Golden Bough (Aeneid)

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(Barcelona) The Golden Bough - Joseph Mallord William Turner - Tate Britain.jpg
Detail of The Golden Bough by J. M. W. Turner (1834)

The Golden Bough is a fantastical object described in one of the episodes of the Aeneid . The Aeneid is an epic poem by the Roman poet Virgil composed between 29 and 19 BCE, which narrates the adventures of the Trojan hero Aeneas after the Trojan War. The episode of the Golden Bough is found in its sixth book and is part of Aeneas's journey into the underworld. The bough itself acts as proof of Aeneas's divine favour, and allows him to pass into the underworld with the consent of its ferryman, Charon.

Contents

Virgil's portrayal of the bough has no direct literary antecedents, though it draws on several precedents from literature, folklore and philosophy. Scholars have connected it to, among others, the Golden Fleece in the story of the Argonauts; the characteristic attributes of deities such as Hermes, Dionysus and Circe; and the branches carried by prospective initiates into the Eleusinian Mysteries, a Greek religious rite centred around a symbolic journey into the underworld. Virgil associates it symbolically both with the world of the dead and that of the gods, and therefore with both death and immortality.

Early interpretations of the Golden Bough often gave it an allegorical function, particularly via Pythagorean and Neoplatonist philosophy, which interpreted it as a symbol of the choice between virtue and vice. Medieval commentators often considered it a symbol of wisdom, while Francis Bacon connected it to the life-force he believed to exist beneath the earth. In the twentieth century, scholars following the Harvard School interpretation of the Aeneid argued that Virgil's use of the bough reflected his ambivalence around the hero Aeneas and his mission to set in motion the rise of the Roman Empire.

In the fourth or fifth century CE, the commentator Servius connected the bough to the institution of the rex Nemorensis , a priesthood at Lake Nemi of the goddess Diana which was passed on by the killing of its current holder. This equation influenced the Scottish anthropologist James George Frazer, who used the bough as the title for his 1890 work on comparative religion. The bough was the subject of an 1834 painting by J. M. W. Turner, which was used as the frontispiece for the early edtions of Frazer's book. It was also an influential motif in the "Byzantium" poems of W. B. Yeats and in the poetry of Seamus Heaney, who made several translations of Virgil's account of the episode. Several scholars have also drawn parallels between the Golden Bough and significant objects in the fantasy works of J. R. R. Tolkien.

In Virgil's Aeneid

The Aeneid, an epic poem composed by the Roman poet Virgil between 29 and 19 BCE, narrates the journey of Aeneas, a Trojan survivor of the Trojan War, to the land of Italy. [1] Upon Aeneas's arrival in Italy, Deiphobe – the Sibyl of Cumae, a priestess of Apollo and an old woman over seven hundred years old – escorts him into the underworld to seek the shade of his father, Anchises. [2]

Before entering the underworld, Deiphobe tells Aeneas he must first bury Misenus, a comrade of his who has recently died, and also obtain the Golden Bough which grows in a grove nearby. This bough must be given as a gift to Proserpina, [a] the queen of Pluto, king of the underworld. In the woods, Aeneas's mother, the goddess Venus, sends two doves to aid him in this difficult task, and these help him to find the tree. When Aeneas tears off the bough, a second golden bough springs up in its place, as the Sibyl had told him it would. [4]

The Trojans, led by Corynaeus, carry out the funerary rites for Misenus, allowing Aeneas to start his descent into the Underworld. The Sibyl shows the Golden Bough to Charon, who only then allows them to enter his boat and cross the River Styx. [5] Aeneas and the Sibyl move through the Underworld, seeing the shades of the dead as well as the punishments meted out in Tartarus. Aeneas puts the Golden Bough on the arched door of Pluto's palace, and goes through to the Elysian Fields, the home of the just, where he meets his father. [6]

Antecedents and possible inspiration

Mercury (centre) holding the caduceus, a possible antecedent for the Golden Bough. Ixion, punished in Tartarus, is on the left. Roman fresco from Pompeii, c. 79 CE Pompeii - Casa dei Vettii - Ixion.jpg
Mercury (centre) holding the caduceus, a possible antecedent for the Golden Bough. Ixion, punished in Tartarus, is on the left. Roman fresco from Pompeii, c. 79 CE

Virgil's treatment of the Golden Bough merges folkloric, philosophical and literary precedents; it has no direct antecedents, and some early critics, such as the mid–first century CE commentator Lucius Annaeus Cornutus, considered the episode to have been entirely Virgil's invention. [7] The classicist Raymond J. Clark connects the bough with the caduceus, the golden staff carried by the god Mercury, among whose roles was to escort the souls of the dead to the Underworld; [8] in the Odyssey and Homeric Hymns , Hermes is referred to as χρυσόρραπις Ἀργειφόντης, "bearing the golden bough of Argicida" in Ezra Pound's formulation. [9] Nicholas Horsfall suggests that it may equally echo the golden wand of Circe in the Odyssey, the golden sceptres carried by the shades of Tiresias and Minos in the same poem, or the carved fig-branch left on the tomb of Prosymnus by the god Dionysus. [10] The classicist Damien Nelis suggests that Virgil's Golden Bough echoes the narrative of the Greek hero Jason and the Argonauts; Jason is guided through the Clashing Rocks by a dove, and ultimately obtains the Golden Fleece which, like the bough, is found in an oak grove. [11]

The classicist Jan Bremmer suggests that the bough recalls the branches of myrtle carried by prospective initiates into the Eleusinian Mysteries, a mystery religion of ancient Attica centered around the myth of Proserpina and a symbolic descent into the Underworld. It may thus also allude to a Descent of Heracles, [12] a lost poem in a tradition of works narrating the journey of the hero Heracles to the underworld during his twelve labours, [13] since Heracles was first initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries. [12] The classicist Agnes Michels suggests that Virgil may have been inspired by the 1st century BCE poet Meleager, whose poetic anthology The Garland included a reference to "the ever-golden branch of divine Plato shining all round with virtue". [14]

The classicist Charles Segal connects the bough, via its close association with the death of Misenus, to the folkloric motif of another's death being required for a hero to enter the Underworld, as depicted with that of Elpenor in the Odyssey. [15] Ancient Greek and Roman culture connected gold with both the world of the dead, particularly the chthonic deities Persephone (known as Proserpina in Latin) and Demeter (known in Latin as Ceres), and the world of the Olympian gods; it was therefore associated with the concept of immortality. [16]

In the fourth or fifth century CE, the commentator Servius connected the bough to the institution of the rex Nemorensis (or "king of the grove"), a priest at Lake Nemi of the goddess Diana. The title of rex Nemorensis was passed on by the killing of its current holder. [17] To challenge the priest for his office, a contender had to break off a branch from the grove of trees around the sanctuary, an act which was otherwise forbidden. [18] Domizio Calderini and Pietro Crinito, two scholars of the Italian Renaissance, [b] suggested that the Golden Bough should be identified as mistletoe, [20] with which Virgil compares it in a simile. [21] They therefore saw it as a reference to the ritual use of that plant by druids in ancient Celtic religion. [20] This interpretation was taken up by James Sowerby in his 1805 work English Botany, and through this influenced the anthropologist James George Frazer in choosing the bough for the title of his 1890 volume on comparative religion and ritual. [22]

Interpretation

Deiphobe Leading Aeneas in the Underworld, Claude Lorrain, c. 1673 Deiphobe and Aeneas in the Underworld by Claude Gellee.jpg
Deiphobe Leading Aeneas in the Underworld, Claude Lorrain, c. 1673

The classicist Anthony Ossa-Richardson calls the Golden Bough "the central detail of the central book of what was, from late antiquity to the end of the Renaissance, the most significant and prestigious work of pagan literature in Western Europe". [23] In Horsfall's formulation, it acts as a sort of talisman to grant Aeneas safe passage through the underworld, perhaps analogous to the diploma carried by Roman travellers on official business, or the moly given to Odysseus by Hermes to protect him from Circe's magic in the Odyssey. [24]

Virgil describes the bough as cunctantem ('hesitating') as Aeneas attempts to remove it from its tree: this follows the Sibyl's pronouncement that the bough would "come easily of its own accord", if Aeneas's journey were ordained by fate. Servius attempted to neutralise ambivalent readings of the episode of the Golden Bough, which suggested that the bough's hesitation may imply that Aeneas is not truly favoured or endorsed by the gods. The classicist Richard F. Thomas argues that Servius's attempts to suppress this interpretation indicate that it was already current by the time of his commentary. [25]

From the late seventeenth century, scholars began to analyse the Golden Bough as evidence for Virgil's biography, and to conjecture potential motivations for including it in the poem. The Danish scholar Ole Borch, in a 1688 dissertation on the history of chemistry, suggested that the bough's nature implied Virgil's familiarity with the principles of alchemy. [26] In 1724, the English geologist John Beaumont suggested that Virgil had himself visited Cumae and been guided through its subterranean passages by a Sibyl. [27]

In modern scholarship, ambivalent readings of the Golden Bough are characteristic of the Harvard School, a school of thought which attempts to trace pessimistic or anti-Augustan messages in the Aeneid and sees Aeneas as a flawed hero. R. A. Brooks's 1953 article "Discolor aura: Reflections on the Golden Bough", [28] often considered the first work of the Harvard School, [29] argued that previous commentators had neglected the symbolic and suggestive aspects of the Golden Bough episode. [30] Brooks considers it to highlight Aeneas's ignorance of the full implications of his destiny, the distorted and ambiguous nature of Virgil's language, and Aeneas's inability to achieve a final state of success. [31] Adam Parry, a prominent member of the Harvard School, describes the bough as "a symbol of splendor and lifelessness". [32]

Charles Segal, another member of the Harvard School, [33] discusses the discrepancy between the Sibyl's instructions to Aeneas – that the bough will "come easily of its own accord", if Aeneas's journey is ordained by fate – and what occurs when he reaches the bough; the bough momentarily resists him. [34] He suggests that the episode's incidental nature to the plot of the Aeneid, as well as the close proximity between the instructions and the bough's resistance, suggests that Virgil intended the discrepancy and that it is significant to the poem. [35] He sees Aeneas's taking of the bough as "a symbolical anticipation of the rude loss of innocence" that awaits the land of Italy, and more generally indicative of the poem's "divided attitude to the destiny of Rome and the cost of empire". [36] Elsewhere, he writes that the bough is closely associated with death, a connection made through the juxtaposition of it with mentions of the recently dead Misenus, and other references to death and the afterlife. [37] He argues, therefore, that it serves to unite the stories of MIsenus, Palinurus (another of Aeneas's comrades killed at sea) and Daedalus as narrated in the Aeneid. [38]

Allegorical and metaphorical interpretations

Adam and Eve beneath the Tree of Knowledge, workshop of Lucas Cranach the Elder, c. 1527 Adam and Eve by the Workshop of Lucas Cranach (I). Ostergotlands museum.jpg
Adam and Eve beneath the Tree of Knowledge, workshop of Lucas Cranach the Elder, c. 1527

The late antique Christian poet Faltonia Betitia Proba composed the Cento Vergilianus de laudibus Christi , a rearrangement of the Aeneid to tell the story of the life of Christ, in the fourth century CE. In her reformulation, the verses concerning the Golden Bough are repurposed to refer to the Tree of Knowledge in the Garden of Eden from the Book of Genesis. [39] Proba's approximate contemporary, Servius, interpreted the bough as an allegory of the Pythagorean interpretation of human life, by which the shape of the branch was intended to recall the Y-shaped path Pythagoras considered open to human beings upon coming of age: the choice between a life of vice and one of virtue. [17] In the Christian commentary of Fulgentius, written around 500 CE, the taking of the Golden Bough is interpreted as an allegory for the acquisition of knowledge. [40]

Two medieval groups of Neoplatonist Christian scholars followed Servius in writing allegorical interpretations of the Golden Bough aligned with Platonic thought. One group, based in Chartres (or possibly Paris) in France, was active in the mid-twelfth century. These included Bernardus Silvestris, [41] who concurred with Servius's interpretation of the bough as representing human beings' Y-shaped moral choice, and added that the image of a tree echoed that of a human body "shady with the heaviness of the flesh". [42] He further argued that the Y-shaped branch was representative of the division of philosophy into its theoretical and practical branches, which were both constitutive of wisdom, represented by the golden nature of the bough. Bernardus's approximate contemporary, John of Salisbury, made a similar argument in which the bough stood for the "virtuous effort" necessary to acquire wisdom. [43]

The second group, based in fifteenth-century Florence, [41] similarly treated the bough as symbolic of philosophical wisdom, making little addition to the interpretation put forward by Servius. These included Coluccio Salutati, Cristoforo Landino and Marsilio Ficino; Ficino interpreted the bough as "the light of reason" granted by divine mercy. [44] Commentaries made on the Aeneid throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, including those of Erasmus, Juan Luis de la Cerda, Jacobus Pontanus, Friedrich Taubmann, John Boys and Charles de la Rue, largely followed Servius's approach. [45] An exception was that of Francis Bacon, who saw the taking of the bough as an allegory for the act of harnessing the natural power or life-force Bacon believed to be imprisoned beneath the earth. [46] Such allegorical readings had largely fallen from favour by the early eighteenth century: Antoine Banier described them as "the fruit of poets' imagination" in 1724. [47] An anonymous pamphlet, published in London in 1697, listed the bough among Virgil's "faults against Probability". [48]

In Alexander Ross's 1638 Virgilii evangelisantis christiados libri XIII, a retelling of the Old Testament and the life of Christ in Virgilian Latin, the Golden Bough is used to stand in for the olive branch given to Noah to indicate the end of the Great Flood. Ross, following the Neoplatonists, also calls the bough "a bough of divine eloquence ... Christ brought us". [49] The French poet Paul Scarron, in his parodic burlesque Virgile traverstie (composed between 1648 and 1649), satirically compared the lustre of the bough with that of the Jacobus or the Louis d'or, respectively English and French gold coins of his era. A similar parody appeared in the 1672 Cataplus of Maurice Atkins, in which the glow of the bough was compared with that of glow-worms, frost, and the "frothy trash which sluggish snail / draws along the ground at tail". [50]

Reception

By J. M. W. Turner

The Golden Bough (1834) by J. M. W. Turner (Barcelona) The Golden Bough - Joseph Mallord William Turner - Tate Britain.jpg
The Golden Bough (1834) by J. M. W. Turner

The English painter J. M. W. Turner painted several scenes based on Virgil's Aeneid, including Lake Avernus: Aeneas and the Cumaean Sibyl of 1814–1815. He painted the Sibyl again in 1823's The Bay of Baiae , [51] to which his The Golden Bough was described by John Ruskin as a sequel. [52] The Golden Bough was exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1834; its imagery was based on Turner's reading of Christopher Pitt's translation of Virgil. [53] Unlike his previous paintings based on Aeneid 6, which were probably commissioned by the antiquarian Sir Richard Hoare, [54] the decision to depict the Golden Bough seems to have been Turner's own. [55] The art historian Eric Shanes suggests that Turner was inspired by the death of his father in 1829. [56]

Turner's painting diverges from Virgil's narrative on several points: Aeneas is not present, though the Sibyl holds up the Golden Bough, which does not leave Aeneas's possession in the Aeneid after he removes it from the tree until he deposits it in the underworld. The scene also depicts several half-dancers and two women, apparently watching them. They seem to ignore the bough itself; Shanes interprets this as a statement about the indifference of human beings, possibly towards religion or possibly towards art. [57] He further describes the painting as a reflection on the discrepancy between the mortality of an artist and the immortality of art. [58]

By James George Frazer

The Scottish anthropologist James George Frazer used the Golden Bough as the title for his 1890 work on comparative religion. [59] Frazer took as axiomatic Servius's equation of the Virgilian bough with the branches in the grove of Diana at Nemi, and that the branch itself was of mistletoe. [60] Frazer gave detailed instructions for the appearance of the book, which included a cover embossed with a design of golden mistletoe, commissioned from John Henry Middleton (the director of Cambridge's Fitzwilliam Museum), and Turner's The Golden Bough as the book's frontispiece. [61] [c]

In the first edition of The Golden Bough, Frazer described it as an effort to explain the rituals surrounding the grove of Nemi – specifically, to explain why the priesthood was passed on by the killing of its holder, and why the challenger had to first break off a branch from a tree. [63] He argued for a parallel between the rex Nemorensis and the Norse god Baldr, whom Frazer considered to represent the spirit of the oak tree. Baldr is killed in mythology by a shaft of mistletoe, and Frazer ttherefore argued that both killings represent the preservation of the vital force of plant life by killing a person who embodies it before that person can grow old and so cause the life-force to dissipate. [60] These equations were largely invented by Frazer himself, and consist of little more than conjecture. [64] From the third edition onwards, he downplayed the importance of Nemi and the Golden Bough to his work, instead arguing that it was merely a convenient preface to a broader discussion of comparative religion. [65]

By J. R. R. Tolkien

Aeneas and Charon by Wenceslas Hollar.jpg
Aeneas and Charon
The golden bough by Wenceslas Hollar.jpg
The Golden Bough
Two etchings by the Bohemian artist Wenceslaus Hollar, then resident in London, depicting the Golden Bough. Hollar copied the pieces from earlier drawings by Francis Cleyn for John Ogilby's 1654 edition of Virgil's works. [66]

Scholars of the works of J. R. R. Tolkien have identified parallels with the golden bough in several objects depicted in The Lord of the Rings , his fantasy novel published in three parts between 1954 and 1955. [67] The literary critic Robert E. Morse sees Tolkien's character Aragorn, who is prophesied to restore and inherit the kingdom of Gondor, as an equivalent of Aeneas; he sees the herb athelas, which Aragorn uses to demonstrate his royal lineage to the steward Denethor, as corresponding to Virgil's Golden Bough. [68] The critic Charles A. Huttar sees the journey of the Company of the Ring into the Mines of Moria as an "Avernus of Tolkien's". [d] [70] He argues that the mines' enchanted door, which requires the Company to utter a secret word in order to pass, offers a close parallel to the role of the Golden Bough in the Aeneid. [71] Reading the same episode, James Obertino sees the light-bringing staff held by the wizard Gandalf and the mithril shirt worn by the protagonist Frodo as echoing the Golden Bough, since both give Frodo the psychological strength necessary for the symbolic katabasis (journey to the Underworld) represented by the mines. [72]

In the third part of The Lord of the Rings, The Return of the King , Frodo's companion Sam descends into the caves of Cirith Ungol, the home of the monstrous spider Shelob: this episode has also been interpreted as a symbolic katabasis. [73] The Phial of Galadriel, which Sam uses to ward off Shelob, has accordingly been interpreted as parallel to the Golden Bough. [74] The Virgilian scholar Kenneth J. Reckford  [ de ] sees the destruction of the One Ring at the climax of The Return of the King as echoing Aeneas's plucking of the Golden Bough, on the grounds that both are "in many ways, a kind of death"; he similarly sees the White Tree at the centre of Tolkien's city of Minas Tirith as a parallel to the bough, in that both "[reflect] the old, primitive awareness that victory is bought by human sacrifice, life won through death". [75] Considering Tolkien's earlier novel The Hobbit , published in 1937, Benjamin Eldon Stevens describes the protagonist Bilbo Baggins's journeys beneath the Misty Mountains and into the lair of the dragon Smaug as symbolic descents into the Underworld. [76] He contrasts Bilbo's discovery of the One Ring in the former episode, which is found in darkness and allows him to become invisible, with Aeneas's discovery of the Golden Bough, which is found outside the Underworld and allows the corporeal Aeneas to go where only incorporeal shades may usually pass. [77] He further compares the opening of Smaug's lair, which opens with a "gleam of light" and to the sound of a thrush's call, with the revelation of the Golden Bough in the Aeneid. [78]

In twentieth-century poetry

In his 1927 "Sailing to Byzantium", the Irish poet W. B. Yeats imagines himself as a golden bird "set upon a golden bough to sing / To lords and ladies of Byzantium"; the critic Jack Quin suggests that this may variously allude to Virgil, Turner, Frazer, or simply a painted twig. [79] [e] In his 1930 "Byzantium", written in response to criticisms of that image made by his fellow poet Thomas Sturge Moore, [81] Yeats invokes "the superhuman; / I call it death-in-life and life-in-death. / Miracle, bird or golden handiwork / ... Planted on the starlit golden bough". According to the critics Georg Roppen and Richard Sommer, Yeats draws upon the symbolic use of the Golden Bough in the Aeneid as representing the transition between life and death; they call it, for Yeats, "a threshold symbol – a passport into that purer and more perfect state of being into which the poet's soul will be born". [82]

Yeats's countryman Seamus Heaney made frequent use of the motif of the Golden Bough in his own poetry. According to the literary scholar Rachel Falconer, it inspired Heaney's depiction of a hazel divining-rod in his early poem "The Diviner", first published in 1965 and included in his 1966 collection Death of a Naturalist. [83] Heaney studied parts of the Aeneid as a child, and worked intensely on a translation of its sixth book from at least 1986, following the death of his father. [84] He worked on the Golden Bough episode continually from the mid-1980s, and published several versions of it throughout his life. [85] The first was published in the journal Translation in 1989, and he included an abridged version of it as the first poem of his 1991 collection Seeing Things . [84] Falconer suggests that this translation "underline[s] ... the significance of the golden bough motif at a crucial point in Heaney's career", and that Heaney connected it with the death of his mother in 1984 and that of his father in 1986. [86] His translation of Aeneid 6 was published posthumously in 2016. [87]

Footnotes

Explanatory notes

  1. ↑ Known in Greek as Persephone. [3]
  2. ↑ Crinitio lived from 1474 until 1507. [19]
  3. ↑ In the editions printed after 1959, the Turner painting was removed. [62]
  4. ↑ Lake Avernus, the place where Virgil's Aeneas enters the Underworld, could also by used metonymically in Latin for the Underworld itself. [69]
  5. ↑ Yeats knew Turner's painting, and spent long periods as a young man looking at it in London's National Gallery. [80]

References

  1. ↑ Clarke 2007, pp. 15–18.
  2. ↑ Stookey 2004, p. 67; Clarke 2007, pp. 42–43.
  3. ↑ Taylor 2000, p. 268.
  4. ↑ Virgil, Aeneid VI, lines 133–148, 183–210.
  5. ↑ Virgil, Aeneid VI, lines 384–416.
  6. ↑ Stookey 2004, p. 67; Clarke 2007, pp. 47–48.
  7. ↑ Segal 1965, p. 619.
  8. ↑ Clark 1979, p. 217, cited in Horsfall 2013, p. 153.
  9. ↑ Terrell, Carol F. Terrell (1980). A Companion to The Cantos of Ezra Pound. University of California Press. p. 3. ISBN   0-520-08287-7.
  10. ↑ Horsfall 2013, p. 153.
  11. ↑ Nelis 2001, pp. 240–241, cited in Bremmer 2009, p. 199.
  12. 1 2 Bremmer 2009, p. 200.
  13. ↑ Currie 2024, p. 24.
  14. ↑ Michels 1945, pp. 59–63, cited in Bremmer 2009, p. 199.
  15. ↑ Segal 1965, p. 622.
  16. ↑ Segal 1965, p. 627.
  17. 1 2 Ossa-Richardson 2008, pp. 345–346.
  18. ↑ Smith 1973, pp. 348–350.
  19. ↑ Nodes 2005, p. 524.
  20. 1 2 Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 365.
  21. ↑ Smith 1973, p. 357.
  22. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, pp. 365–366.
  23. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, pp. 341–342.
  24. ↑ Horsfall 2013, p. 156. On the diploma, see Mitchell 1976, pp. 125–126.
  25. ↑ Thomas 2001, pp. 99–100.
  26. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, pp. 358–359.
  27. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 361.
  28. ↑ Clausen 1995, p. 313; Harrison 2017, p. 77.
  29. ↑ Harrison 1990, p. 6, n. 24.
  30. ↑ Brooks 1953, p. 260.
  31. ↑ Brooks 1953, pp. 278–279.
  32. ↑ Parry 1963, p. 78.
  33. ↑ O'Hara 2013.
  34. ↑ Segal 1968, p. 75, 77.
  35. ↑ Segal 1968, p. 78.
  36. ↑ Segal 1968, pp. 78–79.
  37. ↑ Segal 1965, p. 621.
  38. ↑ Segal 1966, p. 34.
  39. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 342.
  40. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, pp. 348–349.
  41. 1 2 Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 348.
  42. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 349.
  43. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 350.
  44. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 352.
  45. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 353.
  46. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 354.
  47. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 362.
  48. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 363.
  49. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 355.
  50. ↑ Ossa-Richardson 2008, p. 356.
  51. ↑ Reynolds & Brown 2022, p. 25.
  52. ↑ Ruskin 1857, pp. 39–40.
  53. ↑ Shanes 1990, pp. 219, 221.
  54. ↑ Shanes 1990, p. 211.
  55. ↑ Shanes 1990, p. 220.
  56. ↑ Shanes 1990, p. 221.
  57. ↑ Shanes 1990, p. 222.
  58. ↑ Shanes 1990, pp. 37–38.
  59. ↑ Smith 1973, p. 342.
  60. 1 2 Smith 1973, p. 356.
  61. ↑ Beard 1992, p. 208.
  62. ↑ Falconer 2021, p. 18.
  63. ↑ Smith 1973, p. 343.
  64. ↑ Beard 1992, pp. 208–209.
  65. ↑ Beard 1992, p. 210.
  66. ↑ Godfrey 1994, p. 21.
  67. ↑ For the date and publication of The Lord of the Rings, see Bloom 2008, p. 188.
  68. ↑ Morse 1986, pp. 17–18.
  69. ↑ Penn 2023, p. 234.
  70. ↑ Huttar 2003, p. 118.
  71. ↑ Huttar 2003, p. 119.
  72. ↑ Obertino 1993, pp. 158–160.
  73. ↑ Walsh 2007, p. 122.
  74. ↑ Walsh 2007, p. 123; Day 2019, p. 340.
  75. ↑ Reckford 1974, pp. 87, 90.
  76. ↑ Stevens 2017, pp. 130–134.
  77. ↑ Stevens 2017, p. 129.
  78. ↑ Stevens 2017, p. 142.
  79. ↑ Quin 2022, p. 33.
  80. ↑ Ellmann 1979, p. 255.
  81. ↑ Bradford 1960, pp. 118–119.
  82. ↑ Roppen & Sommer 1964, pp. 344–345.
  83. ↑ Falconer 2021, pp. 15–16.
  84. 1 2 Falconer 2021, p. 13.
  85. ↑ Falconer 2021, p. 23.
  86. ↑ Falconer 2021, pp. 13–14.
  87. ↑ Torrance & O'Rourke 2020, p. 8.

Works cited

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