Michael Madigan

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It's sort of the classic case that you get a guy (Madigan) who is steeped in discipline versus a guy who's very undisciplined, like Blagojevich. You can see it in their work habits, in their mannerisms.

Madigan is very measured in what he says. You never see him flying off on things. He is so precise.

This guy has been speaker for almost 30 years. He runs that chamber almost like he runs his house. They come in on time. He knows the rules. He's written the rules.

Madigan likes news clippings given to him every day; he likes to keep up on things. And he likes them clipped and organized in a certain way. With Rod, you get the sense that he's more of a big ideas person, but then doesn't really have the wherewithal to carry through on things to make sure they get done, to deliver.

The relationship between Blagojevich and Madigan hit its low in October 2007, when Blagojevich fired Bronwyn Rains, wife of Madigan's chief of staff Timothy Mapes, from her position of psychologist with the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services. [26] Blagojevich said he based this on Rains's educational background. She had worked for the department for 24 years with no prior record of problems; one observer called the fallout "nuclear war." [26]

Senate Republican Leader Frank Watson and House Republican Leader Tom Cross often met with Madigan, his Senate counterpart at the time Emil Jones, and Blagojevich in an attempt to referee disputes. [26] [40] In August 2008, Blagojevich stated that House Democrats who held City of Chicago jobs were fearful of voting in favor of his 2008 capital bill because they thought Madigan might be able to get them fired. [41] Blagojevich told reporters:

They fear their leader, Mr. Madigan, and if Mike Madigan tells them to vote a certain way, they will tell you privately, and I've had these discussions with a couple of state reps, one of whom said, 'I'm afraid if I vote for the jobs bill I'll be fired from my job at Streets and Sanitations [ sic ]. I'm afraid I'll lose my job.' [41]

Representative Gary Hannig told the newspaper that Blagojevich had told House Democrats he was referring to John C. D'Amico. [41] When contacted, D'Amico said that Blagojevich had asked him if he feared losing his job with the City of Chicago's water department, at which point D'Amico said that he had been in a union for 26 years and could not be fired easily, and instead opposed the capital bill because Mayor Richard M. Daley opposed it. [41]

On December 15, 2008, Madigan announced that he was taking steps to initiate impeachment proceedings against Blagojevich after the governor was arrested on charges of conspiracy and fraud. [42] He named Illinois House of Representatives Majority Leader Barbara Flynn Currie to chair the 21-member House committee on impeachment. [43] [44] After the committee reported, Madigan presided over the House deliberations which unanimously voted for the first impeachment of an Illinois governor. Subsequently, the Illinois Senate tried and removed Blagojevich from office, also by a unanimous vote.

Controversy over UIUC admissions

Madigan refused to testify in the inquiry over his advocacy for more than 40 applicants to the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. [45] Governor Pat Quinn appointed a commission, to be led by retired Judge Abner Mikva, to investigate attempts by lawmakers and others to influence admissions of unqualified candidates (whose relatives had given money to Madigan, other lawmakers, and the state Democratic Party, which Madigan chairs) at the state's largest university. The August 6, 2009, Admissions Review Commission report stated that the university's top officials (trustees, president, chancellor) were the most culpable, because they should have refused the lawmakers' requests, although he also said a separate commission should be established by Quinn and/or the legislature to look into possible misconduct by Madigan and others. [46]

Metra patronage scandal

In the summer of 2013 it was reported that Madigan had sought to use his influence to secure patronage hiring and promotion at the Metra commuter rail agency for two of his supporters. [47] [48] Metra CEO Alex Clifford rejected these requests, and alleges that the agency's board sought his resignation as a result.

In the wake of this scandal five Metra board members resigned, [49] but Madigan denied violating any ethics rules. [50] An investigation by the Legislative Inspector General found that Madigan "should have realized, given his influential position, that by making the [personnel] requests at the conclusion of meetings with Metra officials to discuss funding and other legislative issues, he would be creating reciprocal expectations." [51]

More than 400 current or retired state and local government employees have strong political ties to Madigan, according to a 2014 investigation by the Chicago Tribune . The former Bureau of Electricity in the Streets and Sanitation Department of the City of Chicago was called "Madigan Electric" by political insiders. [52] [53] Madigan recommended at least 26 individuals for jobs at Metra from 1983 to 1991. [54]

Campaign contributions

Madigan has admitted that he is more likely to return phone calls from campaign contributors than from non-contributors. [16]

Of all the current sitting Democratic Illinois House members, Madigan has received the most campaign contributions from labor unions. Between 2002 and 2012, he received $670,559. This sum includes: [55]

On January 1, 2016, the Chicago Tribune reported that Madigan "has been on a fundraising tear, courtesy of a quirk in state campaign finance law that allows him to amass multiple five-figure contributions from the same donor into four funds he controls." [56] In 2015, Madigan raised more than $7 million. Over 68% of the money that Madigan raised in 2015 came from trial lawyers, law firms, and organized labor unions.

Illinois created its first limit on campaign contributions for the legislature in 2009, but the law allowed politicians to raise money for various campaign funds for their political parties and caucuses. Madigan controls four different campaign fundraising organizations: Friends of Michael J Madigan, the Democratic Majority fund, the Southwest Side 13th Ward fund and the Democratic Party of Illinois account. [56] Additionally, over the past 15 years, Madigan raised more than $658,000 in donations from the Illinois Trial Lawyers Association (ITLA) Legislative PAC. [57]

Tax policy

In early 2011 leading Illinois Democratic lawmakers and Governor Pat Quinn agreed to raise the Illinois state income tax from 3 to 5.25 percent—a 75% increase. At the time, it was estimated that this would bring in about $7.5 billion a year. The tax increase would mean that a married couple with two kids earning $80,000 a year combined would pay an extra $1,620 in taxes. Democratic leaders said the plan would pull the state out of its $15 billion budget hole. They promised the tax hike would last just four years, and then fall to 3.75 percent. [58]

Between 2011 and 2014 the Illinois state income tax rate was 5 percent. [59] On January 1, 2015, the tax rate was reduced from 5 percent to 3.75 percent, creating a shortfall in revenue of $2.7 billion starting FY 2015. [60] Madigan has said that he would rather increase income taxes than sales taxes. [61] On other occasions, he has introduced budgets that raise taxes in Illinois.

May 2016 tax and budget plan

On May 25, 2016, Madigan introduced a budget plan that increased spending and "set the state on autopilot for the next year", according to the Chicago Tribune. Madigan's plan allocated $700 million more in funds to public schools. The $700 million would be doled out to poorer school districts such as Chicago Public Schools. [62]

The Illinois Office of Management and Budget said that the tax rate for an average family in Illinois would have to go up by $1,000 to pay for Madigan's plan. That amounts to an increase of the income tax rate to 5.5 percent. Governor Bruce Rauner said that the budget was "the biggest unbalanced budget in Illinois history." [62]

Madigan's plan passed the Illinois House of Representatives on May 25 by a vote of 63 in favor and 53 opposed. The Republican leader in the Illinois House, Jim Durkin, said the bill was "absolutely the biggest joke." Among those opposed were seven Democratic representatives. The seven were targeted for defeat in the fall 2016 campaigns. [63]

Madigan's tax plan proposed spending $47.5 billion for fiscal year 2017. The state estimated that it would bring in approximately $40.5 billion in revenue, meaning that Madigan's budget spends around $7 billion more than the state would have available through tax revenue. The Illinois Policy Institute, a conservative think tank, estimated that the state would need to increase people's income tax from 3.75 to 5.5 percent in order to make up for Madigan's budget gap. The think tank estimated that the increase would amount to around $1,000 on average per family in Illinois. [64]

The City Club comments

In December 2015 the state of Illinois had had no budget in place for over five months. On December 9, at the City Club in Chicago, Madigan publicly said he thought the state income tax should increase to "at least 5 percent to balance the state's out-of-whack finances". [65]

The Chicago Tribune wrote, "In doing so, Madigan potentially gave new life to Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner's argument that Democrats are to blame for the stalemate in Springfield because they're intent on only raising taxes to dig out of the state budget deficit." [65]

Madigan's exact words were, "A good place to begin, good place to begin would be the level we were at before the income tax expired. ... And starting there, you can go in whatever direction you want to go." [65]

Tax increase reform proposals

One of Madigan's ideas to raise taxes is to pass a state constitutional amendment that would raise taxes on "millionaires to pay for public schools." [62]

Madigan also has a plan for a graduated rate increase. State representative Lou Lang, a deputy under Madigan, formally introduced Madigan's proposal that would change how Illinois taxpayers are taxed at the state level. Instead of being taxed a flat rate, people would be taxed at a graduated rate, with the rate increasing for higher incomes. [62]

The Tax Foundation released a report in early 2016, using figures from 2011, that showed that Illinois had the fifth-highest tax burden in the United States. Illinois had the second-highest burden when compared to other states in the midwest. Under Madigan's proposal, those figures would change: Illinois would have the fourth-highest and highest tax burden in the U.S. and midwest, respectively. In 2012, Illinois' tax burden was the second highest in the midwest, after Wisconsin, but before Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker passed tax cuts. [66]

Pension reduction legislation

Madigan was instrumental in the passage of SB-1, a plan that amended state employee pension plans by drastically reducing the constitutionally protected benefits of Illinois state employees in retirement. [67] The Illinois Supreme Court ultimately found these legislative changes to be unconstitutional. [68] [69]

As the Illinois Supreme Court ruling stated: "These modifications to pension benefits unquestionably diminish the value of the retirement annuities the members ... were promised when they joined the pension system. Accordingly, based on the plain language of the Act, these annuity-reducing provisions contravene the pension protection clause's absolute prohibition against diminishment of pension benefits and exceed the General Assembly's authority". [70]

Paprocki eucharist decree

On June 6, 2019, Bishop Thomas Paprocki issued a decree barring Madigan and Senate President John Cullerton from presenting themselves to receive the Eucharist on account of their role in passing the Reproductive Health Act, which removes spousal consent and waiting periods for abortions. While singling out Madigan and Cullerton specifically, Paprocki also asked that other legislators who voted for the bill not present themselves for Communion either, saying that they had "cooperated in evil and committed grave sin." Madigan said that Paprocki had warned him that he would be forbidden to take the sacrament if he permitted the House to debate and vote on the measure. [71]

Resignation

On February 18, 2021, Madigan announced through a letter to the Speaker of the Illinois House that he would be resigning from the state representative post which will be effective at the end of February. [9]

Madigan and Getzendanner

Madigan was founder and continues as senior partner of the law firm Madigan and Getzendanner, specializing in corporate real estate property tax appeals, which has been accused of profiting from Madigan's position and power. [72] Getzendanner and four other staff attorneys handle the tax appeals, while Madigan brings in clients. [73] In 2008 Madigan and Getzendanner represented 45 of the 150 most valuable buildings in downtown Chicago, more than any other property tax appeal firm, and more than twice as many as the second-highest. Clients include the John Hancock Center and the Prudential Plaza. [18] [74] From 2006 to 2008 in Cook County, Illinois, Madigan and Getzendanner received the largest reductions for their clients of any tax appeal law firm. [75] [76] Venues for property tax appeals law firms in Cook County include hearings before the County Assessor, the County Board of Review, and the County courts. Judges in Illinois are elected in partisan elections, and Madigan, by his Democratic Party leadership roles as committeeman and state chairman, is one of the main persons involved in slating judicial candidates. [18]

After the death of veteran 45th Ward committeeman and longtime chairman of the Cook County Democratic Party Thomas G. Lyons in January 2007, Cook County Democrats met in Chicago on February 1 to fill the vacancy. Madigan nominated Joseph Berrios, a former Illinois State Representative, then a commissioner on the Cook County Board of Review. Cook County Democrats elected Berrios their new chairman. [77] [78] [79] Madigan political workers aided Berrios's 2010 campaign for Cook County Assessor. Berrios is registered as a lobbyist to Illinois state government and advocates for issues including expanding video poker. [80] [81] [82] Berrios lobbies Madigan in Springfield, while the Assessor is critical to the lucrative commercial real-estate tax appeals practices of law firms, including Madigan's. [83] [84] [85] "Even by Illinois's loose conflict of interest standards, the obviousness of the Madigan-Berrios connection is stupefying," wrote Chicago Magazine in 2013. [18] Berrios went on to lose to Fritz Kaegi in the Democratic primary for Cook County Assessor in March 2018. Kaegi then won the general election. [86]

The Madigan family and their role in Illinois government

Madigan and his wife, Shirley, have four children. His oldest daughter, Lisa Madigan, served as Attorney General of Illinois from 2003 to 2019. Madigan is not Lisa's biological father: she was born Lisa Murray to Shirley and criminal attorney Joel Murray. They divorced and Shirley married Madigan when Lisa was 10 years old. [87] Lisa changed her name when she was 18 and was formally adopted in her 20s. [88] [89] Shirley is the head of the Illinois Arts Council. [26] Madigan's son-in-law Jordan Matyas is the chief lobbyist for Regional Transportation Authority, a deputy chief overseeing their Government Affairs Department. [90] [91] [92]

In 2002 Madigan helped Lisa garner more campaign contributions in her run for Illinois Attorney General than even the candidates for governor that year. [93] At one point, Lisa Madigan's $1.2 million raised was more than all the attorney general candidates in 1998 had raised, combined. [93]

Allegations of misconduct in campaign contributions arose during the 2002 campaign. Madigan was accused of using taxpayer dollars for political purposes. [1] His staffers made numerous visits at public expense to contested Illinois House districts in the winter and spring before the November 2000 election. [94] The Republican gubernatorial candidate, Jim Ryan, suggested that Madigan should resign. [1] Lisa Madigan was running for Attorney General that year and called the allegations baseless. [1] Her opponent in the race called on her to pay back taxpayer-paid bonuses her father had paid staffers before they departed to work on his daughter's campaign. [95] A federal investigation into one of Lisa Madigan's political endorsements ensued after Madigan allegedly contacted a union boss in Chicago shortly before the union endorsed Madigan's daughter for the post, but nothing came of it. [96]

Electoral history

See also

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Mike Madigan
Michael Madigan Cropped.png
Madigan in 2013
Chair of the Democratic Party of Illinois
In office
April 3, 1998 February 22, 2021
Illinois House of Representatives
Preceded by
Frank Savickas
Carl Klein
Member of the Illinois House of Representatives
from the 27th district

1971–1983
Served alongside: Walter C. McAvoy, Robert Terzich, Edmund Kucharski, John Beatty
Succeeded by
Preceded by
Frank Giglio
Miriam Balanoff
Philip Collins
Member of the Illinois House of Representatives
from the 30th district

1983–1993
Succeeded by
Preceded by Member of the Illinois House of Representatives
from the 22nd district

1993–2021
Succeeded by
Preceded by Majority Leader of the Illinois House of Representatives
1977–1981
Succeeded by
Preceded by Minority Leader of the Illinois House of Representatives
1981–1983
Succeeded by
Preceded by Minority Leader of the Illinois House of Representatives
1995–1997
Political offices
Preceded by Speaker of the Illinois House of Representatives
1983–1995
Succeeded by
Preceded by Speaker of the Illinois House of Representatives
1997–2021
Succeeded by
Party political offices
Preceded by Chair of the Illinois Democratic Party
1998–2021
Succeeded by