The Mothers began demonstrating in the Plaza de Mayo, the public square located in front of the Casa Rosada presidential palace, in the city of Buenos Aires, on 30 April 1977, to petition for the alive return of their disappeared children. Originally, they would remain there seated, but by declaring a state of emergency, police expelled them from the public square.
In September 1977, in order to provide themselves with an opportunity to share their stories with other Argentinians, the mothers decided to join the annual pilgrimage to Our Lady of Luján, located 30 miles (48km) outside Buenos Aires. In order to stand out among the crowds, the mothers decided to wear their children's nappies (diapers) as headscarves. Following the pilgrimage, the mothers decided to continue wearing these headscarves during their meetings and weekly demonstrations at the Plaza. On them, they embroidered the names of their children and wrote their main demand: "Aparición con Vida" (Alive reappearance).
On the first days of December 1980, the first "March of Resistance" was held, consisting of marching around the public square for 24 hours.
Despite democracy being re-established in the 1983 general election, the movement continued to hold marches and demonstrations, demanding sentences for the military personnel that participated in the government that overthrew Isabel Perón in the 1976 coup d'état. This would eventually culminate in the Trial of the Juntas of 1985.
They have received widespread support and recognition from many international organizations, including being the first organization laureated by the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, and helping several human rights groups throughout their history. The 1980 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Adolfo Pérez Esquivel was an active supporter of the association, for which he was the subject of harassment by the dictatorship.
Since 1986 the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo have been divided into two factions, the majority group "Mothers of Plaza de Mayo Association" (presided by Hebe de Bonafini) and "Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo-Founding Line"[es]. Ceremonially, every Thursday at 3:30 p.m the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo march around the May Pyramid at the central hub of Plaza de Mayo, and at 4:00 p.m they give speeches from the Equestrian monument to General Manuel Belgrano, where they opine over the current national and global situation.
Purpose
Women had organized to gather, holding a vigil, while also trying to learn what had happened to their adult children during the 1970s and 1980s. They began to gather for this every Thursday, from 1977 at Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires, in front of the Casa Rosada presidential palace, in public defiance of the government's law against mass assemblies.[1] Wearing white headscarves to symbolize the diapers (nappies) of their lost children, embroidered with the names and dates of birth of their offspring, now young adults, the mothers marched in twos in solidarity to protest the denials of their children's existence or their mistreatment by the military regime.[1] Despite personal risks, they wanted to hold the government accountable for the human rights violations which were committed in the Dirty War.[2]
Activism and reaction
The white shawl of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo, painted on the floor in Buenos Aires, Argentina
The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo were the first major group to organize against the Argentina regime's human rights violations. Together, the women created a dynamic and unexpected force, which existed in opposition to traditional constraints on women in Latin America. These mothers came together to push for information on their own children and this highlighted the human rights violations and the scale of the protest drew press attention, raising awareness on a local and global scale. Their persistence to publicly remember and try to find their children, the sustained group organisation, the use of symbols and slogans, and the silent weekly protests attracted reactive measures from those in power.[1]
The military government considered these women to be politically subversive; the founder of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, Azucena Villaflor De Vincenti, placed the names of 'the missing' in a newspaper in December 1977 (on International Human Rights Day), and was kidnapped, tortured and murdered (later found to have been killed on a 'death flight' and her body disposed of in the sea),[1] along with French nuns Alice Domon and Léonie Duquet who also supported the movement. This was done at the command of Alfredo Astiz and Jorge Rafael Videla (who was a senior commander in the Argentine Army and dictator of Argentina from 1976 to 1981), both of whom were later sentenced to life in prison for their roles in the repression of dissidents during the Dirty War.[3]
In 1983, former military officers began to reveal information about some of the regime's human rights violations. Eventually, the military has admitted that over 9,000 of those abducted are still unaccounted for, but the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo say that the number of missing is closer to 30,000. Most are presumed dead. Many of these prisoners were high school students, young professionals, and union workers who were suspected of having opposed the government. Those 'taken' were generally below the age of 35, as were the members of the regime who tortured and murdered them. There were a disproportionate number of Jewish "disappeared" as the military was anti-Semitic, as documented in Prisoner Without a Name, Cell Without a Number. This documented the testimony of Jacobo Timerman and his experience being arrested and tortured during this time.[4][5]
It took until 2005 and DNA identification for many of the mass graves and human remains to be exhumed and cremated or buried; Azucena's ashes were interred in Plaza de Mayo itself.[1]
Today, the Mothers are engaged in the struggle for human, political, and civil rights in Latin America and elsewhere.[3]
When the disappearances began, each mother thought that their child's disappearance was a single unique case. Initially, the lack of media attention on the disappearances led the mothers to believe that they were alone in their plight. As each mother visited prisons, hospitals, and police stations searching for their children, they each began to notice other mothers who were also searching for their children. The women began to realize that these disappearances were systematic, organized, and planned. Most of the women came from traditional working-class backgrounds and had limited knowledge of political processes. These women banded together to confront the regime as a unified front of mothers seeking answers about their missing children.[7]
These women shared the experience of each having had at least one child who had been 'taken' by the military government. The mothers declared that between 1970 and 1980, more than 8,500 individuals became "Desaparecidos" or "the disappeared". These people were erased from public records with no government traces of arrests or evidence of charges against them.[8]
The women decided to risk a public protest, although gatherings of more than three people were banned, by linking arms in pairs, as if on a stroll[1] just across the street from the presidential office building, the Casa Rosada (the Pink House). The mothers chose this site for its high visibility, and they were hoping for information on their whereabouts to recover imprisoned or to properly bury their children.
The "disappeared" were believed to have been abducted by agents of the Argentine government during the years known as the Dirty War (1976–1983). Those whose locations were found, often had been tortured and killed and their bodies disposed of in rural areas or unmarked graves.[8]
Becoming a movement
As growing numbers joined weekly marches on Thursdays, the day the first few met,[1] the Mothers also began an international campaign to defy the propaganda distributed by the military regime. This campaign brought the attention of the world to Argentina.[9]
A policeman (Carlos Gallone ) and a Mother during an act of protest at Plaza de Mayo, October 1982
One year after the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo was founded, hundreds of women were participating, gathering in Plaza for weekly demonstrations. They found strength in each other by marching in public, and attracting some press. They made signs with photos of their children and publicized their children's names. They wore white headscarves embroidered with the names and dates of births of their lost children.[1]
The government tried to trivialize their action calling them "las locas" (the madwomen).[11]
As the number of disappeared grew, the movement grew, and the Mothers were getting international attention. They began to try to build pressure from outside governments against the Argentine dictatorship, by sharing the many stories of the "disappeared".
On 10 December 1977, International Human Rights Day, the Mothers published a newspaper advertisement with the names of their missing children. That same night, Azucena Villaflor (one of the original founders) was kidnapped from her home in Avellaneda by a group of armed men. She is reported to have been taken to the infamous ESMA torture centre, and from there on a "death flight" over the ocean. In-flight, the abducted were drugged, stripped, and flung into the sea or killed and thrown overboard.[12][1]
Also an estimated 500 of the missing are the children who were born in concentration camps or prisons to pregnant 'disappeared' women; many of these babies were given in illegal adoptions to military families and others associated with the regime. Their birth mothers were generally believed to have been killed. The numbers are hard to determine due to the secrecy surrounding the abductions.[13]
In 1978, when Argentina hosted the World Cup, the Mothers' demonstrations at the Plaza were covered by the international press in town for the sporting event.[11]
Later when Adolfo Scilingo spoke at the National Commission on Disappeared People, he described how many prisoners were drugged and thrown out of planes to their deaths in the Atlantic Ocean. For years following the regime, from early 1978 onwards, residents who lived along the Río de la Plata have found human remains of those abducted, murdered and dumped at sea.[13]
Some of the movement's most prominent supporters' bodies were never found, such as French national Alice Domon. Domon and Léonie Duquet, both French nuns, were taken during the Dirty War. Their disappearance attracted international attention and outrage, with demands for a United Nations investigation of human rights abuses in the country. France demanded information on the women, but the Argentine government denied all responsibility for them.[14]
In 2005, forensic anthropologists dug up some remains of bodies that had been buried in an unmarked grave after washing ashore (in late December 1977) near the beach resort of Santa Teresita, south of Buenos Aires. DNA testing identified among them Azucena Villaflor, Esther Careaga and María Eugenia Bianco, three pioneer Mothers of Plaza who had "disappeared", as well as Léonie Duquet. In December 2005, Azucena Villaflor's ashes were buried in Plaza de Mayo itself.[15][1]
Divisions and radicalization
The mothers with President Néstor Kirchner
Never giving up their pressure on the regime, after the military gave up its authority to a civilian government in 1983, the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo rekindled hopes that they might learn the fates of their children, pushing again for the information.[16]
Beginning in 1984, teams assisted by the American geneticist Mary-Claire King began to use DNA testing to identify remains, when bodies of the "disappeared" were found.
The government then conducted a national commission to collect testimony about the "disappeared", hearing from hundreds of witnesses. In 1985, it began the prosecution of men indicted for crimes, beginning with the Trial of the Juntas, in which several high-ranking military officers were convicted and sentenced.
The military threatened a coup to prevent a widening of prosecutions. In 1986, Congress passed Ley de Punto Final, which stopped the prosecutions for some years.
But in 2003, Congress repealed the Pardon Laws, and in 2005 the Argentine Supreme Court ruled them unconstitutional. During the Kirchner administration, the prosecution of war crimes was re-opened. Former high-ranking military and security officers have been convicted and sentenced in new cases. Among the charges is the stealing of babies of the disappeared. The first major figure, Miguel Etchecolatz, was convicted and sentenced in 2006. Most of the members of the Junta were imprisoned for crimes against humanity.[17]
With the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo, a group set up in 1977, the Mothers have identified 256 missing children who were adopted soon after being born to mothers in prison or camps who later "disappeared". Seven of the identified children have died. At the beginning of 2018, 137 of those children, now grown adults, were found and were offered to meet their biological families.[18][failed verification] Some Mothers and Grandmothers suffered disappointments when the grandchildren, now adults, did not want to know their hidden history, or refused to be tested. Parents who were judged in court to be guilty of adopting – or "appropriating" – the children of the disappeared, while knowing the truth about their origins, were susceptible to imprisonment.[19]
In 1986, the Mothers split into two factions. One group, called the "Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo-Founding Line"[es], focused on legislation, the recovery of the remains of their children, and bringing ex-officials to justice. Hebe de Bonafini continued to lead a more radical faction under the name Mothers of Plaza de Mayo Association. These mothers felt responsible for carrying on their children's political work and assumed the agenda that originally led to the disappearance of the dissidents. Unlike the Founding Line, the association refused government help or compensation. They pledged not to recognize the deaths of their children until the government would admit its fault.[20]
A scholar of the movement, Marguerite Guzman Bouvard, wrote that the association faction wanted "a complete transformation of Argentine political culture" and "envisions a socialist system free of the domination of special interests". The Mothers Association is now backed by younger militants who support socialism.
In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, Bonafini said "I was happy when I first heard the news, that for once they were the ones attacked, I'm not going to lie." and "being the U.S.A the most terrorist of all countries, throwing bombs everywhere around the world" but "felt bad for the innocent workers dead (because of the terrorist attack)." Her remarks led to some criticism in mainstream media.[21][22]
Speaking for the Mothers, she rejected the investigations of alleged Iranian involvement in the 1994 AMIA Bombing (the terrorist attack on the AMIA Jewish community center), saying the CIA and Mossad were misleading the investigation; making a statement that they repudiate "the tragic attack, but respect for the victims and their families requires to investigate and do justice," without being "politically manipulated in the service of US interests."[23]
'Final' March of Resistance
The Madres de la Plaza de Mayo march in October 2006
On 26 January 2006, members of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo Association faction announced what they said was their final annual March of Resistance at Plaza de Mayo, saying "the enemy isn't in the Government House anymore."[24] They acknowledged the significance of President Néstor Kirchner's success in having the Full Stop Law (Ley de Punto Final) and the Law of Due Obedience repealed and declared unconstitutional.[25] They said they would continue weekly Thursday marches in pursuit of action on other social causes.
The Founding Line faction announced that it would continue both the Thursday marches and the annual marches to commemorate the long struggle of resistance to the dictatorship.
The association at one time managed a federally funded housing program, Sueños Compartidos ("Shared Dreams"), which it founded in 2008.[27] By 2011, Sueños Compartidos had completed 5,600 housing units earmarked for slum residents, and numerous other facilities in six provinces and the city of Buenos Aires.[28][29]
Its growing budgets, which totaled around US$300 million allocated between 2008 and 2011 (of which $190 million had been spent), came under scrutiny. There was controversy when the chief financial officer of Sueños Compartidos, Sergio Schoklender[es], and his brother Pablo (the firm's attorney) were alleged to have embezzled funds.[29] The Schoklender brothers had been convicted in 1981 for the murder of their parents and served 15 years in prison. After gaining Bonafini's confidence, they were managing the project's finances with little oversight from the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo or the program's licensor, the Secretary of Public Works. Their friendship with the association ended in June 2011 after Bonafini learned of irregularities in their handling of the group's finances.[30] Following an investigation ordered by Federal Judge Norberto Oyarbide, the Secretary of Public Works canceled the Sueños Compartidos contract in August 2011. The outstanding projects were transferred to the Undersecretary of Housing and Urban Development.[30]
Gender and motherhood
Issues of gender and motherhood were embedded in this movement.[31] From its inception, the Mothers has been a strictly women-only organization,[32] as the mothers who lost their children were asserting their existence in the embroidery scarves, posters and demands for restoration.[1] In the later political movement, the women felt it had to be women-only partly to ensure their voices and actions would not be lost in a male-dominated movement, and partly out of a belief that men would insist on a lengthy bureaucratic process rather than immediate action.[33] They also believed that women were more tireless and had more emotional strength than men.[34]
Gender separatism reaffirmed its status as a women's movement, although it also raised the question among some scholars of whether the movement truly challenged the notion of female passivity, and whether or not it would have sent a more powerful message to have had male family members involved as well.[32]
The Mothers movement also raised questions of women in political space and the boundaries surrounding that space.[32] The socially constructed gender roles prevalent in Argentine society restricted the arena of politics, political mobilisation, and confrontation to men.[35] When the Mothers entered Plaza de Mayo, a public space with historical significance, they politicised their role as mothers in society and redefined the values associated with both politics and motherhood itself.[31] Although they did not challenge the patriarchal structure of Argentine society, by crossing boundaries into the masculinised political sphere, they expanded spaces of representation for Argentine women and opened the way for new forms of civic participation.[35]
The Mothers were committed to child-centred politics, symbolised by the white scarves they wore on their heads.[36] The scarves were originally nappies, or to represent diapers, and were embroidered with the names of their disappeared children or relatives.[36][1] These headscarves identified the Mothers and symbolised children, and thus life, as well as hope and maternal care.[36] The colour white also symbolised their refusal to wear a black mantilla and go into mourning.[32] Children were at the heart of the movement, as the Mothers fought for a system that would respect human life and honour its preservation.[36]
Santa Fe commemoration of 2000 rounds of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, 2016
The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo politicised and gave new value to the traditional role of mothers.[35] They used motherhood to frame their protest, demanding the rights inherent to their role: to conserve life.[35] They protested not only what had been done to their children, but also to themselves as mothers by taking them away.[35] The heart of the movement was always "women's feelings, mother's feelings", according to Hebe de Bonafini.[34] She further stated that "it was the strength of women, of mothers, that kept us going."[34] The women's identity as mothers did not restrict them from participating or making an impact in a masculinised political space.[35]
Their public protests contradicted the traditional, private domain of motherhood, and by mobilising themselves, they politicised their consciousness as women.[35] They restricted themselves to a conservative representation of motherhood, which avoided controversy and attracted the support of international media.[32] They refuted the concept that to be taken seriously or to be successful, a movement either has to be gender-neutral, or masculine: femininity and motherhood was integral to the Mothers' protest.[36]
The Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo (Spanish: Asociación Civil Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo) is an organization which has the aim of finding the "stolen" babies, whose mothers were killed during the Junta's dictatorship in 1977. Its president is Estela Barnes de Carlotto.[37] As of June 2019, their efforts have resulted in finding 130 grandchildren.[38]
Cautiva is another film related to the "stolen babies" cases.
An opera entitled Las Madres de la Plaza (2008) premiered in Leffler Chapel at Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania. It was written in a collaboration of students, staff, and faculty of the school, headed up by James Haines and John Rohrkemper.
In an episode of Destinos set in Argentina, protagonist Raquel is told about the Mothers of the Plaza and sees a portion of a march.
On "Little Steven" Van Zandt's 1984 release, "Voice of America", he pays tribute to Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo with his song, "Los Desaparecidos".
The documentary Los Desaparecidos (The Disappeared, 2008) relives the horrors of Argentina's Dirty War. The film follows a child of the disappeared and his involvement in Los Madres is touched on throughout the documentary.
Jorge Rafael Videla was an Argentine military officer and dictator who was the 42nd President of Argentina and as well as the 1st President of the National Reorganisation Process from 1976 to 1981. His rule, which was during the time of Operation Condor, was among the most infamous in Latin America during the Cold War due to its high level of human rights abuses and severe economic mismanagement.
The Dirty War is the name used by the military junta or civic-military dictatorship of Argentina for its period of state terrorism in Argentina from 1974 to 1983 as a part of Operation Condor. During this campaign, military and security forces and death squads in the form of the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance hunted down any political dissidents and anyone believed to be associated with socialism, left-wing Peronism, or the Montoneros movement.
The Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo is a human rights organization with the goal of finding the children stolen and illegally adopted during the 1976–1983 Argentine military dictatorship. The president is Estela Barnes de Carlotto.
Alfredo Ignacio Astiz is a convicted war criminal and former Argentine military commander, intelligence officer, and naval commando who served in the Argentine Navy during the military dictatorship of Jorge Rafael Videla during the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (1976–1983). He was known as El Ángel Rubio de la Muerte, and had a reputation as a torturer. He was discharged from the military in 1998 after defending his actions in a press interview.
Hebe María Pastor de Bonafini was an Argentine activist who was one of the founders of the Association of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, an organization of Argentine mothers whose children disappeared during the National Reorganization Process military dictatorship.
Léonie Duquet was one of two French nuns who was arrested in December 1977 in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and "disappeared". She was believed killed by the military regime of Argentine President Jorge Rafael Videla during the Dirty War. Alice Domon, the other French nun working with Duquet, disappeared a few days later. They had been working in poor neighborhoods of Buenos Aires in the 1970s and supported the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, founded in 1977. Despite repeated efforts by France to trace the two nuns, the Argentine military dictatorship was unresponsive. In 1990 a French court in Paris tried Argentine Captain Alfredo Astiz, known to have arrested Duquet and believed implicated in the "disappearance" of Domon, for kidnapping the two sisters. He was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment in absentia. In Argentina at the time, he and other military and security officers were shielded from prosecution by Pardon Laws passed in 1986 and 1987. These were repealed in 2003 and ruled unconstitutional in 2005, and the government re-opened prosecution of war crimes.
Azucena Villaflor was an Argentine activist and one of the founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, a human rights organisation which looks for the victims of enforced disappearances during Argentina's Dirty War.
Jorge Eduardo Acosta, alias "el Tigre" is an Argentine corvette captain, head of Task Group 3.3.2 of the ESMA naval school and in charge of this detention center during the Operation Condor. He took decisions concerning torture and assassinations in the ESMA center. In 2011, he was sentenced to life imprisonment for the murders of the French nuns Léonie Duquet and Alice Domon, and of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Azucena Villaflor, Esther Ballestrino and María Ponce, as well as of the death of the Swedish-Argentine teenager Dagmar Hagelin and of Argentine journalist and fiction writer Rodolfo Walsh. In total, he is accused of approximately 80 crimes.
Alicia Domon was one of two French nuns in Argentina to be "disappeared" in December 1977 by the military dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process. She was among a dozen people associated with the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, a human rights group, who were kidnapped and taken to the secret detention center at ESMA.
Victoria Analía Donda Pérez is an Argentine human rights activist and legislator. She is the first daughter of a "disappeared" person, born in captivity, to become a member of the Argentine National Congress. She was the youngest woman to hold that office.
Ángela Auad was an Argentine social activist. A member of the Marxist–Leninist Communist Party, she worked with the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo to locate victims of forced disappearance during the Dirty War. Because of her activism, she was kidnapped, tortured and murdered.
Alicia "Licha" Zubasnabar de De la Cuadra, was an Argentine human rights activist. She was one of the twelve founding members of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo and served as the first president of the organization. She has been named as a "prominent woman" by the Argentine National Congress and as an "illustrious citizen" by Corrientes Province.
María Adela Gard de Antokoletz was one of fourteen women who founded the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo movement. Her son Daniel was abducted in November 1976. Later, when she was working for the provincial courts in Buenos Aires, she joined other mothers of missing children to found the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. This group was dedicated to finding out what had happened to their missing children. As part of this group, María Adela Gard de Antokoletz led protest marches every Thursday on Buenos Aires's Plaza de Mayo holding a picture of her son. Throughout her life, she received death threats because of her work, but she refused to forget what had happened to her son.
Esther Ballestrino de Careaga was a Paraguayan biochemist and political activist. She is most notable for her connection to the future Pope Francis and her forced disappearance in Argentina by the military dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process (1976–1983). She had helped found Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, which organised protests by the mothers of missing children taken by the authorities.
The Mothers of the Plaza 25 de Mayo, also known simply as Las Madres de Rosario or Madres Rosario, is an Argentine human rights group based in Rosario, Santa Fe Province, Argentina. The organization was created by a group of women who sought answers to the forced disappearance of their children during the Dirty War and military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983. The Mothers of the Plaza 25 de Mayo were initially founded as a Rosario-based branch of the larger, national Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, but later developed their own association to focus on forced disappearances in Santa Fe Province.
María Eugenia Ponce de Bianco was an Argentine social activist. She was one of the founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, an organization which searched for desaparecidos. She was kidnapped, tortured, and murdered as a result of her involvement with the group.
Mirta Acuña de Baravalle was an Argentine human rights activist who was one of the twelve founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo associations.
Beatriz Haydée Catalina Aicardi de Neuhaus was an Argentine human rights activist, and one of the twelve founders of the association Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo.
Celina Kofman was an Argentine human rights activist. By profession, Celina Kofman was one of the important members of the organization that was launched in the 1970s in the midst of the National Reorganization Process, after her son was kidnapped. He was a member from 1978 to 2000, where he had responsibility for the former Concordia and Santa Fe subsidiaries.
María Esther Biscayart de Tello was an Argentine human rights defender and member of Madres de Plaza de Mayo Línea Fundadora. Originally a teacher by occupation, in the 1950s she joined the anarchist movement and had three children. During the Dirty War, the family was affiliated with Resistencia Libertaria and Biscayart's children were forcibly disappeared by the military dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process. Biscayart then joined the country's human rights movement and advocated for the prosecution of those responsible for crimes against humanity.
↑ Stover, Eric; Timerman, Jacobo; Talbot, Tolby (1982). "Prisoner without a Name, Cell without a Number". Human Rights Quarterly. 4 (2): 299. doi:10.2307/762134. ISSN0275-0392. JSTOR762134.
↑ Meade, Teresa A. (19 January 2016). A history of modern Latin America: 1800 to the present (Seconded.). Chichester, West Sussex. ISBN9781118772485. OCLC915135785.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ McFarland, Sam (2018) "Azucena Villaflor, the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, and Struggle to End Disappearances," International Journal of Leadership and Change: Vol. 6: Iss. 1, Article 7.
1 2 Meade, Teresa A. (19 January 2016). A history of modern Latin America: 1800 to the present (Seconded.). Chichester, West Sussex. ISBN9781118772485. OCLC915135785.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
1 2 Meade, Teresa A. (19 January 2016). A history of modern Latin America: 1800 to the present (Seconded.). Chichester, West Sussex. ISBN9781118772485. OCLC915135785.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ Durham, Robert B. (2014). False Flags, Covert Operations, & Propaganda. lulu.com. p.96. ISBN978-1312462885.
↑ . Los Angeles Times, article, "Argentines Remember a Mother Who Joined the 'Disappeared' ", 24 March 2006. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
↑ . "JSTOR", article, "Argentina's Mothers of Plaza de Mayo: The Mourning Process from Junta to Democracy", 1987. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
↑ . "comisionjuiciocampodemayo.wordpress.com", article, "Listado de condenados por delitos de lesa humanidad", March 19, 2012. Accessed: February 7, 2018.
↑ . "", article, "La nieta recuperada 127 es la hija de la mendocina María del Carmen Moyano", December 28, 2017. Accessed: February 7, 2018.
↑ . "The New Yorker", article, "Children of the Dirty War", March 19, 2012. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
↑ . "The Oxford International Encyclopedia of Peace", Volume 2, "Early Christianity and Antimilitarism - Mass Violence and Trends", 2010. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
1 2 Bosco, Fernando J. (2006). "The Madres De Plaza De Mayo and Three Decades of Human Rights' Activism: Embeddedness, Emotions, and Social Movements". Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 96 (2): 342–65. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8306.2006.00481.x. S2CID145446463.
1 2 3 4 5 Shepherd, Laura J. (2015). Gender matters in global politics: a feminist introduction to international relations (2ed.). London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. pp.29–31.
↑ Krause, Wanda C. (2004). "The Role and Example of Chilean and Argentinian Mothers in Democratisation". Development in Practice. 14 (3): 366–380. doi:10.1080/0961452042000191204. S2CID144459929.
1 2 3 Sternbach, Nancy Saporta; etal. (1987). "Interview with Hebe De Bonafini: President of Las Madres De Plaza De Mayo". Feminist Teacher. 3 (1): 16–21.
1 2 3 4 5 Krause, Wanda C. "The Role and Example of Chilean and Argentinian Mothers in Democratisation." Development in Practice, vol. 14, no. 3, 2004, pp. 366–380. JSTOR.
"Claiming the Public Space: The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo." by Susan Torre. In The Sex of Architecture, edited by Diana Agrest, Patricia Conway, and Lesile Weisman, 241–250. New York: Harry N. Adams, 1996.
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