The Organization of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class,[lower-alpha 1] or simply Struggle,[lower-alpha 2] also known by the earlier name Marxist Mojahedin, was a splinter group from the People's Mojahedin of Iran (PMOI/MEK).
Members associated with it declared that they no longer self-identify as Muslims but rather only believe in Marxism–Leninism. They subsequently started an intragroup conflict with other MEK members who refused to join it (on the grounds that they still believed in Islam) and tried to purge the group in to make it purely Marxist. Originating in 1972 and officially founded in 1975, by the early 1980s Peykar was no longer considered active.[5] Peykar was considered "the most extreme" among all Iranian communist groups active at the time.[6] Peykar was subsequently suppressed and through imprisonment and executions, its existence came to an end by the early 1980s.[6]
History
Schism
In the mid-1970s, an internal coup was launched in the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran with some members trying to change the organization from Muslim into a Marxist-Leninist group. This led to two rival Mojahedins, with the Marxist faction later forming Peykar.[7][8][9][10][11]
According to Dr. Allan Hassaniyan, Peykar was founded in 1975, and after the Iran revolution it moved activities to Kurdistan.[12] The members of the faction were neither raw recruits nor ideological simpletons, conversely many of the intellectuals surviving from the early MEK days were among them. Two members of the MEK's original Ideological Team were among senior Peykar members.[13]
At the time the schism happened suddenly in October 1975, the MEK was operating with a clandestine cell system in three branches wholly separated from each other, each headed by a Central Cadre (CC) member. The ideological shift in the organization was completely top-to-bottom and started by Taghi Shahram, one of the three CC members. He then persuaded another CC member Bahram Aram to leave Islam, and through him started converting the branch subordinated to him. The other CC member, Majid Sharif-Vaghefi, refused to join and led the opposing faction whose members remained Muslims.[14][15] This led to infighting within the organization and Sharif-Vaghefi and his second-in-command were murdered by the Marxist faction. The purge by the Marxists continued, however its scope is unknown.[15] The group claimed that they had purged almost half of the members who refused to "correct" themselves.[16] The rival Muslim faction, maintained that only as much as 20% of the members sided with the Marxist faction.[14] Nonetheless, Peykar failed to dominate the MEK and the Muslim faction survived, partly in the provinces, in Tehran bazaar and mainly among jailed members.[17]
From 1975 to 1979, Peykar was known as "the Marxist Mojahedin", before assuming the title Bakhsh-e Marksisti-Leninisti-ye Sazeman-e Mojahedin-e Khalq-e Iran (lit.'The Marxist-Leninist Branch of the People's Mujahedin Organization of Iran') in 1978.[18] Nevertheless, they modified the emblem from the beginning by dropping Islamic elements.[19] They called each other by the title Rafiq (comrade) instead of Baradar (brother), stopped performing prayers and dropped 'In the Name of God' from their publications.[13][19]
After the Iranian 1979 Revolution, the group adopted the name "Sazman-i Paykar dar Rah-i Azad-i Tabaqeh-i Kargar (The Fighting Organisation of the Road to Liberating the Working Class)", also known as Peykar (or Paykar).[20][21][22][23][lower-alpha 3]
Author Yadullah Shahibzadeh says that the Mojahedin's Marxist-Leninist faction generated several other Marxist-Leninist groups, and the most prominent of them became known as Peykar.[24] According to Ervand Abrahamian, the schism between the opposing Marxist and Muslim factions of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran was complicated and lasted more than a year.[25] The Islamic members of the Mojahedin refused to give up the Mojahedin name, and the Marxist Mojahedin later adopted the name Peykar.[26][27][28][29]
In his 1989 book "Radical Islam: The Iranian Mojahedin", Abrahamian says that the Marxist Mojahedin had originally taken the name of the "People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran". Then in 1978, it assumed the name "Bakhsh-e Marksisti-Leninisti-ye Sazeman-e Mojahedin-e Khalq-e Iran (The Marxist-Leninist Branch of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran)", and then during the 1979 Iran revolution it merged with Maoist groups, forming the group "Sazeman-e Paykar dar Rah-e Azadi-ye Tabaqeh-ye Kargar (The Combat Organization on the Road for the Emancipation of the Working Class)", which became known as "Paykar".[30] Peykar had Maoist orientations and was joined by some other groups with such an ideology, while Peykar members who were less favorable to China formed another organization known as the Worker's Way.[13] In his 1982 book "Iran Between Two Revolutions", Abrahamian described Peykar as synonymous with the "Marxist Mojahedin".[31]
According to Iranian scholar Parvin Paidar, The split between the two groups strengthened the Islamic identity of the original People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran.[32] The Muslim faction accused the Marxist faction of orchestrating a "coup d'état" in the MEK.[17] Iranian opposition were surprised by the rise of this faction within the MEK.[33]
During the reorganization of the Marxist Mojahedin into Peykar in 1979, some members refused to accept the changes and formed splinter groups including the United Campaign for Fulfillment of the Working Class Aspirations (etteḥād-e mobāraza dar rāh-e ārmān-e ṭabaqa-ye kārgar), simply known as 'Arman', the Group for the Combat for Emancipation of the Working Class (gorūh-e nabard barā-ye āzādī-e ṭabaqa-ye kārgar), simply known as 'Nabard', and the Organization of Revolutionary Workers of Iran, also known as 'The Worker's Way' (rāh-e kārgar).[6] The group Arman was later merged into the Organization of Working-class Freedom Fighters (simply known as Razmandegan).[6]
Abolhassan Banisadr, who was exiled in France at the time, slammed Peykar and labeled them as "fascists" in a tract named monafeqin az didgah-e ma (lit.'our view of the hypocrites').[17] The Freedom Movement of Iran also denounced the faction and paid tribute to Muslim members who were murdered by the Marxists.[17] Left-wing organizations did not endorse the purge done by the Marxist faction. The Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (which was on friendly terms with the MEK) was very concerned about the issue and Hamid Ashraf had strongly reacted against the assassination of Sharif-Vaghefi.[34] Conservative clerics issued a fatwa that prevented Muslims from associating the Marxists, declaring that they are najis.[17]
According to the information compiled by Ervand Abrahamian, the total number of members who lost their lives was 30, of whom 16 were killed in action while 10 others were executed. One member committed suicide, one was tortured to death and the other two were missing. The members of the rival Muslim faction who lost their lives were 73, more than twice.[35]
Foundation
Peykar was co-founded by three leading members of MEK Marxist faction, Hossein Ahmadi-Rouhani, Torab Haghshenas and Alireza Sepasi-Ashtiani,[6] the three who had ousted Taghi Shahram from the ranks of the faction.[16] By 1978, the MEK Marxist faction was in a weak position, both organizationally and theoretically.[36] In the summer of 1978, a council of representatives met in order to reorganize the group[6] and came to the conclusion that they should abandon armed struggle and concentrate on agitating the working class against the establishment.[36]
On 7 December 1978, the triumvirate officially declared existence as the Organization of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class (named after the League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class which Vladimir Lenin had founded in 1895). However, some refused to accept the changes and two other groups were established, namely the Group for the Combat for Emancipation of the Working Class and the United Campaign for Fulfillment of Working-class Aspirations, which were small in comparison to Peykar.[6] Another group whose membership included elements from the MEK's Marxist faction was the Organization of Revolutionary Workers of Iran – The Worker's Way.[13]
As the Iranian Revolution was taking place, Peykar's role in the developments was marginal, because it was relatively small and unprepared for the events to come.[36] Its activities during the final days to the revolution was limited to some political agitation.[36]
Some small Maoist groups were also merged into Peykar.[37] An example of groups joining Peykar was Comrades of Heydar Amu Oqli (Goruh-e Yaran-e Heydar Amu Oqli).[38]
Hossein Rouhani was another prominent Peykar member. He ran for Majles candidate in Tehran, and caused a major scandal in 1980 by divulging for the first time secret PMoI negotiations with Ayatollah Khomeini. Ruhani also made Peykar "the first left-wing organization to personally criticize Khomeini", when he called Khomeini a "mediaeval obscurantist" and his regime "reactionary" and "fascistic." Later Ruhani was arrested and imprisoned. In May 1982 he appeared on television as one of the first of numerous opponents of the regime to recant their opposition in what is widely thought to have been the work of prison torture. Ruhani denounced his membership in Peykar, praised "the Imam" Khomeini and proclaimed that he felt freer in prison than "in the outside world."[39]
Early revolutionary years (1979–1980)
In the immediate aftermath of the revolution, Peykar was able to reorganize freely.[36]
In May 1979, Peykar organized a "unity conference" in Tehran with an aim to create a united front.[40] Among participants in the conference were the Organization of Working-class Freedom Fighters, two other Peykar offshoots who had refused to join it,[6]Komala and the newly-reorganized Communist League of Iran.[40] As a result of Peykar's policy to place unity under its leadership, no agreement was achieved though it managed to co-opt two small cells without offering full-membership to them.[40] In the same month, the group started publishing an eponymous official weekly newspaper, Peykar, which was printed until October 1981.[6]
When Iran–Iraq War started in September 1980, Peykar launched a propaganda campaign promoting anti-war views.[6] It was the only Marxist group that did not interpret the Iraqi invasion of Iran as imperialism's preemptive action against Iranian revolution.[42] Instead, they said it was not a just war and encouraged the working class both in Iran and Iraq to unite and fight against anti-revolutionary forces in power.[43] This position resulted in execution of some Peykar members by the Iranian government.[6]
Conflict and dissolution (1981–1982)
Internal factionalism, as well as suppression by the Iranian government, led to dissolution of Peykar.[6]
Due to preaching secular opposition to the ruling clergy, Peykar became a principal target of suppression by the Iranian government.[6] In February 1981, along with the MEK, Peykar was involved in a rebellion in Tabriz that threatened Tabriz Air Base. As a security measure two brigades from the 28th Division were deployed to the region amidst the war with Iraq.[44] In June 1981, when MEK unrest happened, the government became determined to suppress Peykar despite the organization not supporting the MEK.[45][7] The group adopted more radical slogans against the Iranian government, openly calling for its overthrow.[41] In return, the Iranian government executed Mohsen Fazel, one of the group's leader experienced in guerilla warfare.[41] Fazel had been arrested in January 1981 on his way to Syria to make contact to Palestinians.[46]
Iranian diplomatic mission in The Hague, attacked by Peykar on 25 August 1981
Later that month, Peykar was split into three factions as a result of internal conflicts.[41] One faction was in favor of adopting the new policy of supporting Islamic liberals who were removed from power (led by Ahmadi-Rouhani and Sepasi-Ashtiani); the other which was unrepresented in the central committed and made a bid for leadership, called itself The Revolutionary Line and accused the leadership of deviation to right-wing; the third faction which had one representative in the central committee called for the previous policies to continue and reshuffle the leadership.[41]
From August 1981 onwards, Peykar was hit hard by the security forces and two leaders of the group were arrested in February 1982.[41] Sepasi-Ashtiani died in custody while Ahmadi-Rouhani collaborated with the authorities. The latter not only appeared on television to confess and denounce Peykar, but became a born-again Muslim and collaborated with the government to uproot Peykar.[41][47] Ahmadi-Rouhani was nonetheless executed and became a "nonperson", while Peykar refused to list him as a martyr.[48]
On 14 April 1982, Peykar assailants attacked Iranian consulate in Geneva, damaged the property and took 6 people inside as hostages. According to MIPT Terrorism Knowledge Base, the hostage-taking by 18 perpetrators lasted for two hours, and hostages were released unharmed.[49]
The crackdown of Peykar led many members of the group flee the country, while those who remained inside Iran were imprisoned or executed.[6] The remnants of the organization, the majority of whom belonged to the new policy faction, joined members of some other minor communist groups to found the Communist Party of Iran in 1983.[6][50] The few members remaining in exile did not succeed in reviving the organization, and it was soon considered defunct by mid-1980s.[6][50]
A total number of 255 Peykar members were executed between June 1981 and June 1985, according to Mojahed.[51] Some members of Peykar who were imprisoned, did not survive 1988 executions of Iranian political prisoners. Of the incomplete list of 615 victims compiled by the Majority Fedaian, 3 are recorded as affiliated with Peykar.[52]
Organization and leadership
Actual membership of Peykar was small while the group did not attempt to recruit new members.[36] It had thousands of supporters, but the number of members who played a role in leading it was probably between 30 and 50.[36]Pierre Razoux estimates that the group had 3,000 members at peak, mainly scattered through Tehran, Azerbaijan and the North.[53]
Peykar had an affiliated student wing named Trailblazing Students Supporting Peykar (Sazman-e Daneshamouzan-e Pishtaz Havadar-e Peykar), as well as a teacher's wing named Organization of Trailblazing Teachers Supporting Peykar (Sazman-e Mo'alleman-e Pishtaz Havadar-e Peykar).[54]
Ideology
Peykar espoused Marxism–Leninism and from 1979 to 1982, it was considered "the main standard-bearer of Maoism and Stalinism in Iran".[36] It has been also described as having Trotskyist views.[55]
The faction first publicized its positions in late 1975 with a publication named Manifesto of Ideological Positions of Organization of Iranian People's Mojahedin (Marxist-Leninist). It stated that "in honest efforts to resolve the most basic problems of the revolution, we arrived at the truth of Marxism-Leninism", adding that "In spite of all the innovations that our Organization introduced to religious thought and in spite of all the efforts it made to revive and revitalize its [i.e., Islam's] historical content and upgrade its archaic principles and methods to the latest scientific contributions [to the study] of society".[15]
The manifesto further explains the reason behind leaving Islam as:
Religion has no answer to the fundamental question 'why should one struggle against oppression?' In fact, an individual can be highly devout and extremely observant of religious precepts, yet remain passive... If you examine carefully the Koran and the other Islamic texts, you will see that they are somewhat ambiguous on this issue and recommend resistance only in dire situations; i.e. when one has actually been physically expelled from one's town or territory... Thus Islam leaves unanswered the question 'why should I struggle?' Marxism, on the other hand, has no difficulties answering it; for struggle is the essence of dialectical materialism.[57]
Membership
Group members and their future political affiliations (if any) are:
The People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI), also known as Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK) or Mojahedin-e-Khalq Organization (MKO), is an Iranian dissident organization that was previously armed but has now transitioned primarily into a political group. Its headquarters are currently in Albania. The group's ideology is rooted in "Islam with revolutionary Marxism", and offered a revolutionary reinterpretation of Shia Islam influenced by the writings of Ali Shariati. After the Iranian Revolution, the MEK opposed the new theocratic Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, seeking to replace it with its own government. At one point the MEK was Iran's "largest and most active armed dissident group", and it is still sometimes presented by Western political backers as a major Iranian opposition group. It is known to be deeply unpopular today within Iran, largely due to its siding with Iraq in the Iran–Iraq War.
The Tudeh Party of Iran is an Iranian communist party. Formed in 1941, with Soleiman Mirza Eskandari as its head, it had considerable influence in its early years and played an important role during Mohammad Mosaddegh's campaign to nationalize the Anglo-Persian Oil Company and his term as prime minister. From the Iran crisis of 1946 onwards, Tudeh became a pro-Soviet organization and remained prepared to carry out the dictates of the Kremlin, even if it meant sacrificing Iranian political independence and sovereignty. The crackdown that followed the 1953 coup against Mosaddegh is said to have "destroyed" the party, although a remnant persisted. The party still exists but has remained much weaker as a result of its banning in Iran and mass arrests by the Islamic Republic in 1982, as well as the executions of political prisoners in 1988. Tudeh identified itself as the historical offshoot of the Communist Party of Persia.
The Islamic Republican Party was formed in 1979 to assist the Iranian Revolution and Ayatollah Khomeini in their goal to establish theocracy in Iran. It was disbanded in 1987 due to internal conflicts.
Majid Sharif-Vaghefi was an Iranian dissident political figure and leading member of the People's Mujahedin of Iran (MEK) who was assassinated in an internal purge staged by the MEK Marxist faction. One of the three members of the MEK's central committee from 1972 to 1975, he was considered the leader of the group's Islamist faction that refused to accept Marxism.
Organization of Communist Revolutionaries (Marxist–Leninist) (Persian: (سازمان انقلابیون کمونیست was an Iranian Maoist organization. It was formed in opposition to the Shah regime in Iran.
Several left-wing guerrilla groups attempting to overthrow the pro-Western regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi were notable and active in Iran from 1971 to 1979. The groups shared a commitment to armed struggle, but differed in ideology. Most were Marxist in orientation. The largest group — People's Mujahedin of Iran — was founded as a left wing movement with the aim to overthrow Iran's cleric rule.
Ervand Abrahamian is an Iranian-American historian of the Middle East. He is Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and is widely regarded as one of the leading historians of modern Iran.
The Labourer's Creed is an Iranian Marxist-Leninist political organization formed in 1978, by former affiliates of other leftist groups. It is currently exiled in Germany.
Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization was an umbrella political organization in Iran, founded in 1979 by unification of seven underground Islamist revolutionary paramilitary and civil organizations which previously fought against the Pahlavi monarchy.
Socialism in Iran or Iranian socialism is a political ideology that traces its beginnings to the 20th century and encompasses various political parties in the country. Iran experienced a short Third World Socialism period at the zenith of the Tudeh Party after the abdication of Reza Shah and his replacement by his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. After failing to reach power, this form of third world socialism was replaced by Mosaddegh's populist, non-aligned Iranian nationalism of the National Front party as the main anti-monarchy force in Iran, reaching power (1949–1953), and it remained with that strength even in opposition until the rise of Islamism and the Iranian Revolution. The Tudehs have moved towards basic socialist communism since then.
Lt. Colonel Lewis Lee Hawkins was a United States military aide to Iran who was assassinated. Vahid Afrakhteh, a member of the Mojahedin M.L. (Marxist–Leninist) and later a founding member of Peykar, was captured and confessed to the assassination. Some sources attribute the assassination to the People's Mujahedin of Iran.
Colonel Paul R. Shaffer (1930–1975) was a United States military aide to Iran who served as an air force pilot in both Korea and Vietnam. In 1975, he was assassinated along with Lieutenant Colonel Jack H. Turner. Vahid Afrakhteh, a founding member of Peykar, confessed to the killing and later was executed. Nevertheless, some sources have said the People's Mujahedin of Iran (MEK) the group which Vahid Afrakhteh and Peykar tried to eliminate was responsible.
On 3 August 1979, Constitutional Convention election was held in Tehran Province constituency with plurality-at-large voting format in order to decide ten seats for the Assembly for the Final Review of the Constitution
Radical Islam: The Iranian Mojahedin is a book by historian Ervand Abrahamian about the late 20th-century political history of Iran, and a thorough case study of the People's Mujahedin of Iran (MEK). The book also includes a short biography of Ali Shariati and a review of his works in order to explore the influence this had on the group's early ideological traits. The book was a duplicate publication by I.B. Tauris and by Yale University Press, being first published by the former in 1989 in the United Kingdom. It is widely regarded as an important academic source on the MEK.
The Septuple Coalition was the electoral alliance of seven communist political groups contesting in the 1979 Iranian Constitutional Convention election with the stated objective of "exposé". The alliance also endorsed candidates of the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas –which was not part of the coalition– despite the differences between them.
The Grand National Alliance was a secular electoral alliance contesting in the 1979 Iranian Constitutional Convention election. The candidates listed by this coalition mostly included communists and nationalists.
The Religious–Nationalists or the National–Religious are terms referring to a political faction in Iran that consists of individuals and groups embracing Iranian nationalism and Islam, as an integral part of their manifesto. They self-identify as political followers of Mohammad Mosaddegh and their modernist religious outlook makes them advocates of coexistence of Islam and democracy, an idea distinguishable from those of ideologies such as Pan-Islamism or Islamism.
Anarchism in Iran has its roots in a number of dissident religious philosophies, as well as in the development of anti-authoritarian poetry throughout the rule of various imperial dynasties over the country. In the modern era, anarchism came to Iran during the late 19th century and rose to prominence in the wake of the Constitutional Revolution, with anarchists becoming leading members of the Jungle Movement that established the Persian Socialist Soviet Republic in Gilan.
Torab Haghshenas was an Iranian revolutionary, author and translator. Haghshenas who was notably the only People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (MEK) leader with seminary education, sided with the group's Marxist faction in 1975 and co-founded the Organization of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class in 1979.
Pourandokht "Pouran" Bazargan was an Iranian teacher, revolutionary and translator. She was notably the first female member of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (MEK).
↑ Razoux 2015, Appendix E: Armed Opposition: "PEYKAR (DISSIDENT MARXIST WING OF THE MUJAHIDIN EKHALQ) Leader Hossein Ruhani (arrested 1982). Maximum strength (from 1980 to 1982): 3,000 fighter equipped with light weapon"
↑ Jebnoun, Noureddine; Kia, Mehrdad; Kirk, Mimi, eds. (2013). Modern Middle East Authoritarianism: Roots, Ramifications, and Crisis. Routledge. p.72. ISBN978-1-135-00731-7. In 1975, the Mojahedin split into two factions. One faction denounced Islam and declared its loyalty to Marxism-Leninism through a Maoist interpretation. This faction renamed itself Peykar (Struggle) and emerged as one of the most active leftist revolutionary organizations during the 1979 revolution.
↑ Arash Reisinezhad (2018). The Shah of Iran, the Iraqi Kurds, and the Lebanese Shia. Palgrave Macmillan. p.8. ASINB07FBB6L8Y.
↑ Hooshang Amirahmadi (2019). Postrevolutionary Iran. Routledge. p.url. It might be worth noting that Peykar had its origins within the Mojahedin. It once constituted the Marxist wing of the organization.
↑ Iran at War: 1500-1988 (General Military) by Kaveh Farrokh, page 450|quote="The Marxist branch was to name itself as the Paykar Group following the Iranian revolution"
↑ The Democratic Islamic Republic of Iran in Exile The Mojahedin-e Khalq and its Struggle for Survival James A. Piazza|quote="Paykar, the Neo-Marxist splinter group which broke away from the Mojahedin prior to the revolution."
↑ The Shah of Iran, the Iraqi Kurds, and the Lebanese Shia By Arash Reisinezhad, page 337|quote="While the remaining primary members of MEK, including Masoud Rajavi, were imprisoned, some of the early members of MEK ... formed a new Marxist organization, later known as Organization of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class or simply Peykar."
↑ Allan Hassaniyan (2021). Kurdish Politics in Iran: Crossborder Interactions and Mobilisation since 1947. Cambridge University Press. p.142. a splinter organization from the People's Mojahedin of Iran (MEK). Peykar was a Marxist-Leninist organisation founded in 1975, and in the post-revolutionary era it moved its activities to Kurdistan
↑ Afshar, Halehr (1985). Iran A Revolution in Turmoil. Springer. p.151. The Marxist offshoot from the Sazman-i Mojahedin-i Khalq-i Iran. From 1975 to 1979, this organization was known as the Marxist Mojahedin. After the revolution, it adopted the title of Sazman-i Paykar dar Rah-i Azad-i Tabaqeh-i Kargar (The Fighting Organisation of the Road to Liberating the Working Class). It is now known simply as Kaykar (Battle)
↑ Pouya Alimagham (2020). Contesting the Iranian Revolution: The Green Uprisings. Cambridge University Press. p.153. sided with the Marxist faction during the schism that produced two groups - one that stayed true to its original Islamic worldview and the other, the Marxist Mujahedin, which eventually became Paykar
↑ Ellis J. Goldberg (1993). Rules and Rights in the Middle East: Democracy, Law, and Society. University of Washington Press. p.213. Converting to Marxism in the mid-1970s, he had led the Mojahedin's Marxist offshoot, which, after the revolution, adopted the name Sazeman-e Paykar dar Rah-e Azadi-ye Tabaqeh-ye Kargar (Combat organization on the road to the emancipation of the working class) - better known as Paykar.
↑ Hiro, Dilip (2013). Iran Under the Ayatollahs (Routledge Revivals). Routledge. p.147. ISBN978-1-135-04381-0. Marxist-Leninist Mujahedin. Soon after the revolution it acquired a new name: Sazman-e Paykar dar Rah-e Azadi-e Tabaqah-e Kargar (The Combat Organisation on the Road to the Liberation of the Working Class), commonly known as Paykar, Combat
↑ Abrahamian 1989, p.146: "The 1975 conversion of the Mojahedin from Islam to Marxism was not the result of a sudden coup, as some claimed; it was rather the culmination of a slow and painful soul-searching process that lasted more than one year."
↑ SHIREEN T. HUNTER (2014). Iran Divided The Historical Roots of Iranian Debates on Identity, Culture, and Governance in the Twenty-First Century. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p.78. The Islamic wing of the Mojahedin refused to give up the name, and eventually the Marxist Mojahedin adopted the name Peykar (Struggle)
↑ Halleh Ghorashi (2014). Ways to Survive, Battles to Win: Iranian Women Exiles in the Netherlands and United States. Nova Science Pub Inc. p.57. However, when the imprisoned cadres faithful to the original orientation of the organization were released after the revolution, the Marxist branch dropped the name Mojahedin-Khalq and chose the new name The Fighting Organization on the Road for the Liberation of the Working Class (Peykar dar Rah-e Azadi-e Tabaghey-e Kargar, hereafter Peykar)
↑ Mohsen M Milani (1994). The Making Of Iran's Islamic Revolution From Monarchy To Islamic Republic. Routledge. p.url. The Marxist faction staged a coup and purged the non-Marxist elements. In 1978, the Marxist faction renamed itself Peykar and resumed its activities, and the Moslem members recaptured the leadership of the Mojahedin
↑ Susan C. Cloninger (2017). Understanding Angry Groups: Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Their Motivations and Effects on Society. Praeger. p.url. The Marxist group was later renamed Sazman-e Peykar dar Rah-e Azadi Tabagheh Kargar or simply Peykar (The Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class), but the Islamic Mojahedin retained the original name.
↑ Iran Between Two Revolutions by Ervand Abrahamian, Princeton University Press, 1982, p.558|quote="Paykar organization" (Marxist Mujahedin)"
↑ Parvin Paidar (1995). Women and the Political Process in Twentieth-Century Iran. Cambridge University Press. p.202. In 1976, the Mojaedin split into two opposing sections. A group of Mojahedin denounced the path of armed struggle and the reference to Islam, and split to set up a secular guerilla organisation by the name of Peykar Khalgh. This split served to strengthen the Islamic identity of the original Mojahedin Khalgh Organisation.
Abrahamian, Ervand (1989), Radical Islam: The Iranian Mojahedin, I.B. Tauris, Yale University Press, ISBN978-1-85043-077-3
Abrahamian, Ervand (1999), Tortured Confessions: Prisons and Public Recantations in Modern Iran, University of California Press, p.130, ISBN978-0-520-21623-5
Behrooz, Maziar (1999), Rebels With A Cause: The Failure of the Left in Iran, Bloomsbury Academic, ISBN978-1-86064-381-1
Boroujerdi, Mehrzad; Rahimkhani, Kourosh (2018), Postrevolutionary Iran: A Political Handbook, Syracuse University Press, ISBN978-0-8156-5432-2
Ḥaqšenās, Torāb (27 October 2011) [15 December 1992]. "COMMUNISM iii. In Persia after 1953". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Fasc. 1. Vol.VI. New York City: Bibliotheca Persica Press. pp.105–112. Retrieved 12 September 2016.
Vahabzadeh, Peyman (2010), Guerrilla Odyssey: Modernization, Secularism, Democracy, and the Fadai Period of National Liberation In Iran, 1971–1979, Syracuse University Press, ISBN978-0-8156-5147-5
Zabir, Sepehr (2011), Iran Since the Revolution (RLE Iran A), Routledge, ISBN978-0-415-61069-8
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
