Peace psychology

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Peace psychology is a subfield of psychology and peace research that deals with the psychological aspects of peace, conflict, violence, and war. Peace psychology can be characterized by four interconnected pillars: (1) research, (2) education, (3) practice, and (4) advocacy. [1] The first pillar, research, is documented most extensively in this article.

Contents

Peace psychological activities are based on psychological models (theories) and methods; they are usually normatively bound in their means and objectives by working towards the ideal of sustainable peace using nonviolent means. Violence and peace can be defined in terms of Johan Galtung's extended conceptualization of peace, [2] [3] according to which peace is not merely the absence of personal (direct) violence and war (= negative peace), but also the absence of structural (indirect) and cultural violence (= positive peace). [4] The ideal of peace can also be conceptualized as the comprehensive implementation of human rights (civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights); this should, among other purposes, ensure the satisfaction of basic human needs, such as positive personal and social identity, sense of control, security, (social) justice, well-being, a safe environment, and access to adequate food and shelter. [5]

Research

Peace psychological research can be analytically (research on peace) or normatively (research for peace) oriented. Regardless of its analytical or normative orientation, peace psychological research mainly deals with the psychological aspects of the formation, escalation, reduction, and resolution of conflicts (including war), the psychosocial conditions conducive or detrimental to a sustainable peace, and the psychosocial effects of war and violence. In each case, different levels of analysis and explanation are relevant: from the level of individuals to groups, social organizations and institutions, states and state systems (e.g., the European Union), military alliances (e.g., NATO), and collective security systems (e.g., the United Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe [OSCE]).

Formation and escalation of conflict

Peace psychology focuses on the psychological aspects of the formation, escalation, reduction, and resolution of conflicts. A conflict exists when the expectations, interests, needs, or actions of at least two parties to the conflict are perceived by at least one of the parties to be incompatible. Peace psychology is mainly concerned with conflicts between social groups (intergroup conflicts, such as between ethnic groups, clans, religious groups, states etc.), in terms of domains like power, wealth, access to raw materials and markets, cultural or religious values, honor, dignity, or recognition. In conflicts one has to distinguish between (overt) positions (e.g., "we don't negotiate with X") and underlying interests (e.g., power, spheres of influence and wealth) as well as between current triggers (e.g., violence at a political protest) and systematic, enduring, structural causes (e.g., deprivation of a group's political participation or access to professional employment). Although conflicts are inevitable and can lead to positive change when dealt with constructively, [6] the escalation of conflicts and in particular the occurrence of violence are preventable. Psychological processes of information processing (attention, perception, memory, thinking, judgment), emotion, and motivation influence substantially how a conflict is handled, and in particular whether conflicts escalate to violent episodes. An important factor is the different points of view of the conflict parties, such as when behavior that is based on positive intentions is perceived by the opponent as aggressive and therefore contributes to escalation. Conflicts can easily escalate. A cycle of violence can arise in which both parties are involved, and original victims can become perpetrators, without realizing it ("victim myth"). [7]

Conflicts can be intensified specifically through the construction of enemy images, psychological warfare, and propaganda promulgated by the media, political elite, educational systems, socialization, cultural symbols and other means. Enemy images may have a kernel of truth, but overstate the negative sides of the opponent. The core features of a strong enemy image include: (1) a negative evaluation of the opponent (e.g., aggressive, immoral, but also inferior), (2) a one-sided blame for negative events, and (3) a different evaluation of similar actions of one's own side than the enemy ("double standard"; e.g., build-up of arms on one’s own side is self-defense, on the enemy's it is aggression). These constructions can cause dehumanization of the opponent, so that moral standards no longer apply. In extreme cases, it may seem acceptable, even desirable, for the opponent to suffer and be killed. The construction of the enemy image has the central function of justifying armament, violence, and war. In addition, it enhances the individual and collective self-image. [8]

Psychological warfare includes methods of generating or strengthening war support among the civilian population and the military. These methods include disinformation using the media (war propaganda), but also sabotage, displacement, murder, and terror. War propaganda consists of two complementary strategies: (1) repeating, highlighting, and embellishing with detail information that functions to intensify the enemy image or threat perceptions, and (2) ignoring and devaluing information that may lead to de-escalation. In addition, negative behavior of the adversary may be provoked (e.g., by maneuvers at the state borders) or charges that the enemy engaged in heinous acts may be entirely invented (e.g., the Nayirah testimony). [9]

Conflict reduction and resolution (peace psychological strategies)

Different peace psychological strategies for non-violent conflict resolution are discussed (conflict de-escalation, conflict resolution, conflict transformation). One can distinguish between strategies on the official level (e.g., measures of tension reduction and trust build such as Charles E. Osgood's "Graduated and Reciprocated Initiatives in Tension Reduction" [GRIT], negotiations, mediation), approaches of unofficial diplomacy (interactive problem-solving workshops), and strategies at the level of peace and conflict civil society (e.g., peace journalism, contact between social groups).

Official level

Osgood's GRIT model was designed as a counter-concept to the arms race in the East-West conflict, in which the former superpowers, USA and USSR, constantly increased the quantity and quality of their arms so that the destruction of humankind by a nuclear war seemed increasingly possible. The GRIT model, in contrast, aimed to de-escalate and create an atmosphere of mutual trust. One party publicly announces and performs a verifiable, concrete step to reduce tension, and asks or invites the other side to do something similar (developing a spiral of trust). Care is taken so that each step does not endanger the safety of one's own side. GRIT was designed to reverse the tension involved in the nuclear arms race by having each side engage in graduated and reciprocal inititiatives. [10] While there is no firm evidence, it has been suggested that U.S. President Kennedy and the Soviet leader Khrushchev based their negotiations after the Cuban Missile Crisis on this concept. [11]

When conflicted parties are engaged in long-lasting, severe conflicts, it can be difficult to have constructive bilateral negotiations. In this case, a third party (e.g., a social scientist or reputed politician) can serve as a mediator in order to facilitate conflict management. Mediators must be well aware of the conflict and its history, should have the confidence of both conflict parties, and need to be familiar with conflict analysis and communication strategies. Important strategies include establishing trust, working out the essential elements of conflict, and possibly dividing the problem so that at least partial solutions can be achieved and violence can be prevented or stopped. Problems arise when mediators are biased and have strong individual interests. Mediation success is more likely if the conflict is moderately intense, the power difference between the parties is low, and the mediators have high prestige (as a person or because of organizational affiliation). [12]

Unofficial level

In severe, long-lasting conflicts, it may be advisable to intervene at a level below official diplomacy. Interactive problem solving is such an informal approach to bring members of the conflict parties together. [13] These can include citizens who are well-respected from different areas of society, such as media, business, politics, education, or religion. A team of social scientists (e.g., psychologists) initiate and promote a problem-solving process with the elements of conflict diagnosis, generation of alternatives, and development of nonviolent solutions that results in outcomes that are satisfactory to all parties involved. There is the expectation or hope that the participants influence their governments and public opinion so that official negotiations can follow. Psychologically important components of the process are that the respective self and enemy images are corrected. Interactive problem solving was used in particular in the Israel-Palestine conflict by the U.S. psychologist Herbert Kelman and his team. [14]

Civil society level

Media are often involved in the formation of enemy images and escalation of conflict. Peace journalism, in contrast, has the objective of investigating and using the influence of the media as a means of encouraging the constructive, non-violent resolution of conflict. Key strategies include representing the conflicting parties as well as the conflict and its history appropriately, identifying propaganda, and articulating the suffering of the people. [15]

The collective action and peaceful demonstrations of the population toward peaceful and socially just ends can have an influence on the decisions of those in power – particularly in democracies. Citizens' commitment depends, among other factors, on the existence of opportunities in society, individual value orientations (e.g., valuing non-violence, social justice), the presence of role models, and the perceived probability of success of one's actions. [16]

Contacts between opposing groups (e.g., on the level of municipalities, associations, universities, trade unions) can contribute to building positive relationships and the reduction of prejudice (see contact hypothesis). [17] [18] [19] [20] Conditions associated with the improvement of intergroup relations when groups come in contact with one another include: The actors involved have similar social status; there are common goals that can be achieved through cooperation; and the contacts are supported by authorities in society.

In asymmetric conflicts, where one conflict party is politically, economically, and/or militarily clearly superior, the stronger party may not be interested in a truly sustainable conflict resolution. Under asymmetric conditions, when the root causes of the conflict cannot be sufficiently addressed, structural violence persists. For such situations, approaches have been developed such as nonviolent resistance and liberation psychology, [21] which originated in Latin America and is related to liberation theology.

Nonviolent resistance refers to public, nonviolent behavior directed against injustice; it involves publicly explicating one's own intentions, committing to communicate with the other side, and the willingness to endure negative consequences of one's own actions. [22] Methods of nonviolent resistance range from protests (e.g., demonstrations) to non-cooperation (e.g., strikes, boycotts) to civil resistance. Particularly well known are the actions, speeches, and writings of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.

Effects of war and violence

Peace psychology examines war and violence between groups also with the aim of illustrating the psychological and social costs of war and violence and to document the human suffering caused. The psychological consequences include, in particular, traumatization (mainly of the civilian population, but also members of the military), cognitive and emotional damage, and the destruction of trustful social relationships. Wars often do not resolve the underlying problems; they often provoke new violence and wars. For example, in post-war societies an increased level of family and community violence can be observed. [23] In addition, resources necessary to deal with civilian issues (e.g., education, health, social welfare) are lost. There is still little comprehensive and objective research on the consequences and costs of war. [24]

Psychosocial conditions of sustainable peace

Even when violence has been stopped or a Peace Treaty reached, to prevent the risk of a renewed escalation, physical and economic reconstruction as well as socio-political and psychosocial interventions are required. These interventions aim to cure psychosocial wounds of war, build trust, develop a common collective memory, recognize past wrongdoing, and achieve reconciliation and/or forgiveness. [25] Examples are trauma therapy and Truth and Reconciliation Commissions.

Also, irrespective of any specific conflict and violence, peace psychological research looks at the psychosocial conditions that hamper or promote sustainable peace. The basic aim is to transform cultures of violence into cultures of peace. [26]

The following cultural characteristics are obstacles to the development of sustainable peace: the view of one's own group (ethnicity, religion, nation, etc.) to be superior and more valuable and others as inferior and of little value (or in the extreme case: no value); the development of enemy images, dehumanization of others, legitimization of violence and damage; underlying beliefs (ideologies) such as ethnocentrism, social dominance orientation, authoritarianism, nationalism, militarism, and an education system that promotes these ideologies; power differentials that are defended or increased by the powerful and that create unequal conditions in areas such as wealth, health, education, and political participation (structural violence). [27]

Among factors conducive to the development of sustainable peace are: the fundamental belief that conflicts are frequent, but that they can be solved without violence and for the benefit of the various conflict parties; the concept of humanism with the features of human dignity, pacifism, empathy, respect, tolerance and solidarity, and respect for all people or for humanity as a whole; critical proximity to one's own group that – in addition to positive identification – also integrates own weaknesses, mistakes, and committed wrongdoings in the collective self-concept. [26]

In the transformation of cultures of violence into cultures of peace the focus on human rights is of high importance. Human rights are inalienable rights that apply to all human beings, without distinction as to sex, color, ethnicity, language, religion, political opinion, or social origin (prohibition of discrimination). The UN Human Rights Charter contains the essential documents of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, 1948) and the Twin Covenants (1966, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights). The UDHR consists of 30 articles with more than 100 individual rights, including civil and political rights (e.g., right to life, prohibition of torture, right to fair and public trial, right to asylum, freedom of speech, regular elections), but also social, economic, and cultural rights (including the right to work, rest, holidays with pay, protection from unemployment, the right to food, clothing, housing, medical care, and free primary education). Of particular importance in the UN's human rights concept is that all human rights are significant (indivisibility) and that they apply to all people (universality). Psychological research on human rights has mainly examined knowledge, attitudes, and readiness to act in support of human rights. Representative surveys in Germany show that the realization of human rights is considered to be very important, but at the same time knowledge of human rights is low and inaccurate. The results show a "halving" of human rights: Some civil rights are known, while economic and social rights are hardly considered human rights. [28] Of importance in peace psychology are also analyses of whether human rights are used in the sense of peace or whether they are abused for the construction of enemy images or to prepare wars.

In education

Peace psychological findings are used in the content and practice of peace education at various levels, from primary school to secondary and tertiary education (e.g., in the form of peace psychology courses at universities [29] ) to vocational training.

Practice

Peace psychology practice refers, for example, to trauma therapeutic work, the implementation of trainings in nonviolent conflict resolution, and activities in such roles as conflict mediator or civil peace worker. Of particular importance is the cooperation between research and practice, such as in the form of evaluation research, to contribute to the continuous improvement of practice.

See also

Literature

Overview literature

Book series

Journals

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Prejudice</span> Attitudes based on preconceived categories

Prejudice can be an affective feeling towards a person based on their perceived group membership. The word is often used to refer to a preconceived evaluation or classification of another person based on that person's perceived political affiliation, sex, gender, gender identity, beliefs, values, social class, age, disability, religion, sexuality, race, ethnicity, language, nationality, culture, complexion, beauty, height, body weight, occupation, wealth, education, criminality, sport-team affiliation, music tastes or other personal characteristics.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Conflict resolution</span> Methods and processes involved in facilitating the peaceful ending of conflict and retribution

Conflict resolution is conceptualized as the methods and processes involved in facilitating the peaceful ending of conflict and retribution. Committed group members attempt to resolve group conflicts by actively communicating information about their conflicting motives or ideologies to the rest of group and by engaging in collective negotiation. Dimensions of resolution typically parallel the dimensions of conflict in the way the conflict is processed. Cognitive resolution is the way disputants understand and view the conflict, with beliefs, perspectives, understandings and attitudes. Emotional resolution is in the way disputants feel about a conflict, the emotional energy. Behavioral resolution is reflective of how the disputants act, their behavior. Ultimately a wide range of methods and procedures for addressing conflict exist, including negotiation, mediation, mediation-arbitration, diplomacy, and creative peacebuilding.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dehumanization</span> Behavior or process that undermines individuality of and in others

Dehumanization is the denial of full humanness in others and the cruelty and suffering that accompanies it. A practical definition refers to it as the viewing and treatment of other persons as though they lack the mental capacities that are commonly attributed to human beings. In this definition, every act or thought that regards a person as "less than" human is dehumanization.

Peace education is the process of acquiring values, knowledge, attitudes, skills, and behaviors to live in harmony with oneself, others, and the natural environment.

Charles Thomas William Curle, better known as Adam Curle, was a British academic, known for his work in social psychology, pedagogy, development studies and peace studies. After holding posts at the University of Oxford, University of Exeter, University of Ghana and Harvard University, in 1973 he became the inaugural Professor of Peace Studies at the University of Bradford, following the establishment of the University's Department of Peace Studies. Curle's works included several books on education, including Educational Strategy for Developing Societies (1963), and a number of books on peace and peacemaking, including Making Peace (1971). He was also, throughout his career and after his retirement in 1978, active in peacemaking and mediation, and visited Nigeria and Biafra several times as part of a Quaker contingent during the Nigerian Civil War of 1967–70.

Peace journalism has been developed from research that indicates that often news about conflict has a value bias toward violence. It also includes practical methods for correcting this bias by producing journalism in both the mainstream and alternative media, and working with journalists, media professionals, audiences, and organizations in conflict.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Miles Hewstone</span> British social psychologist (born 1956)

Miles Ronald Cole Hewstone is a British social psychologist who is well known for his work on social relations.

In psychology and other social sciences, the contact hypothesis suggests that intergroup contact under appropriate conditions can effectively reduce prejudice between majority and minority group members. Following WWII and the desegregation of the military and other public institutions, policymakers and social scientists had turned an eye towards the policy implications of interracial contact. Of them, social psychologist Gordon Allport united early research in this vein under intergroup contact theory.

Group conflict, or hostilities between different groups, is a feature common to all forms of human social organization, and also occurs in social animals. Although group conflict is one of the most complex phenomena studied by social scientists, the history of the human race evidences a series of group-level conflicts that have gained notoriety over the years. For example, from 1820 to 1945, it has been estimated that at least 59 million persons were killed during conflicts between groups of one type or another. Literature suggests that the number of fatalities nearly doubled between the years 1914 to 1964 as a result of further group conflict.

Realistic conflict theory (RCT), also known as realistic group conflict theory (RGCT), is a social psychological model of intergroup conflict. The theory explains how intergroup hostility can arise as a result of conflicting goals and competition over limited resources, and it also offers an explanation for the feelings of prejudice and discrimination toward the outgroup that accompany the intergroup hostility. Groups may be in competition for a real or perceived scarcity of resources such as money, political power, military protection, or social status.

Delegitimisation is the withdrawal of legitimacy, usually from some institution such as a state, cultural practice, etc. which may have acquired it explicitly or implicitly, by statute or accepted practice. It is a sociopsychological process which undermines or marginalises an entity by presenting facts and/or value judgments that are construed to withdraw legitimacy and can in some cases be a self-justifying mechanism, with the ultimate goal of justifying harm of an outgroup.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Nonkilling</span> Approach to nonviolence

Nonkilling, popularised as a concept in the 2002 book Nonkilling Global Political Science, by Glenn D. Paige, refers to the absence of killing, threats to kill, and conditions conducive to killing in human society. Even though the use of the term in academia refers mostly to the killing of human beings, it is sometimes extended to include the killing of animals and other forms of life. This is also the case for the traditional use of the term "nonkilling" as part of Buddhist ethics, as expressed in the first precept of the Pancasila, and in similar terms throughout world spiritual traditions. Significantly, "nonkilling" was used in the "Charter for a World without Violence" approved by the 8th World Summit of Nobel Peace Laureates.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mark van Vugt</span> Dutch evolutionary psychologist (born 1967)

Mark van Vugt is a Dutch evolutionary psychologist who holds a professorship in evolutionary psychology and work and organizational psychology at the VU University Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Van Vugt has affiliate positions at the University of Oxford, Institute for Cognitive and Evolutionary Anthropology (ICEA).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Daniel Bar-Tal</span>

Daniel Bar-Tal is an Israeli academic, author and Branco Weiss Professor of Research in Child Development and Education at School of Education, Tel Aviv University.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Melanie Killen</span> American psychologist

Melanie Killen is a developmental psychologist and Professor of Human Development and Quantitative Methodology, and Professor of Psychology (Affiliate) at the University of Maryland, and Honorary Professor of Psychology at the University of Kent, Canterbury, UK. She is supported by funding from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), and the National Science Foundation (NSF) for her research. In 2008, she was awarded Distinguished Scholar-Teacher by the Provost's office at the University of Maryland. She is the Director of the Social and Moral Development Lab at the University of Maryland.

The imagined contact hypothesis is an extension of the contact hypothesis, a theoretical proposition centred on the psychology of prejudice and prejudice reduction. It was originally developed by Richard J. Crisp and Rhiannon N. Turner and proposes that the mental simulation, or imagining, of a positive social interaction with an outgroup member can lead to increased positive attitudes, greater desire for social contact, and improved group dynamics. Empirical evidence supporting the imagined contact hypothesis demonstrates its effectiveness at improving explicit and implicit attitudes towards and intergroup relations with a wide variety of stigmatized groups including religious minorities, the mentally ill, ethnic minorities, sexual minorities, and obese individuals. Researchers have identified a number of factors that influence the effectiveness of the imagined contact hypothesis including vividness of the imagery and how typical the imagined outgroup individual is. While some researchers question the effectiveness of the imagined contact hypothesis, empirical evidence does suggest it is effective at improving attitudes towards outgroups.

A conflict is a struggle and a clash of interest, opinion, or even principles. Conflict will always be found in society; as the basis of conflict may vary to be personal, racial, class, caste, political and international. Conflict may also be emotional, intellectual, and theoretical, in which case academic recognition may, or may not be, a significant motive. Intellectual conflict is a subclass of cultural conflict, a conflict that tends to grow over time due to different cultural values and beliefs.

Moral exclusion is a psychological process where members of a group view their own group and its norms as superior to others, belittling, marginalizing, excluding, even dehumanizing targeted groups. A distinction should be drawn between active exclusion and omission. The former requires intent and is a form of injustice, known as moral exclusion; while the latter is thoughtlessness. The targeted group is viewed as undeserving of morally mandated rights and protections. When conflict between groups escalates, the in-group/out-group bias between the groups heightens. Severe violence between groups can be either the antecedent or the outcome of moral exclusion. At its extreme it is a bidirectional phenomenon that defies precise origin.

Fathali M. Moghaddam is an Iranian-born psychologist, author, professor of psychology at Georgetown University and director of the Interdisciplinary Program in Cognitive Science (ICOS), Department of Government, Georgetown University.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Intergroup relations</span>

Intergroup relations refers to interactions between individuals in different social groups, and to interactions taking place between the groups themselves collectively. It has long been a subject of research in social psychology, political psychology, and organizational behavior.

References

  1. ↑ See http://www.peacepsych.org/peace-resources.htm
  2. ↑ Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, peace, and peace research. Journal of Peace Research, 6 (3), 167-191.
  3. ↑ Galtung, J. (1990). Cultural violence. Journal of Peace Research, 27 (3), 291-305.
  4. ↑ Christie, D. J., Wagner, R. V., & Winter, D. D. (2001). Introduction to peace psychology. In D. J. Christie, R. V. Wagner, & D. D. Winter (Eds.), Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology for the 21st century (pp. 1-13). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
  5. ↑ Tropp, L. R. (2012). Understanding and responding to intergroup conflict: Toward an integrated analysis. In L. R. Tropp (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of intergroup conflict (pp. 3-10). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  6. ↑ Kriesberg, L. (2007). Constructive conflicts: From escalation to resolution (3rd ed.). Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
  7. ↑ Bar-Tal, D. & Hammack, P. L. (2012). Conflict, delegitimization, and violence. In L. R. Tropp (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of intergroup conflict (pp. 29-52). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  8. ↑ Psychologists for Social Responsibility (2004). Enemy images: A resource material for reducing enmity. Washington, DC: Psychologists for Social Responsibility. http://www.psysr.org/about/pubs_resources/Enemyimagesmanual.pdf
  9. ↑ Jaeger, S. (2004). Propaganda und Kriegsberichterstattung. In G. Sommer & A. Fuchs (Eds.), Krieg und Frieden: Handbuch der Konflikt- und Friedenspsychologie (pp. 317-329). Weinheim: Beltz.
  10. ↑ Osgood, C. E. (1962). An alternative to war or surrender. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
  11. ↑ Tzeng, O., Landis, D., & Tzeng, D. Y. (2012). Charles E. Osgood's continuing contributions to intercultural communication and far beyond!. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 36, 832-842.
  12. ↑ Hardy, S. (2012). Mediation. In D. Christie (Ed.), Encyclopedia of peace psychology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
  13. ↑ Kelman, H. C. (2002). Interactive problem solving: Informal mediation by the scholar-practitioner. In J. Bercovitch (Ed.), Studies in international mediation: Essays in honor of Jeffrey Z. Rubin (pp. 167-193). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/node/831
  14. ↑ d' Estrée, T. P. (2012). Addressing intractable conflict through interactive problem-solving. In L. R. Tropp (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of intergroup conflict (pp. 229-251). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  15. ↑ Kempf, W. (2012). Peace journalism. In D. Christie (Ed.), Encyclopedia of peace psychology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
  16. ↑ Boehnke, K., & Shani, M. (2012). Activism, antiwar. In D. Christie (Ed.), Encyclopidia of peace psychology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.</
  17. ↑ Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
  18. ↑ Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2011). When groups meet: The dynamics of intergroup contact. New York, NY: Psychology Press.
  19. ↑ Wagner, U., & Hewstone, M. (2012). Intergroup contact. In L. R. Tropp (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of intergroup conflict (pp. 193-209). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  20. ↑ Paluck, Elizabeth Levy; Green, Seth Ariel; Green, Donald (2018). "The contact hypothesis re-evaluated". Behavioural Public Policy: 1–30. doi: 10.1017/bpp.2018.25 .
  21. ↑ Montero, M., & Sonn, C. C. (Eds.) (2009). Psychology of liberation: Theory and applications. New York: Springer.
  22. ↑ Bläsi, B. (2004). Gewaltfreier Widerstand. In G. Sommer & A. Fuchs (Eds.), Krieg und Frieden: Handbuch der Konflikt- und Friedenspsychologie (pp. 412-424). Weinheim: Beltz.
  23. ↑ Macnair, R. M. (2012). Traumatic stress, perpetration-induced. In D. Christie (Ed.), Encyclopedia of peace psychology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
  24. ↑ Kantner, E. (2007). Shock and awe hits home: U.S. health costs of the war in Iraq. Washington, DC: Physicians for Social Responsibility.
  25. ↑ Hamber, B. (2009). Transforming societies after political violence: Truth, reconciliation, and mental health. New York: Springer.
  26. 1 2 De Rivera, J. (2012). Culture of peace. In D. Christie (Ed.), Encyclopedia of peace psychology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
  27. ↑ Fuchs, A. (2004). Kultur und Krieg In G. Sommer & A. Fuchs (Eds.), Krieg und Frieden: Handbuch der Konflikt- und Friedenspsychologie (pp. 383-396). Weinheim: Beltz.
  28. ↑ Stellmacher, J., & Sommer, G. (2012). Human rights and human rights violations, psychological aspects of. In D. Christie (Ed.), Encyclopedia of peace psychology (Vol. 2, pp. 514-518). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
  29. ↑ See http://peacepsychology.org/peace-course-syllabi/
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