The Tambre river, ancient Tamaris. Tambre.Portomouro.Val do Dubra.jpg
The Tambre river, ancient Tamaris.
'Tres Bispos' peak, in Lugo province, in the westernmost extreme of the ancient Vindius mountains. Tres Bispos, Ancares. Cervantes, Galiza.jpg
'Tres Bispos' peak, in Lugo province, in the westernmost extreme of the ancient Vindius mountains.

In Galicia, approximately half of the non Latin toponyms transmitted from antiquity in the works of classical geographers and authors (Pomponius Mela, Pliny the Elder, Ptolemy...), or in epigraphic Roman inscriptions, have been found to be Celtic, [1] [2] being the other half mostly Indo-European but either arguably non Celtic, or lacking a solid Celtic etymology. Here is a non exhaustive list of toponyms which have been found to be, probably, Celtic. [3] The most characteristic element is *-bri(s), [4] from Proto-Celtic *brigs, [5] with its derivative *brigā, both meaning 'hill', and thence 'hillfort' and 'town'. The only type of settlement known in Galicia during the Iron Age are forts and fortified towns (castros) built in hills and peninsulas. Many of them were abandoned after the Roman conquest.

Britonia

In the 5th or 6th centuries a colony of Britons settled in northern Galicia, [70] and their bishops-abbots attended several councils, first of the Suebic Kingdom of Galicia, and later of the Visigoths in Toledo, until the 8th century. A series of place-names have been attributed to them: [71]

There also existed a village called Bretonos near the city of Lugo, in the Middle Ages. [72]

Modern and mediaeval toponyms

While there are Celtic toponyms all over Galicia, most Celtic and pre-Latin toponyms can be found along the coastal areas, most notably in the Rías Altas region around A Coruña, and in the valley of the Ulla river.

Regions, Mountains and Islands

Some Galician regions - usually called 'comarcas' when spanning over several municipalities, or concellos (councils) otherwise - maintain names either directly inherited from pre-Roman tribal and sub-tribal names, or simply with pre-Roman origin:

Céltigos, a village, in Sarria.
Céltigos, a parish, in Frades.
Céltigos, a parish, in Ortigueira.

Rivers

Many Galician rivers preserve old Celtic and pre-Roman Indo-European names, most notably larger ones. Others have lost its pre-Latin name, but its old namewas recorded in Medieval scriptures:

Waterfalls at the mouth of the Xallas river Fervenza do Ezaro.jpg
Waterfalls at the mouth of the Xallas river

Parishes and Villages

Most of the 3794 parishes, small rural districts, of Galicia continue medieval and Roman villas, frequently founded near, or even on top, of old Iron Age hillforts. Many of these parishes preserve old pre-Latin names.

Composites containing Celtic *-brig- 'hill'

The most frequent element among the Celtic toponyms of Galicia [4] is *brigs, [107] meaning 'hill, high place', and by extension 'hillfort'. Usually it is the second element in composite toponyms ending in -bre, -be or -ve, [108] being cognate of Irish Gaelic brí 'hill', with the same origin: Proto-Celtic *-brigs > -brixs > -bris. A few toponyms ending in -bra proceed from a derivative -brigā 'hill(fort)', which also originated Breton and Welsh languages bre 'hill'. Some of these toponyms are: [109]

  • Bérgoa: village in Ponteareas, and Bregua, village in Culleredo. From Bergula, to Proto-Celtic *berg- 'hill'. [110]
  • Bergaña: village in Valdoviño. To Proto-Celtic *brig- 'hill'. [110]
  • Bergaza, Bergazo: several villages in Quiroga, Coles, O Corgo, and a hill in Xove. To Proto-Celtic *brig- 'hill'. [110]
  • Berganzos: place in Xove. To Proto-Celtic *brig- 'hill'. [110]
  • Brión : several villages in Boiro, Rianxo, Malpica de Bergantiños and Outes, a parish in Ferrol, and several other places and hills all along Galicia, including a municipality. To Proto-Celtic *brig- 'hill'.
  • Briallo: [111] A pair of villages, in Cesuras and Ponteceso. Also the plural Briallos, a parish in Portas and a village in Pantón. To *brig- 'hill', with a pre-Latin suffix -alyo-, or a Latin one -aculo-.
  • Alcabre: A parish in Vigo. To *Alko-bris 'Elk-Hill'.
  • Alcobre (Arcobre in 991): A village in Vila de Cruces. To *Arcobris. [112] First element can be related to Indo-European *areq- 'to protect, to enclose' (Latin arx 'fort, stronghold').
  • Alxibre: A village in Riotorto, probably to *Alisibris [113] 'Alder-Hill'.
  • Anzobre (Anazobre, 971 CE; Anezovre, 966 CE): A village in Arteixo. To *Antyobris, with a first element of unclear meaning, [114] probably to *anto- 'limit, border', or to *anatia- 'soul'. [85]
  • Añobre (Arnobre in 1122): A parish in Vila de Cruces. First element could be a primitive hydronym *Arno (cf. river Arno, in Italy).
  • Añobres: A village in Muxía. Probably to *ānniyobris 'Ring-hill' (Cf. Old Irish ainne 'ring'), [74] or to *(p)anyobrixs 'Hill(fort) by the water'. [115]
  • Baiobre: A village in Arzúa. Probably to *Badyobris 'Yellow-hill'. [116]
  • Bañobre: Two villages in Guitiriz and Miño. First element could be *wāgno- 'Depression, slope, meadow, marsh'. [74]
  • Barallobre: Two villages in Betanzos and Friol, and a parish in Fene (Baraliobre in 1110). First element is the same with the Galician substantive baralla 'confrontation, debate, judgement, speech', of unknown origin.
  • Bedrobe (Bredovre, 1385 CE): A village in Tordoia. First element could be *brito- 'judgement'. [117] [118]
  • Biobra (Viobra, 1252 CE): A parish in Rubiá. To *Widubrigā 'Forest/Wood-hillfort'. [119]
  • Callobre: Two parishes in Miño (it was Caliovre in 1114) and A Estrada, and two villages in Oza dos Ríos (it was Caliobre in 887) and Ortigueira. First element could be *kallī- 'forest' [120] or *kalyo- 'hard'. [121]
  • Canzobre (Caranzobre, 1399 CE): A village in Arteixo, to *Carantyobris. First element can be *karant- 'beloved, friend'. [122]
  • Castrove (alpe Castovre in 1025): A hill near Pontevedra. The first element is difficult, but cf. Gaulish personal name Casticus, and Latin castrum 'castle'. [123]
  • Cecebre (Zerzebre, 942 CE): A parish in Cambre. First element can be *kirk- 'ring'., [124] or a zero-grade of *korko- 'swamp'. [125]
  • Cezobre: A village in Agolada. Probably to*Kaytyobris 'Wood-hill'. [126] Note also Setúbal, in Portugal, ancient Caetobriga.
  • Cillobre: Two villages in Culleredo and Touro. The first element can be *kēlyo- 'companion', so 'Companion-Hill(fort)'. [127]
  • Ciobre: A village in Narón. The first element can be *kiwo- 'fog'. [128]
  • Coebre (Colobre, 935 CE): A village in Cesuras. The first element can be *kʷolu- 'wheel' [129]
  • Cortobe: A village in Arzúa, maybe to a first element *corto- '?Round' [130]
  • Fiobre: A village in Bergondo. The first element can be an evolution of *widu- 'wood'. [131] Note the Portuguese inscription NIMIDI FIDUENEARUM HIC. [132]
  • Illobre: A village in Betanzos and a parish in Vedra. The first element can be *īlyo- 'swollen'. [133] Cf. Gaulish name Iliomarus.
  • Iñobre: A village in Rianxo, in a small hill by the bay of Arousa. Probably to *(p)en-yo-bris 'Hill by the Swamp/Water'. [134] [135]
  • Ixobre: A village in Ares. Probably to *Isyo-bris. [136] Its first element would be *iso- 'fast, powerful' [137] (cf. Isère, a river in France).
  • Landrove: A parish in Viveiro, by the Landro river. So it can simply mean 'the hill by the Landro river'; from the Celtic element *landā- 'open land'. [138]
  • Laxobre: A village in Arteixo. The first element is the same with the Galician substantive laxe 'stone slab, plain stone', medieval form lagena, to Celtic *(p)lāgenā which originated Old Irish láigean 'broad spearhead', Welsh llain 'blade'. [139]
  • Vilouchada, parish and village in Trazo, ancient Lentobre ('uilla que ab antiquis uocitabatur Lentobre et nunc uocitatur Ostulata, subtus castro Brione', 818 CE). [140] To *Lentrobrixs '?Hillfort by the Slope', to *lentrā 'slope', cf. Welsh llethr idem.
  • Lestrobe: Two villages in Dodro, and Trazo. To *Lestrobris, where the first element is Proto-Celtic *lestro- 'vessel, container; beehive'. [141] So maybe *Lestrobris = 'Hill(fort) by the valley / depression'.
  • Maiobre: A village in Ares, from *Magyobris 'Great Hill(fort)'. [142]
  • Montrove, village in Oleiros. Probably a Latin and Celtic hybrid meaning, literally, 'hill-hill'. [140]
  • O Grove (Ogrobre, 912 CE): Municipality with two parishes and a town, in a peninsula by the Atlantic Ocean. From *Okro-brixs 'Hillfort by the edge/angle' [143] [144] There are other three villages under the name Ogrobe, in Pontedeume, Mondoñedo, and Taboada.
  • Obre: A parish in Noia (it was Olobre in 1113) [136] and another one in Paderne. The first element can be *olo- 'behind, beyond'. [145]
  • Ombre (Anobre, 971): 5 villages in A Coruña province (in Pontedeume, O Pino, Culleredo, Miño and Brion) at or near the banks of the Tambre, Mero and Eume rivers; from Proto-Celtic *fano- 'water: swamp' . [146] [147]
  • Pezobre: A parish in Santiso. First element appears to be the same one which originated the Galician word peza 'piece', from Proto-Celtic *kwezdi- through Gaulish *pettia-. [35]
  • Rañobre: A village in Arteixo. First element could have multiple origins, but maybe to *(p)rasn-yo- 'share, part'.
  • Sansobre: A village in Vimianzo. Probably to *Sent-yo-bris, [148] where the first element is either Celtic *sentu- 'path', or *sentiyo- 'neighbour', [149] or even *santo- 'separated'. [150]
  • Sillobre (Siliobre, 830 CE): A parish in Fene. First element is probably *sīl 'descendant, seed'. [74]
  • Xiabre: A hill in Catoira. To *Senābris 'Old Hill(fort)', [148] where the first element is Celtic *senā- 'old (she)'. Cf. Sanabria, Senabria in 929.
  • Trobe (Talobre, 914 CE): A parish in Vedra. To *Talo-bris, [140] cf. *talu- 'forehead, protuberance', *talamon- 'ground'. [74]
  • Tallobre: A village in Negueira de Muñiz. From *Talyo-bris, with similar origin and meaning.
  • Tiobre (Toyobre, 1037 CE): A parish in Betanzos. The first element is probably related to Celtic *togyā 'roof, covering', *tegos 'house'. [74]
  • Tragove, a town in a peninsula in Cambados, by Arousa bay. Probably to *Tragobris 'Hillfort by the beach', from Celtic *trāg- 'beach, ebb, low tide'. [74]
  • Vendabre, ancient village (Uendabre, 887 CE): [148] To *windo- 'white' and *brixs. Cf. Vindobona, ancient name of Vienna.
  • Boebre (Volebre, 922 CE): A parish in Pontedeume. The first element is probably related to *welH- 'to rule'. [151]

Toponyms based on a superlative

Another frequent type of Celtic toponyms in Galicia are those whose names are formed as a superlative, [152] either formed with the suffix -mmo- or with the composite one -is-mmo-:

Other pre-Latin toponyms

Other villages and parishes have names with pre-Latin, probably Celtic, origin, specially in the coastal areas of A Coruña and Pontevedra provinces and all along the valley of the Ulla river. Among them:

  • To Proto-Celtic *abank- 'wicker': [162] Abanqueiro, medieval Avankario, parish and place with a lagoon, in Boiro.
  • To Proto-Celtic *arganto- 'silver, shining': [163] Arganzo, a village in Mañón, to *Argantyo-. [164] Cf. Old Breton argant, Cornish argans 'silver'.
  • To Proto-Celtic *bend- 'protruding peak': [165] Bendaña, medieval Bendania, parish in Touro. Bendoiro, medieval Bendurio, parish in Lalín.
  • To Proto-Celtic *brīwā 'bridge': [166] Bribes, a parish in Cambre (Brivis, 1154 CE), and a village in Vimianzo. Formally a Latin plural locative meaning '(where) the -'. Also, Dumbría , a municipality, ancient Donovria. There are several Brives in France.
  • From Proto-Celtic *dūno- 'fort': [166] Dumbría , town, parish and municipality. It was Donobria in 830, from *Dūnobrīwā.
  • From Proto-Celtic *duro- 'door': [166] Salvaterra de Miño, which ancient name was Lacedurium (991 CE). [167]
  • From Proto-Celtic *īsarno- 'iron': Isorna, a parish in Rianxo.
  • From Proto-Celtic *kambo- 'crooked, twisted': Camboño (Cambonio, 1157), parish in Lousame.
  • From Proto-Celtic *kanto- 'a hundred': Cantoña, a parish in Paderne de Allariz and two villages, in Teo and O Porriño.
  • From Proto-Celtic *karanto- 'friend, beloved': [168] Carantoña, two parishes in Miño (Carantonia, 1096) and Vimianzo. A village in Lousame (Carantonio, 1157). Carantos, village in Coristanco.
  • From Proto-Celtic *kerbo- 'pointed, sharp': [79] Cervaña, parish in Silleda.
  • From Proto-Celtic *lem- 'elm': Lemaio (to *Lēmawyo-), parish in Laracha.
  • To Proto-Celtic *mrg- 'territory': [169] Cambre (Calamber in 959) municipality, parish and town. Also, a parish in Malpica de Bergantiños, and a village in Carballo; Oimbra (Olimbria in 953), municipality, parish and town; Pambre, a parish in Palas de Rei (Palambre c. 1009) and a village in Ramirás.
  • From Proto-Celtic *nantu- 'stream, valley': Nantes, [170] parish in Sanxenxo; Nantón, a parish in Cabana de Bergantiños and a village in A Baña.
  • From Proto-Celtic *(p)lār- 'floor': Laraño, a parish in Santiago de Compostela (Laranio, 1201), and a village in Vedra. Laranga (to *Laranicā 'Of the plain') village in Porto do Son.
  • From Proto-Celtic *(p)let- 'broad, wide': Ledoño, [171] parish in Culleredo.
  • From PIE *plew- 'to flow, swim', with Celtic treatment of p and -ew- > -ow-: Loentia (Luentena, 11th century), Castro de Rei; Loenzo (two places, in Carballo, A Coruña and Vilagarcía de Arousa). [172]
  • From Proto-Celtic *salō- 'ocean': [173] Seaia (Salagia in 830), village in Malpica de Bergantiños, and the name of an ancient coastal region comprising the actual municipalities of Malpica de Bergantiños and Ponteceso. To the derivative form *Salawyā.
  • From Proto-Celtic *trebā 'settlement': Trevonzos (Trevoncio in 1176 ), village in Boiro.
  • From Proto-Celtic *werno- 'alder, alder-tree': Berrimes (Vernimes, 955), a village in Lousame.
  • From Proto-Celtic *windo- 'white': [174] Bendia (Vendena in 1037), Castro de Rei; Bendoiro (Vendurio in 978), Lalín. [175]

See also

Notes

  1. Curchin (2008) pp. 109, 130-131.
  2. Vallejo (2009) pp. 272-273.
  3. In general, cf. Falileyev (2007), Curchin (2008), Luján (2006). Reconstructed Proto-Celtic forms are usually given according to the forms proposed by Matasovic (2009). As in the rest of the article, an asterisk marks an otherwise hypothetical form.
  4. 1 2 Koch (2006) p. 790
  5. Prósper (2002) p. 358
  6. Prósper (2002) p. 258.
  7. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *fētu-.
  8. Curchin (2008) p.117; Luján (2006) p. 726.
  9. Curchin (2008) p. 117.
  10. Curchin (2008) p. 115; Luján (2006) p. 728; Delamarre (2012) p. 41
  11. 1 2 Luján (2006) p. 723.
  12. Delamarre (2003) p. 37; Koch (2006) s.v. albio, albiones.
  13. Delamarre (2003) p. 37
  14. 1 2 Prósper (2008) p. 37.
  15. 1 2 Curchin (2008) p. 111.
  16. Delamarre (2012) p. 67
  17. Delamarre (2003) p. 61.
  18. 1 2 3 4 Curchin (2008) p. 118.
  19. 1 2 Prósper (2002) p. 360.
  20. 1 2 3 4 5 Falileyev (2007) s.v.
  21. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *brig-, *brigo-.
  22. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kallī-.
  23. 1 2 Curchin (2008) p. 119; Luján (2006) p. 728.
  24. Curchin (2008) p. 119
  25. Cf. Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss / Slaby Archived 2011-08-25 at the Wayback Machine .
  26. Búa (2018) p. 176.
  27. 1 2 Curchin (2008) p. 120.
  28. cf. Matasovic (2009). s.v.
  29. Delamarre (2003) p. 117.
  30. Curchin (2008) p.120; Delamarre (2003) s.v. coilos.
  31. Koch (2006) p. 1593.
  32. cf. Matasovic (2009) p. 214.
  33. Curchin (2008) p. 121.
  34. Pliny, Natural History III.28.
  35. 1 2 cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  36. 1 2 Luján (2006) p. 728.
  37. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *fare-koro-.
  38. Delamarre, Xavier (2009). "Quatre toponymes celtiques d'Espagne". Nouvelle Revue d'Onomastique. 51: 1–15. doi:10.3406/onoma.2009.1510 . Retrieved 2 October 2012.
  39. Curchin (2008) p. 122.
  40. cf. Curchin (2008) p. 122.
  41. Delamarre, Xavier (2009). "IRIA (*ĪRYĀ) "L'OPULENTE, LA FERTILE" (LIGURIE, GALICE, DALMATIE)". Veleia. 26: 355–358. Retrieved 2 October 2012.
  42. 1 2 3 Curchin (2008) p. 123.
  43. cf. Prósper (2002) p. 258.
  44. Falileyev (2007) s.v. lān(i)o-.
  45. Lujan (2006) p. 725.
  46. 1 2 3 4 Curchin (2008) p. 113
  47. Delamarre (2012) p. 178
  48. 1 2 cf. Ward (1996) s.v.
  49. Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos, VI.21.
  50. Cf. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Medulli.
  51. Curchin (2008) p. 124.
  52. cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. meion.
  53. Curchin (2008) p. 124; Luján (2006) p. 727.
  54. Delamarre (2012) p. 204
  55. 1 2 Delamarre (2003) s.v. nauson.
  56. Curchin (2008) p. 112; Luján (2006) p.724.
  57. Curchin (2008) p.124; Luján (2006) p.727; Delamarre (2012) p. 178
  58. Curchin (2008) p. 125.
  59. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *akro-.
  60. Curchin (2008) p. 125; Lujan (2006) p. 727.
  61. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *folkā-.
  62. Curchin (2008) p. 125; Luján (2006) p.727.
  63. Delamarre (2012) p. 211
  64. Curchin (2008) p.116; Luján (2006) p. 724.
  65. Prósper (2008) pp. 38-40.
  66. Luján (2006) p. 729.
  67. Ward (1996) s.v.; Delamarre (2003) p. 288.
  68. Delamarre (2012) p. 246
  69. Curchin (2008) p. 129; Prósper (2002) p. 259.
  70. Koch (2006) s.v. Britonia.
  71. Young, Simon (2002). Britonia: camiños novos. Noia: Toxosoutos. pp. 123–128. ISBN   978-84-95622-58-7.
  72. “Inter Bretonos et Sancto Petro de Mera“, 1078 CE, in Flórez, España Sagrada 40: 420.
  73. cf. Falileyev s.v. araus(i)o-.
  74. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  75. Koch (2003) s.v. Brigantes
  76. 'discurrente ad aulam Sancte Marie, inter IIos montes Leboreiro et Carnota, secus flumen Doronia', c. 1110.
  77. 1 2 3 Moralejo 2010, 106.
  78. 1 2 Mariño Paz, p. 32.
  79. 1 2 Moralejo 2010, 107.
  80. Búa (2018) p. 125.
  81. Bascuas (2006) p. 813.
  82. Koch (2006) s.v. Bretha Nemed.
  83. Mariño Paz, p. 32
  84. 1 2 Bascuas (2008) p. 531
  85. 1 2 3 Delamarre (2003) s.v.
  86. Búa (2019) p. 67.
  87. Monteagudo (1999) p. 266
  88. Mariño Paz (1999) p. 34.
  89. Búa (2019) p. 86.
  90. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *dēwo-.
  91. Koch (2006) p. 318.
  92. Delamarre, Xavier (2012). Noms de lieux celtiques de l'Europe ancienne. Paris: Errance. p. 143. ISBN   978-2-87772-483-8.
  93. Monteagudo (1999) p. 278
  94. Cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. lano-.
  95. Moralejo (2007) pp. 144-148
  96. Moralejo (2007) pp. 148-150; Monteagudo (1999) p. 288
  97. Mariño Paz (1998) p. 32; Prósper (2002) p. 312.
  98. Monteagudo (1999) p. 291.
  99. Sánchez Albornoz, Claudio (1929). "Divisiones tribales y administrativas del solar del reino de Asturias en la época romana". Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia. 95: 315–395. Retrieved 25 October 2012.
  100. González, José Manuel (1964). "Otros ríos asturianos de nombre prerromano (Eo, Navia, Ibias, Varayo, Esva)" (PDF). Archivum: Revista de la Facultad de Filología. 14: 134–148. Retrieved 25 October 2012.
  101. Monteagudo (1999) p. 299
  102. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Tamaris
  103. 1 2 Monteagudo (1999) p. 305
  104. Monteagudo (1999) p. 309
  105. Búa (2019) p. 78.
  106. Búa (2019) p. 80.
  107. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *brig-
  108. Toponyms ended in -ve, -be generally derive from toponyms ended in -bre / -vre, through metathesis or dissimilation. Cf. Moralejo (2007) p. 39.
  109. In general, and for most of these toponyms: Prósper (2002) pp. 357-382.
  110. 1 2 3 4 Moralejo 2010, 104-105.
  111. Moralejo (2007) p. 352.
  112. Cf. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Arcobriga.
  113. Prósper (2002) p. 380.
  114. Cf. Falileyev s.v. anat-
  115. Prósper (2002) p. 376.
  116. Cf. Falileyev s.v. ba/odio-.
  117. Cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. britu-
  118. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *briti-
  119. Búa (2019) p. 65.
  120. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kallī-.
  121. Prósper (2002) p. 377.
  122. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *karant-.
  123. Prósper (2002) p. 374.
  124. cf. IEW s.v. *(s)ker-3.
  125. Prósper (2002) p. 364.
  126. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kayto-
  127. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. kēlyo-.
  128. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kiwo-.
  129. Matasovic (2009) s.v. kʷol-u-.
  130. Falileyev s.v. corto-.
  131. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *widu-.
  132. CIL II, 5607a.
  133. Prósper (2002) p. 377; Delamarre (2003) s.v. *illio-.
  134. Prósper (2002) p. 377
  135. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *feno-.
  136. 1 2 Prósper (2002) p. 378.
  137. Falileyev s.v. *iso-
  138. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *landā-.
  139. Ward s.v. *lāgenā.
  140. 1 2 3 Prósper (2002) p. 375.
  141. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *lestro-
  142. Prósper (2002) p. 378; cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *magyo-.
  143. Prósper (2002) p. 375.
  144. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. akro-.
  145. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  146. Matasovic (2009) p. 127.
  147. Bascuas (2002) p. 235-236.
  148. 1 2 3 Prósper (2002) p. 379.
  149. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *sentu-.
  150. Falileyev s.v.
  151. Cf. Falileyev s.v. Vologatae, and Matasovic (2009) s.v. *walo-.
  152. Prósper (2005) pp. 267-284.
  153. Prósper (2005) p. 266.
  154. Prósper (2005) p. 269; Moralejo (2007) p. 44.
  155. Prósper (2005) p. 278.
  156. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.*ufo.
  157. Matasovic (2009) s.v. māro-
  158. Moralejo 2010, 106-107.
  159. 1 2 Prósper (2005) p. 282.
  160. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.*sego-.
  161. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *owxsV- 'high'
  162. Moralejo 2010, 100.
  163. Matasovic (2009), s.v., Delamarre (2003) s.v. arganton
  164. Moralejo (2007) p. 350.
  165. Moralejo 2010, 103-104.
  166. 1 2 3 Matasovic (2009) s.v., Delamarre (2003) s.v.
  167. Monteagudo (1999) p. 256.
  168. Among other possibilities. Cf. Moralejo 2010, 106.
  169. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *mrogi, Moralejo (2007) pp. 179-184.
  170. Prósper (2002) p. 312.
  171. Prósper (2005) p. 269.
  172. Búa (2019) p. 60.
  173. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *Salano-
  174. Matasovic (2009), s.v.
  175. Ares (2014) pp. 161-164.

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