Israeli expropriation of Palestinian springs in the West Bank

Last updated

Israel, the Israeli water company Mekorot, and Israeli settlers have expropriated springs in the Israeli-occupied West Bank by Israel. The springs and wells, to which Palestinians have a human right in international law, are appropriated exclusively for use by Israelis and visiting tourists. [1] [2]

Contents

Nomenclature

The topographical feature of a spring in semitic languages, and specifically in both Arabic : (عين) and Hebrew : (עַיִן), variously transliterated as ayn, en, ein, also means "eye" (socket), [3] a spring in the arid terrain of the Middle East being naturally understood to be a kind of "eye of the landscape". [4] Given their importance, many toponyms in Palestine incorporate the word in terms for towns and localities. [4] [lower-alpha 1]

Background

The groundwater resources on which Israel depends draw on 3 aquifers, only one of which is in Israel and of the recharge area of the water tables only 5% lies in Israel. The West Bank's resources are either surface run-off channelled in streams and rivers or groundwater and the population down to the 1980s had not been allowed to access more than 14-18% of the total water available. [5] Israel's perceived and programmed water security depends on minimizing Palestinian use of the aquifers in their own territory of the West Bank. [6]

Historically, spring water had always been managed by villages adjacent to springs, which lay within their boundaries. The earlier British mandatory authority had difficulties formulating a water law given the diversity of regional practices, and all efforts by them to do so failed. In that period, however, the Zionist leadership often argued its case for increasing Jewish immigration by asserting that efficient modern techniques of water management would ensure a limitless capacity for absorbing these immigrants: water, they argued, was abundant, all that was lacking was expertise in developing modern infrastructure. The future Israeli water company Mekorot was set up in 1937 to this end. However, with the establishment of the state of Israel, the range estimates for available water resources in Palestine were scaled back significantly, and the imagined abundance was replaced by a recognition of water scarcity. [7] Israel centralized and nationalized its water resources in 1959.

Until 1950, when Jordan claimed the West Bank by annexation – a move not recognized by the international community – most Palestinian villages drew the majority of their water from springs and by collecting rainwater. [8] In the wake of the 1948 Palestine war, the inhabitants of the historic core of Jerusalem and its eastern neighbourhoods had lost access to the Ras al-'Ayn and 'Arrub springs, and, until pumping station facilities were repaired, the severities of rationing were eased by drawing on the springs in Silwan and Sur Bahir. [lower-alpha 2]

The springs had traditionally been managed by a communal property regime. [8] Irrigated agriculture in villages mainly depended on these springs. [6] Improved technology allowed wells to be dug in the ensuing decade. Villagers pooled funds in order to create "well companies" in order to secure finance for drilling. Jordan set up a Jerusalem Water Utility in the mid-1960s, but it serviced only the three cities of Bethlehem, Jerusalem and Ramallah. This project stopped when Israel conquered and occupied the West Bank in 1967. [lower-alpha 3]

Israel thereafter did not extend its water laws to the captured territories, which were run by a military administration. That authority quickly issued Military Order no. 92 investing a military officer with all powers regarding the management of water resources in what became the Palestinian territories. Military Order no. 158 later stipulated that wells could be drilled only after obtaining a military permit, and, over the ensuing 23 years, only twenty three such permits were issued. [8] [lower-alpha 4] Springs waters, however, were rarely touched, and the existing regime allowing villages to continue with their property management regarding the use of such resources. [8]

The minimum mean for daily per capita water consumption set by WHO is 100 litres per day: the average in the West Bank is 66 litres. [9] The state-owned Israeli company Mekorot taps springs and drills wells in the West Bank and furnishes settlements with water for all purposes, industrial, agricultural and domestic. It also sells some to Palestinian water utilities, according to schedules Israeli authorities determine to fix the allowable amount. For many villagers whose access to local sources is severely restricted, the result is that they must often purchase trucked-in water priced much higher than that supplied to settlements, [lower-alpha 5] and in the poorest communities the monthly outlay for imported water can rise to half of a family income. [1]

Settlement usurpations of springs after 1967

Oasis of Ain Samia, just east of Kafr Malik Oasis of Ein Samia - panoramio.jpg
Oasis of Ain Samia, just east of Kafr Malik

At least 300 springs exist in the West Bank. [10] In the process of establishing Israeli settlements, many of these springs were targeted by the settlers, and the struggle to wrest possession of the areas of the landscape that feature them was, and remains, a notable source of conflict between local Palestinians and the immigrant Jewish communities. [11] [12] In a survey conducted in 2011, the United Nation's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory identified 56 springs that had either been taken over by settlers (30), or were the object of targeting for eventual inclusion into the settlement areas (26). 93% of these were in Area C, on parcels of land that, according to the records of the Israeli Civil Administration, in large part (84%) are registered as private Palestinian property. [13] [lower-alpha 6]

One technique relies on the practice by the IDF of declaring large areas of West Bank land military fire zones where (Palestinian) civilians may not enter. The six settler Regional Councils in the West Bank are supposed to operate under a military ordinance regulating their activities within defined municipal boundaries, but, according to Haaretz's Yotam Berger the civil/military administration turns a blind eye to the phenomenon or even encourages the settler groups to develop infrastructure on lands beyond their municipal jurisdiction that are otherwise closed military zones or private Palestinian property. [14]

Many of the sequestered springs are designated as Israeli parks, in a broader process of what has been called "colonial ecologism", [15] or "apartheid springs." [11]

Springs seized for settlements (by 2011)

The following is a list of 30 springs that had fallen under the complete control of Israeli settlements by 2011. [16]

Spring namePalestinian villageIsraeli settlement/outpost hebraicized name
Ein el-Azkut Bardala [lower-alpha 7] Jordan Valley Regional Council Ein Sukot
Ein Um Al Jarah Awarta Itamar Ein Nerya
Ein El Mukheimer Al-Lubban ash-Sharqiya Eli N/A
Ein El Michna Burin Har Brakha Ein Yosef/Ein Amasa
Ein El Jneinah Burin Yitzhar Ein Magnunim
Ein El Sha'ara Burin Yitzhar N/A
Ein El Kbireh Deir al-Hatab Elon Moreh Ein Kfir
Ein El Ariq Qaryut Eli Ein Hagvura
Ein Ad Dweer Al Jib Giv'at Ze'ev Ein Dvir
Al Uyoon An-Nabi Samwil Samuel National Park N/A
Ein El-Balad An-Nabi Samwil Samuel National Park Ein Tiltan
Ein Um Ntukh Al-Mazra'a al-Qibliya Nahliel Nerya N/A
Ein Al Marj Bayt Nuba Canada Park Beit Hakshatot
Ein Khaled An Nabi Salih Halamish
Ein Al Qaws An Nabi Salih Halamish Ein Meir
Ein Husein Ein Yabrud Beit El N/A
Ein Addallah Ein Yabrud Beit El N/A
Ein Issa Al Bireh Beit El N/A
Ein El Masraj Al-Janiya Talmon Ein Talmon
Ein El Mallah Al-Janiya Talmon N/A
Ein El Thahra Al Bireh Beit El N/A
Ein Ash Shunnar Beitilu Nahliel N/A
Ein El Butmeh Ras Karkar Talmon Zait Raanan N/A
Ein al-Sajma [lower-alpha 8] Khallet al Baluta Bat Ayin Ein Yitzhak
Ein Abu Zaid Nahalin Rosh Tzurim Ein Tzurim
Ein El Abhara Jab'a Bat Ayin Ein Livne
Ein Ras al 'Idd al-Khader Efrat Ein Ha'ama
Ein Hubileh Khirbet Safa Bat Ayin Ein Hunile
Ein Abu Kleibeh Nahalin Havot EyalinEin Misla
Uyoon al Beid Yatta Avigayil Beseter Ha-har

Springs at risk by 2011

The following is a list of Palestinian springs that were considered by United Nations investigators to be at risk of a settler takeover in 2011. [17]

Spring namePalestinian villageIsraeli settlement/outpostSettler development
Ein Shu'al El Bir Beit Furiq Itamar outposts No
Ein Jheir Majdal Bani Fadil Ma'ale Efrayim Yes
Ein Fasyil Duma Petza'el Yes
Ein Al Majur Qarawat Bani Hassan Havot Yair Yes
Ein El Nwetef Qarawat Bani Hassan Havot Yair Yes
Ein Dura Dura al-Qar'a Beit El Yes
Ein Al Uja Khirbet El Uja Yitav/Omer Ranch Yes
Ein El Majur Deir Ibzi Dolev No
Ein Al Raya An Nabi Salih Halamish/Neve Tzuf No
Ein Az Zarir 'Atara Ateret Yes
Ein Sheban Al Bireh Binyamin(?)Yes
Ein Az Zama'a Beitilu Halamish Yes
Uyoon Wadi Az Zarqa Beitilu Nahliel Yes
Ein Al Loz Ras Karkar Talmon Neria No
Ein Ash Shuneh Ras Karkar Talmon/Zait Raanan Yes
Uyoon El Haramiyeh Silwad Biyamin?Yes
Ein Al Aliya'a Deir Dibwan Ofra Yes
Ein Al Hakam Aboud Beit Aryeh-Ofarim No
Ein Samya Ein Samiya Kokhav HaShahar Yes
Ein Al Harasha Al-Mazra'a al-Qibliya Harasha/ Talmon Yes
Ein Al Marsal Ramallah Dolev No
Ein Bubin Deir Ibzi Dolev Yes
Ein Ar Rashah Al-Mughayyir Shilo outpost Yes
Wadi Fuqin/Ein At Tina Wadi Fukin Beitar Illit No
Ein Al Qasis al-Khader Neve Daniel No
Ein Al HilweAin al-Hilweh Maskiot No

2012-2020

The West Bank Ein Hanya spring, which from Ottoman times down to the end of the British Mandate was recognized as the property of al-Walaja, [18] now lies within the municipal boundaries of Jerusalem, and the inhabitants of the village are cut off from it by Israeli West Bank barrier. [19] It was frequented by Israelis and Palestinians. Problems started when it was designated as a tourist attraction and enclosed within what Israel calls one of its national parks, the Emek Refaim Park. The opening was delayed for two years as police, together with the Jerusalem Municipality and the Nature and Parks Authority, [19] insisted that Palestinians be refused entry, and that the government shift the Ein Yael checkpoint south in order to block Palestinian access, an operation that would cost $3.4 million. It was opened to Jews for three days during the Sukkot festival, which coincided with the Palestinian olive picking season [19] but Palestinians, even those wishing to harvest the fruits of their olive groves, are denied access, [20] [19] [lower-alpha 9] a ban extending also to the inhabitants of al-Walaja itself, who own 297 acres (120 ha) of the area. [19]

Spring namePalestinian villageIsraeli settlement/outpost hebraicized name
? ? Mateh Binyamin Regional Council Ein Oz [14]
Ein al-Major Ein Qiniya Dolev Ein Mazor [21]

Incidents

Three members of the Shnerb family, from Lod in Israel, were hiking in the West Bank when a bomb planted at Ein Bubin was made to explode, killing the girl, and injuring her brother and father. [22] The murder took place near to the Palestinian village of Deir Ibzi, [23] whose lower lands near the spring area are abandoned because they are denied access save for two or three days a year. [11] Israeli settlements are considered illegal under international law, something Israel disputes, and over 600,000 Jews have come to live in roughly 140 of such settlements since Israel occupied the area militarily in 1967. [23] Springs in particular are flashpoints in the conflict between Israelis who come to settle in the West Bank and the local Palestinian villagers, [lower-alpha 10] with, according to Dror Ektes, over 60 springs so far seized in the past 10 years, and thereupon reserved for Israeli use only. [lower-alpha 11]

According to Amira Hass, the site is one of nine in an area where, over three decades, the settlements of Dolev and Nahliel, and illegal Israeli outposts between them, have seized control over some 3,700 acres (1,500 ha) of Palestinian land. Palestinians in six adjacent villages, Kobar, Ras Karkar, Al-Janiya, Deir 'Ammar, Al-Mazra'a al-Qibliya and Beitillu – all cut off from each other through prohibitions on road use – have been denied access to their groves, springs and grazing land by a variety of settler and army measures – vandalism of trees, military orders, and assaults.

Five of the villages' nine springs have, she claims, been appropriated from Palestinians, [12] who formerly used them for swimming, picnicking and for agricultural purposes. The seizures adapt them as recreational sites exclusively for settlers and touring Israeli Jews. The loss of land and water resources has, she continues, dealt an economic blow to inhabitants of the six villages, causing many families to rely now on aid. With regard to the incident specifically Hass concluded that, "those who prepared the bomb certainly know that this is Israel's strategy in the West Bank. Individual settlements are turned into broad blocs, for Jews only, and are boasting of abundance, serenity, commercial centers, vineyards, orchards, hiking trails and Judaized natural springs." [12]

See also

Notes

  1. As opposed to natural springs, a dug well, in Arabic بئر (bir) and in Hebrew ראֵבְּ (be'er) as in Beersheba, the "well of seven" (Freund 2009, p. 319).
  2. The source fails to clarify why the Arrub springs, which remained under Jordanian control, could no longer be exploited to serve the city. Traditionally Jerusalem could also rely on a well at bir Arrub further down the valley (Dumper 1997, pp. 131, 135).
  3. On the eve of the war, consumption of water in the Jewish sector of West Jerusalem was 36,000 cubic metres as compared to 2,000 cubic metres for the inhabitants of the Jordanian-controlled sector to the east who, in per capita terms, had access to 21% of the water available west of the Green Line (Dumper 1997, p. 135).
  4. Lowi however wrote in 1995: "No Palestinian individual or villager has received permission to drill a new well for agricultural purposes since July 1967, nor repair one that is close to an Israeli well. Sinking wells on the mountain ridge, the location of the Yarkon-Taninim Aquifer, is strictly forbidden. Occasionally, permission is granted for the drilling of wells destined for domestic use." (Lowi 1995, p. 187)
  5. $6-10US per cubic metre
  6. "Analysis done by the anti-occupation Kerem Navot organization shows that since the Oslo accords were signed, these councils have been operating in roughly 550,000 acres (220,000 ha)s lying in the West Bank's Area C, comprising almost 40 percent of the entire area of the West Bank. However, more than 225,000 acres (91,000 ha) of these are closed military areas, while another 70,000 acres (28,000 ha) are privately-owned Palestinian lands." (Berger 2019)
  7. A farmer in the nearby village of Ein al-Beida is reported as having seen over the last 2 and a half decades "the local spring gradually dry up after the Israeli company Mekorot drilled two wells near the neighbouring Palestinian community of Bardala, to serve Mehola, an Israeli settlement. The amount of water the Israeli authorities allocate to the village has been decreasing over the years, he says, and has been fully cut off on numerous occasions. Despite an agreement to compensate the Palestinian villages of Bardala and Ein al-Beida, since the mid-1970s, Israel has significantly reduced the amount of water available to both communities." (Lein 2000, pp. 30–31, Amnesty International 2017)
  8. This spring is on private Palestinian land (Berger 2019).
  9. "'When we arrived here there was an old man sitting under his fig tree, and shepherds would come to water their flocks – the place was enchanted. It was like a focal point of activities in the area. Our intention was to tidy it up a bit and then leave, as if we'd never been here', recalls landscape architect Iris Tal, who was charged with upgrading the area surrounding Ein Hanya, the second-largest spring in the Judean Hills... After 3,000 years in which the spring was open to and frequented by local Jews, Christians and Muslims, the Jerusalem Municipality is planning to set up a roadblock nearby which will prevent thousands of residents from the adjacent Palestinian villages of al-Walaja and Battir and environs from reaching the site." (Riba 2018)
  10. "Springs on the West Bank have become flash points between Palestinians who bathe or water their flocks in them and Israeli settlers who have increasingly sought to prevent them from doing so. A 2012 United Nations report identified 30 springs that had been completely 'taken over' by settlers and another 26, including Ein Bubin, that were 'at risk' of takeover, whether by frequent tourism or by the presence of armed patrols seen as intimidating to Palestinians." (Halbfinger 2019)
  11. "According to Dror Etkes, the founder of Kerem Navot, an organization that studies Israeli land policy in the West Bank, there are today more than 60 springs in the central West Bank that settlers coveted and seized as part of a project of plunder that began 10 years ago. The landscaping and renovation work at about half of them has been completed, the dispossession made absolute, the Palestinians blocked from even approaching the springs and their lands. Other springs targeted by the settlers are in various stages of takeover (Levy & Levac 2019).

Citations

    Sources

    Related Research Articles

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Bat Ayin</span> Israeli settlement in the West Bank

    Bat Ayin is an Israeli settlement in Gush Etzion in the West Bank, between Jerusalem and Hebron, founded in 1989 by Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburg, in lands that Israel confiscated from the neighbouring Palestinian villages of Khirbet Beit Zakariyyah and Jab'a. It is administered by the Gush Etzion Regional Council, with a population of less than 1,000, consisting mainly of "Ba'alei T'shuva" Jews with Hasidic tendencies. The international community considers Israeli settlements in the West Bank illegal under international law, but Israel disputes this.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Ofra</span> Israeli settlement in the West Bank

    Ofra is an Israeli settlement located in the northern Israeli-occupied West Bank. Located on the main road between Jerusalem and Nablus, it falls under the jurisdiction of Mateh Binyamin Regional Council. In 2022 it had a population of 3,497.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Eli (Israeli settlement)</span> Israeli settlement in the West Bank

    Eli is a large Israeli settlement in the West Bank organized as a community settlement, located on Highway 60, north of Ramallah, between the Palestinian villages of As-Sawiya and Qaryut, part of whose lands were expropriated for the establishment of Eli. The international community considers Israeli settlements in the West Bank illegal under international law, but the Israeli government disputes this.

    al-Walaja Municipality type D in Bethlehem, State of Palestine

    Al-Walaja is a Palestinian village in the West Bank, four kilometers northwest of Bethlehem. It is an enclave in the Seam Zone, near the Green Line. Al-Walaja is partly under the jurisdiction of the Bethlehem Governorate and partly of the Jerusalem Municipality. According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, the village had a population of 2,671 in 2017. It has been called 'the most beautiful village in Palestine'.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Deir al-Hatab</span> Municipality type D in Nablus, State of Palestine

    Deir al-Hatab is a Palestinian village in the Nablus Governorate in the northern West Bank, located east of Nablus, near the neighbouring villages of Salem and Azmout. The village land extends over 12,000 dunams, of which 330 are built-up.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Ein al-Beida</span> Municipality type D in Tubas, State of Palestine

    Ein al-Beida is a Palestinian village of in the Tubas Governorate in the northeastern West Bank. It has a population of about 1,138.

    Susya is a location in the southern Hebron Governorate in the West Bank. It houses an archaeological site with extensive remains from the Second Temple and Byzantine periods, including the ruins of an archeologically notable synagogue, repurposed as a mosque after the Muslim conquest of Palestine in the 7th century. A Palestinian village named Susya was established near the site in the 1830s. The village lands extended over 300 hectares under multiple private Palestinian ownership, and the Palestinians on the site are said to exemplify a southern Hebron cave-dwelling culture present in the area since the early 19th century whose transhumant practices involved seasonal dwellings in the area's caves and ruins of Susya.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Dolev</span> Israeli settlement in the West Bank

    Dolev is an Israeli settlement organized as a community settlement in the West Bank. Located 17 mi (27 km) north-west of Jerusalem, it falls under the jurisdiction of Mateh Binyamin Regional Council. In 2022 it had a population of 1,613.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Halamish</span> Israeli settlement in the West Bank

    Halamish, also known as Neveh Tzuf, is an Israeli settlement in the West Bank, located in the southwestern Samarian hills to the north of Ramallah, 10.7 kilometers east of the Green line. The Orthodox Jewish community was established in 1977. It is organised as a community settlement and falls under the jurisdiction of Mateh Binyamin Regional Council. In 2022 it had a population of 1,590. Within the settlement on a hill is an ancient archeological site dating back to the Hasmonean period by the name of: Hovlata

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Esh Kodesh</span> Place

    Esh Kodesh is an Israeli outpost in the West Bank near Shilo. It falls under the jurisdiction of the Mateh Binyamin Regional Council. Israeli outposts in the West Bank are considered illegal both under international law as well as under Israeli law. The population in 2005 was under 12 families.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">West Bank areas in the Oslo II Accord</span> Division of the Israeli-occupied West Bank between Palestinian and Israeli control

    The Oslo II Accord divided the Israeli-occupied West Bank into three administrative divisions: the Palestinian enclaves as "Areas A and B" and the remainder, including Israeli settlements, as "Area C".

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Nabi Salih</span> Local Development Committee in State of Palestine

    Nabi Salih is a small Palestinian village in the Ramallah and al-Bireh Governorate in the central West Bank, located 20 kilometers northwest of Ramallah. It had a population of 522 in 2017. It is noted for the weekly marches to protest the occupation undertaken since 2010, a practice suspended in 2016, after 350 villagers were estimated to have suffered injuries in clashes with Israeli troops over that period.

    The water resources of Palestine are de facto fully controlled by Israel, and the division of groundwater is subject to provisions in the Oslo II Accord.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Bassem Tamimi</span> Palestinian activist (born 1967)

    Bassem Tamimi is a Palestinian grassroots activist and an organizer of protests against Israeli settlement construction in the West Bank. He was convicted by an Israeli military court in 2012 for "sending people to throw stones, and holding a march without a permit".

    Khirbet Zanuta is a Palestinian Bedouin village in the Hebron Governorate in the southern West Bank, located 20 kilometers south of Hebron. Nearby localities include ad-Dhahiriya to the northwest and Khirbet Shweika to the northwest, as well as two Israeli settlements, Teneh Omarim to the west and Shim'a to the east. The Meitarim industrial zone just to its east was built for the settlers. The village is adjacent to the Green Line. The population of the village was 131 in 2017.

    The Israeli–Palestinian Joint Water Committee (JWC) is a joint Israeli–Palestinian authority, created in 1995 by the Oslo II Accord. Its purpose is to manage water and sewage related infrastructure in the West Bank, particularly to take decisions on maintenance of existing infrastructure and approval of new projects. Although it was originally intended to be a temporary organ for a five years interim period, it still exists as of 2015.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Israeli settler violence</span> Attacks targeting Palestinians in the West Bank

    Palestinians are the target of violence by Israeli settlers and their supporters, predominantly in the West Bank. In November 2021, Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz discussed the steep rise in the number of incidents between settlers and Palestinians in the West Bank, many of which result from attacks by residents of illegal settler outposts on Palestinians from neighboring villages. Settler violence also includes acts known as price tag attacks that are in response to actions by the Israeli government, usually against Palestinian targets and occasionally against Israeli security forces in the West Bank.

    Khirbet Susya is a Palestinian village in the West Bank. Palestinian villagers reported as living in caves and nearby tents are considered as belonging to a unique southern Hebron cave-dwelling culture present in the area since the early 19th century. The village had a population of 199 residents in 2017.

    <span class="mw-page-title-main">Israeli occupation of the West Bank</span> Military occupation by Israel (1967–)

    The West Bank, including East Jerusalem, has been under military occupation by Israel since 7 June 1967, when Israeli forces captured the territory, then ruled by Jordan, during the Six-Day War. The status of the West Bank as a militarily occupied territory has been affirmed by the International Court of Justice and, with the exception of East Jerusalem, by the Israeli Supreme Court. The official view of the Israeli government is that the laws of belligerent occupation do not apply to the territories, which it considers instead "disputed", and it administers the West Bank, excepting East Jerusalem, under the Israeli Civil Administration, a branch of the Israeli Ministry of Defense. Considered to be a classic example of an "intractable conflict", the length of Israel's occupation was already regarded as exceptional after two decades, and is now the longest in modern history. Israel has cited several reasons for retaining the West Bank within its ambit: a claim based on the notion of historic rights to this as a homeland as claimed in the Balfour Declaration of 1917; security grounds, both internal and external; and the deep symbolic value for Jews of the area occupied.

    On 23 August 2019, 17-year-old Israeli Rina Shnerb was killed by a roadside bomb while hiking with her father, Rabbi Eitan Shnerb, and brother Dvir near Dolev, an Israeli settlement in the West Bank; her father and brother were wounded. Shnerb's funeral was held in Lod on 23 August.