Internment camps in Ethiopia during the prime ministership of Abiy Ahmed during the 2020s include camps holding Tigrayans during the Tigray war, [1] [2] [3] Eritreans, [4] and Amharas during the war in Amhara. [5] [6]
Internment camps to hold Tigrayans were run during the Tigray war, starting in November 2020, when 700 ethnic Tigrayans were detained in Addis Ababa. The number dropped to around 300 in December 2020. Authorities cited the reason for detention as being suspicion of links to the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). [7] An Abbadi warehouse detention site in Mai Kadra held 3000 to 8000 detainees, including 400 chlidren and people aged in their 70s and 80s, during November 2020, with no provision of food or water by the camp guards; Doctors Without Borders had access to the camp and provided food and water. [1]
In April 2021, 500 ethnic Tigrayans were held under arbitrary arrest based on their ethnic identity in an Addis Ababa detention centre. [8] Conditions were described as "miserable" by a health worker, with around 30 detainees per room. None of the detainees had been brought before a judge as of May 2021. [7] A wave of arrests of ethnic Tigrayans and of journalists took place in July 2021. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) stated that it was monitoring the detentions. [9]
In September, Amhara Region forces detained "thousands" of ethnic Tigrayan men, women and children, residents of Humera, in detention centres that witnesses described to The Daily Telegraph as concentration camps, in which eyes were removed from one victim, victims' limbs were cut off and bodies were thrown into mass graves. According to a participant of a public meeting in Humera, the Amhara forces stated, "We should exterminate all Tigrayan residents in the city. We must cleanse them all." An administrative list indicating residents's identification as Tigrayan from their identity cards was used to find Tigrayans in house-to-house operations. [10] [11] Salon.com , based on witness reports by former detainees and doctors, satellite imagery and video recordings, stated that children among the detainees were starved and abused. [1]
In November 2021, a wave of ethnicity-based arrests of Tigrayans including "dozens of priests, monks, deacons and others" took place. [12] The New York Times described these as having "swept up anyone of Tigrayan descent, many of whom had no ties to the rebels or even affinity for them," including "mothers with children and the elderly". Laetitia Bader of HRW described the state of emergency, which formally permitted the mass detentions, as "'legitimizing and legalizing unlawful practices' and creating a 'real climate of fear'." [13] On 20 November, Genocide Watch classified the Ethiopian situation as including stage 8 of genocide, persecution. [14]
Based on its investigation including "26 interviews with prisoners, medical personnel, officials, local residents and relatives, and on a review of satellite imagery, social media posts and medical records", The Washington Post found that on one day in November 2021, 83 Tigrayan prisoners were executed in the Mirab Abaya detention camp, which held from 2000 to 2500 Tigrayan soldiers and former soldiers, by about 18 of the camp guards. The victims' bodies were piled in a mass gave near the camp entrance. The massacre stopped when Girma Ayele, a colonel, arrived. Girma stated that the guards suspected of the killings were arrested. [15]
Officials in Mirab Abaya made announcements on loudspeakers requesting locals to kill any escapees. Among a group of prisoners who escaped from the camp during the massacre, most were lynched by a group of local residents. [15]
The EHRC stated that it was investigating the massacre. [15]
Torture and beatings were systematic at the camps. [2] In the Abbadi camp in November 2020, guards stated in response to a request for the purchase of insulin for a detainee with diabetes, "We are not here to treat you; we are here to kill you. We are gathering the Tigrayan refugees here to kill them." [1]
In November 2021, Salsay Weyane Tigray estimated 20,000 to 30,000 detentions of Tigrayans outside of war zones. [2] African Citizens estimated the number of Tigrayans held "just for the crime of who they are or where they come from" to be 40,000 on 26 November 2021. [16] On the same day, Clark, Lapsley & Alton estimated 30,000 Tigrayan civilians detained in Addis Ababa, 15,000 Tigrayan military detained since late 2020, and unknown numbers of Tigrayans held in western Tigray and elsewhere in Ethiopia. [3]
In July 2022, Eritrean refugees were held in detention camps near Debarq in Amhara Region and near Alemwach. [4]
During the war in Amhara, Amharas were held in detention centres that were overcrowded and had insufficient access to medical care, leading to two hundred deaths in September 2023 due to a cholera outbreak. [5] [6]
The 2020s camps holding Tigrayans were described as concentration camps by Jonathan Hutson, writing in Salon.com , who argued that the term was justified on the basis of thousands of adults and hundreds of children being "held in harsh conditions, systematically starved and beaten because of their ethnicity and with no judicial process or valid legal pretext" by Ethiopian security forces. [1]
In November 2021, on online social media, journalists, politicians and pro-government activists called for Tigrayans to be held in what they referred to as concentration camps. [13] Online footage of the detention centres for Amharas in September 2023 described them as concentration camps. [6]
The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention stated that the 2023 camps holding Amharas were concentration camps. [6]
Locations of the internment centres include the Awash Arba and Awash Sebat detention centres in Afar Region; [2] a detention centre near Gelan Condominiums in Addis Ababa; [9] [2] [6] an Abbadi warehouse compound in Mai Kadra; [1] a camp at Mirab Abaya; [15] and a camp holding Amharas in September 2023 in Tulu Dimtu according to the Amhara Association of America. [6]
Internment is the imprisonment of people, commonly in large groups, without charges or intent to file charges. The term is especially used for the confinement "of enemy citizens in wartime or of terrorism suspects". Thus, while it can simply mean imprisonment, it tends to refer to preventive confinement rather than confinement after having been convicted of some crime. Use of these terms is subject to debate and political sensitivities. The word internment is also occasionally used to describe a neutral country's practice of detaining belligerent armed forces and equipment on its territory during times of war, under the Hague Convention of 1907.
Welkait is a woreda in Western Zone, Tigray Region. This woreda is bordered to the north by Humera and to the south by Tsegede. It is bordered on the east by the North West Zone; the woredas of Tahtay Adiyabo and Asgede Tsimbla lie to the north-east, on the other side of the Tekezé River, and Tselemti to the east. The administrative center of Welkait is Addi Remets; other towns in the woreda include Mai'gaba and Awura.
Abiy Ahmed Ali is an Ethiopian politician who is the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia since 2018 and the leader of the Prosperity Party since 2019. He was awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize "for his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea". Abiy served as the third chairman of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that governed Ethiopia for 28 years and the first person of Oromo descent to hold that position. Abiy is a member of the Ethiopian parliament, and was a member of the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), one of the then four coalition parties of the EPRDF, until its rule ceased in 2019 and he formed his own party, the Prosperity Party.
The Tigray war was an armed conflict that lasted from 3 November 2020 to 3 November 2022. It was a civil war that was primarily fought in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia between forces allied to the Ethiopian federal government and Eritrea on one side, and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) on the other.
The Mai Kadra massacre was a massacre and ethnic cleansing carried out during the Tigray War on 9–10 November 2020 in the town of Mai Kadra in Welkait in northwestern Ethiopia, near the Sudanese border. Responsibility was attributed to a pro-TPLF youth group and forces loyal to the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in the EHRC-OHCHR Tigray Investigation, preliminary investigations by Amnesty International, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) and the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO), and interviews conducted in Mai Kadra by Agence France-Presse. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and EHRC reported that at least 5 Tigrayans were killed in Mai Kadra by Amhara militas such as Fano in retaliation. Tigrayan refugees in Sudan told multiple news outlets that Tigrayans in Mai Kadra were targeted by either Amhara militias, the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), or both.
On 3–4 November 2020, forces loyal to the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) launched attacks on the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) Northern Command headquarters in Mekelle and bases in Adigrat, Agula, Dansha, and Sero in the Tigray Region, marking the beginning of the Tigray War. The Ethiopian federal government stated that these attacks justified the ENDF's military action against the TPLF, which, at the time the attacks occurred, held control over the Tigray Region. The TPLF described the action as "a pre-emptive strike."
Ethnic discrimination in Ethiopia during and since the Haile Selassie epoch has been described using terms including "racism", "ethnification", "ethnic identification, ethnic hatred, ethnicization", and "ethnic profiling". During the Haile Selassie period, Amhara elites perceived the southern minority languages as an obstacle to the development of an Ethiopian national identity. Ethnic discrimination occurred during the Haile Selassie and Mengistu Haile Mariam epochs against Hararis, Afars, Tigrayans, Eritreans, Somalis and Oromos. Ethnic federalism was implemented by Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) leader Meles Zenawi and discrimination against Amharas, Ogaden, Oromos and other ethnic groups continued during TPLF rule. Liberalisation of the media after Abiy Ahmed became prime minister in 2018 led to strengthening of media diversity and strengthening of ethnically focussed hate speech. Ethnic profiling targeting Tigrayans occurred during the Tigray War that started in November 2020.
All sides of the Tigray war have been repeatedly accused of committing war crimes since it began in November 2020. In particular, the Ethiopian federal government, the State of Eritrea, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and Amhara Special Forces (ASF) have been the subject of numerous reports of both war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The OLA insurgency is an armed conflict between the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), which split from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in 2018, and the Ethiopian government, continuing in the context of the long-term Oromo conflict, typically dated to have started with the formation of the Oromo Liberation Front in 1973.
The 2021–2022 Ethiopian state of emergency was issued by the Ethiopian Government on 2 November 2021 and put into effect on 5 November by the Ethiopian parliament, which acted the bill from the executive government of the country into law. The six month state of emergency grants federal authorities "sweeping powers to arrest and detain critics, impose curfews and restrict the news media" as well as conscript any citizen over 18 to fight in the Tigray War.
The TDF–OLA joint offensive was a rebel offensive in the Tigray War and the OLA insurgency starting in late October 2021 launched by a joint rebel coalition of the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) and Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) against the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) and government. The TDF and OLA took control of several towns south of the Amhara Region in the direction of the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa in late October and early November. Claims of war crimes included that of the TDF extrajudicially executing 100 youths in Kombolcha, according to deral authorities.
This Timeline of the Tigray War is part of a chronology of the military engagements of the Tigray War, a civil war that began in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia in early November 2020.
Predictions of a genocide in Ethiopia, particularly one that targets Tigrayans, Amharas and/or Oromos, have frequently occurred during the 2020s, particularly in the context of the Tigray War and Ethiopia's broader civil conflict.
Since the 1990s, the Amhara people of Ethiopia have been subject to ethnic violence, including massacres by Tigrayan, Oromo and Gumuz ethnic groups among others, which some have characterized as a genocide. Large-scale killings and grave human rights violations followed the implementation of the ethnic-federalist system in the country. In most of the cases, the mass murders were silent with perpetrators from various ethno-militant groups—from TPLF/TDF, OLF–OLA, and Gumuz armed groups.
The Amhara Association of America (AAA) (Amharic: የዐማራ ማህበር በአሜሪካ) is a non-profit ethno-nationalist organization based in Charlotte, North Carolina, focused on advocating for the human rights of the Amhara people in Ethiopia.
The Addis Ababa Federal Police is the law enforcement division of the Ethiopian Federal Police operating in Addis Ababa City Administration. Established in 2003 by Proclamation of Council of Ministers No.96/2003, it has the main duty of safeguard public security and peace and comply to the Constitution and the law of the country by preventing crimes. It is administered by the Addis Ababa City Administration Police Commission, which is responsible to the Federal Police Commission of Ethiopia.
The Ethiopia–Tigray peace agreement, also called the Pretoria Agreement or the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA), is a peace treaty between the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) that was signed 2 November 2022, wherein both parties agreed to a "permanent cessation of hostilities" to end the Tigray war. The agreement was made effective the next day on 3 November, marking the two-year anniversary of the war.
The Kombolcha massacre was the mass extrajudicial and summary execution of over 100 ethnic Amhara civilian youths by the Tigray Defense Forces in South Wollo, in the Amhara Region of Ethiopia. Bodies of the victims were set on fire at a business compound in the town. Kombolcha was described as a key warring location and is found on the A2 highway leading into Addis Ababa, where the Tigrayan forces were advancing to the capital. Looting of aid, and private and public properties was also reported. Kombolcha town is the industrial hub of the Amhara region.
Political repression is a visible scenario under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed after 2018, characterized by severe human rights violation, restriction of press, speeches, dissents, activism and journalism that are critical to his government. Similar to TPLF-led EPRDF regime, there was a raise of censorship in the country, particularly internet shutdowns under the context of anti-terror legislation labelling them "disinformation and war narratives" since the raise of armed conflict in Ethiopia. In June 2018, Abiy unblocked 64 internet access that include blogs and news outlets.
Anti-Tigrayan sentiment is a broad opposition, discrimination, hatred and bias against Tigrayans that reside in northern Ethiopia. During the EPRDF era, anti-Tigrayan views have been common among Ethiopians, particularly after the 2005 general election. Not only the irregularities of election caused the sentiment, but also the EPRDF was becoming more authoritarian dictatorship. It also created discontent among Amharas and Oromos; the Oromos demanded justice after an abrupt master plan to expand boundaries of Addis Ababa into Oromia Region, resulted in mass protests.