Benishangul-Gumuz conflict | |||||||
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Part of the Ethiopian civil conflict (2018–present) | |||||||
Location of Benishangul-Gumuz Region in Ethiopia | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
Fano militias [3] | Gumuz People’s Democratic Movement [4] Benishangul People's Liberation Movement [5] Oromo Liberation Army [6] Tigray People's Liberation Front (alleged) [6] Support: Sudan (Gumuz militiamen only) [7] Egypt (alleged by Ethiopia) [8] | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Abiy Ahmed Ashadli Hussein | Abdul Wahab Mehdi Isa (BPLM) [5] | ||||||
Strength | |||||||
500+[ citation needed ] | |||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
Unknown | 137 killed [9] [10] 28 killed [11] [9] | ||||||
437–537 civilians killed [12] [2] [13] [14] [15] Estimated 100,000 internally displaced and 7,000 refugees [16] |
The Benishangul-Gumuz conflict was an armed conflict mostly in the Metekel Zone of the Benishangul-Gumuz Region in Ethiopia that started in 2019, until peace agreement signed between the rebel groups and the government of Ethiopia in October 2022. [6]
Benishangul-Gumuz is home to several different ethnicities including the Gumuz, Berta, Shinasha, Mao, Komo and Fadashi. The Gumuz have had tensions with agricultural Amhara, Oromos, Tigrayans and Agaw migrants, who in Metekel Zone constitute minority ethnic groups. Large scale land acquisitions by both local and foreign investors have pushed the Gumuz off the land. [16] [17] The Benishangul-Gumuz constitution was revised in 2002 to designate the Gumuz, Shinasha, Berta, Komo, and Mao as “owners” and disenfranchised all other ethnic groups as residents, but not citizens, limiting their prospects in economic participation and political representation. [18] Gumuz are alleged to have formed militias such as Buadin and the Gumuz Liberation Front that have staged attacks against those seen as "settlers". [19] [20] [21] Local officials admitted and then apologized for orchestrating ethnic killings as a way to push back against the ruling Prosperity Party which was alleged to be planning to eliminate self rule for the country's ethnic groups. [16] Some Amhara groups calling for Metekel to be incorporated into Amhara. The Chairman of an Amhara group called Fano, Solomon Atanaw, said in March 2020 that Fano would not disarm without Metekel zone being part of Amhara Region. [22] At a public meeting with prime minister Abiy Ahmed on 22 December, Zebid Budna of Kamashi Zone attributed the violence to the Oromo Liberation Army. [13]
Around this time, the federal government was waging a war with the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and has often blamed the TPLF for problems around the country. [17] Ashadli Hussein, president of the Benishangul-Gumuz Region, blamed the (TPLF) as holding the main responsibility [6] and stated that there were many groups associated with political parties encouraging the armed conflict. He blamed the TPLF as holding the main responsibility. [6]
Benishangul-Gumuz is also home to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), which has caused tensions with neighboring Sudan and Egypt because of the dam's effect on the Nile river downstream. Sudan recently laid claim to Guba district in the Metekel zone closest to Sudan where the GERD lies, citing the belief that Guba was gifted to Emperor Menelik II by Khalifa Abdullahi. [16] The government has blamed Egypt of assisting the Gumuz militia. [23] The federal Ethiopian government, run by Prosperity Party (PP), attributed major responsibility for massacres to the TPLF and to the Egyptian government in relation to the GERD, with Towabeb Mehret of the PP stating, "The groups who are benefiting from this [violence] are terrorists getting orders from the TPLF". [17] Assosa University researcher Tsegaye Berhanu criticised this point of view, stating that the government "should not externalise problems and point fingers at political opposition parties. It should try to understand the real causes [of the violence] and address [them]." [17]
The Amhara Region coup d'état attempt took place on 22 June 2019. Early on the morning of 23 June, armed men suspected to be supportive of the leader of the attempted coup killed 37 people and wounded 18 in the Metekel Zone. [24]
Weeks of attacks on civilians took place in Metekel Zone in early September, especially in Bulan. Online social media estimated 150 deaths, which Atinkut Shitu, administrator of Metekel Zone, disputed. According to social media as summarised by Addis Standard , the targets were ethnic Amharans. Officials stated that the attacks had no ethnic motivations. [2]
12–40 people were killed over a personal dispute over a stolen firearm in Metekel zone. Amhara politicians claim it was an attack on members of the Amhara ethnic group by Gumuz militias. [19]
A 14 November attack on a passenger bus in Benishangul-Gumuz killed at least 34 people. [12] It occurred in Benishangul-Gumuz Region, as the bus was travelling between Wenbera and Chagni in the context of the wider Metekel conflict. [25] Aljazeera reported that the violence as ethnically motivated, and targeted campaign by ethnic Gumuz militias against ethnic Amhara and Agew living in Metekel. [26]
In December 2020, Ashadli stated that federal and regional security forces were coordinating in "annihilating 'anti-peace forces', arresting them, and confiscating firearms". [6] Vice-president of the Benishangul-Gumuz Region, Getahun Abdisa, described the region's actions in terms of a "coordinated effort between the regional government, the federal government, the regional police, anti-insurgency and security forces" of detaining members of "criminal groups". [27] On 21 December 2020, the Benishangul-Gumuz Command Post stated that it was carrying out a "door-to-door hunt" of suspected perpetrators of the violence. [13]
The command post of Metekel zone killed 23 insurgents reportedly associated with the TLPF in Dangur. [11]
Civilians were killed in the Dangur and Dibate woredas on 15 December. Amhara Region officials stated that the victims were Amharans killed for their ethnic identity. Benishangul-Gumuz officials disagreed with the identifying the conflict as "communal violence between various nations". [27] Addis Standard estimated on 22 December that Metekel Zone attacks had killed 24 people. [13]
On the night of 22–23 December 2020, a massacre and burning down of houses took place in Bikuji kebele in Metekel Zone. [21] [6] As of 23 December 2020 [update] , the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission counted 100 deaths. Other sources state 220 were killed [21] of mostly Amharas, Oromos, and Shinashas by a suspected Gumuz militia. [17] Authorities responded by killing 42 suspects and arresting seven officials. [10] [28] [29]
Between 5:00 and 7:00 on the morning of 12 January in Daletti in the Metekel Zone, 82 civilians were killed and 22 injured in an attack, according to the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC). [15]
On 26 February, "government security forces" killed 26 unarmed civilians in Dibate. [30]
An unidentified armed group took over the county of Sedal Woreda in the Kamashi Zone of the Benishangul-Gumuz Region in April 2021. [31]
On May 22, suspected members of the Gumuz People’s Liberation Movement entered into Nejo woreda, Oromo Region, and killed 6 people and injured one. They also burned down houses. [32]
On July 28, the government said they had killed 95 members of the GPDM in an operation in Awolbegu kebele, Sherkole district. 5 members of the TPLF were also said to be killed. [9]
In September 2021, special forces from Ahmara and other regions were redeployed to Benishangul-Gumuz to deal with the increased insecurity. [33]
On 22 December 2020, Abiy Ahmed held talks with Metekel Zone residents, Minister of Peace Muferiat Kamil, army Chief of Staff Birhanu Jula Gelalcha, Ashadli Hussein, and other officials. [13] Ashadli stated that the Ministry of Peace would coordinate the creation of a reconciliation committee consisting of people from the Benishangul-Gumuz and Amhara Regions. [6]
By late February 2021, several peace forums had been held in Gilgil Beles, the capital of Metekel Zone. The federal government started creating a "multi-ethnic self-defence militia", which had 9000 members as of February 2021 [update] . Tsegaye Berhanu, a researcher at Assosa University was critical of the creation of the militia, stating, "Arming unarmed groups is like encouraging revenge, and puts the area into an endless conflict trap." [17]
On May 18, members of the Gumuz People’s Democratic Movement (GPDM) signed a memorandum of understanding with the regional government agreeing to undergo re-integration training in the region. Despite this, other armed groups like the Gumuz People’s Liberation Movement continued to perpetrate violent attacks against civilian populations delaying the Ethiopian election. In October 2022, Benishangul Gumuz regional government communication bureau said the regional government and the GPDM signed a peace agreement to resolve their differences “through dialogue.” [1] In December 2022, the regional government signed a peace agreement with the armed group Benishangul People’s Liberation Movement (BPLM) in Khartoum, Sudan. [5]
Despite the peace agreement in 2022, an attack by GPDM led to the deaths of eight people. The violence was preceded by the killing of a native Gumuz teenager in a car accident and was followed by the killing by GPDM of a shepherd. [4]
Mass killings of civilians in Metekel Zone started on 23 June 2019, the day following the Amhara Region coup d'état attempt, [24] and continued in September, [2] October, [19] November, [12] and December 2020, [27] [21] [6] and in January [15] and February 2021. [30]
More than a hundred thousand people were displaced by the conflict as of February 2021 [17] and 7,000 have fled to neighboring Sudan. [16]
Benishangul-Gumuz is a regional state in northwestern Ethiopia bordering Sudan. It was previously known as Region 6. The region's capital is Assosa. Following the adoption of the 1995 constitution, the region was created from the westernmost portion of the Gojjam province, and the northwestern portion of the Welega Province. The name of the region comes from two peoples – Berta and Gumuz.
The Gumuz are an ethnic group speaking a Nilo-Saharan language inhabiting the Benishangul-Gumuz Region in western Ethiopia, as well as the Fazogli region in Sudan. They speak the Gumuz language, which belongs to the Nilo-Saharan family. The Gumuz number around 250,000 individuals.
Metekel Zone is located in the current Benishangul-Gumuz region of Ethiopia. It is bordered on the south and southwest by Kamashi, on the west by Sudan, and on the north and east by the Amhara region. The Abay River which formerly defined the western border of Gojjam, defines the Zone's boundaries with Kamashi, while the Dinder River defines part of its boundary with the Amhara region.
The Oromo Liberation Army is an armed opposition group active in the Oromia Region of Ethiopia. The OLA consist primarily of former armed members of the pre-peace deal Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) who refused to disarm out of skepticism of the peace deal, and former youth protestors who grew disillusioned with nonviolent resistance.
Abiy Ahmed Ali is an Ethiopian politician who is the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia since 2018 and the leader of the Prosperity Party since 2019. He was awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize "for his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea". Abiy served as the third chairman of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that governed Ethiopia for 28 years and the first person of Oromo descent to hold that position. Abiy is a member of the Ethiopian parliament, and was a member of the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), one of the then four coalition parties of the EPRDF, until its rule ceased in 2019 and he formed his own party, the Prosperity Party.
Events of 2019 in Ethiopia.
The 2021 Ethiopian general election to elect members of the House of Peoples' Representatives was held on 21 June 2021 and 30 September 2021. Regional elections were also held on those dates.
The Prosperity Party is a ruling political party in Ethiopia that was established on 1 December 2019 as a successor to the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front by incumbent Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
Fano is an ethno-nationalist Amhara militia and former protest movement. It has engaged in violent clashes throughout Ethiopia in the name of neutralizing perceived threats to the Amhara people. Fano has absorbed many units and personnel of the Amhara Regional Special Forces that did not integrate into the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF). Fano militias have been involved in armed conflicts with the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), and the ENDF. They have also clashed with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) on the border of Ethiopia and Sudan.
The Metekel massacre was a massacre that took place on the night of 22–23 December 2020, in the Metekel Zone of the Benishangul-Gumuz Region, Ethiopia. As of 23 December 2020, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission counted 100 deaths. Authorities responded by killing 42 suspects and arresting seven officials.
The Ministry of Peace is an Ethiopian government department created in 2018 that aims to encourage peace processes to prevent and resolve armed conflict in Ethiopia and to support equitable development among the Regions of Ethiopia.
Events in the year 2021 in Ethiopia.
The ongoing Ethiopian civil conflict began with the 2018 dissolution of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (ERPDF), an ethnic federalist, dominant party political coalition. After the 20-year border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, a decade of internal tensions, two years of protests, and a state of emergency, Hailemariam Desalegn resigned on 15 February 2018 as prime minister and EPRDF chairman, and there were hopes of peace under his successor Abiy Ahmed. However, war broke out in the Tigray Region, with resurgent regional and ethnic factional attacks throughout Ethiopia. The civil wars caused substantial human rights violations, war crimes, and extrajudicial killings.
The OLA insurgency is an armed conflict between the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), which split from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in 2018, and the Ethiopian government, continuing in the context of the long-term Oromo conflict, typically dated to have started with the formation of the Oromo Liberation Front in 1973.
The United Front of Ethiopian Federalist and Confederalist Forces (UFEFCF) was a coalition of six Ethiopian rebel groups, including the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) before 2022 and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), created in November 2021 during the Tigray War.
Abiy Ahmed is currently the third serving Prime Minister of Ethiopia. In 2018, he became the first ever Oromo descent to assume the role of prime minister in the history of Ethiopia. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in his second year as a prime minister of Ethiopia in 2019 becoming the eighth African laureates to win the award for peace.
The Persecution of Amhara people is the ongoing persecution of the Amhara and Agew people of Ethiopia. Since the early 1990s, the Amhara people have been subject to ethnic violence, including massacres by Tigrayan, Oromo and Gumuz ethnic groups among others, which some have characterized as a genocide. Large-scale killings and grave human rights violations followed the implementation of the ethnic-federalist system in the country. In most of the cases, the mass murders were silent with perpetrators from various ethno-militant groups—from TPLF/TDF, OLF–OLA, and Gumuz armed groups.
The 1995 Ethiopian Federal Constitution formalizes an ethnic federalism law aimed at undermining long-standing ethnic imperial rule, reducing ethnic tensions, promoting regional autonomy, and upholding unqualified rights to self-determination and secession in a state with more than 80 different ethnic groups. But the constitution is divisive, both among Ethiopian nationalists who believe it undermines centralized authority and fuels interethnic conflict, and among ethnic federalists who fear that the development of its vague components could lead to authoritarian centralization or even the maintenance of minority ethnic hegemony. Parliamentary elections since 1995 have taken place every five years since enactment. All but one of these have resulted in government by members of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) political coalition, under three prime ministers. The EPRDF was under the effective control of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which represents a small ethnic minority. In 2019 the EPRDF, under Abiy, was dissolved and he inaugurated the pan-ethnic Prosperity Party which won the 2021 Ethiopian Election, returning him as prime minister. But both political entities were different kinds of responses to the ongoing tension between constitutional ethnic federalism and the Ethiopian state's authority. Over the same period, and all administrations, a range of major conflicts with ethnic roots have occurred or continued, and the press and availability of information have been controlled. There has also been dramatic economic growth and liberalization, which has itself been attributed to, and used to justify, authoritarian state policy.
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