Thomas Martin Devine | |
---|---|
Born | Motherwell, Scotland | 30 July 1945
Academic background | |
Alma mater | University of Strathclyde |
Academic work | |
Discipline | History |
Institutions | University of Strathclyde University of Aberdeen University of Edinburgh |
Doctoral students | Anne-Marie Kilday |
Sir Thomas Martin Devine OBE FRHistS FRSE FBA (born 30 July 1945) is a Scottish academic and author who specializes in the history of Scotland. He was knighted and made an Officer of the Order of the British Empire for his contributions to Scottish historiography,and is known for his overviews of modern Scottish history. [1] He is an advocate of the total history approach to the history of Scotland. He is professor emeritus at the University of Edinburgh,and was formerly a professor at the University of Strathclyde and the University of Aberdeen. [1]
Thomas Martin Devine was born on 30 July 1945 in Motherwell,Scotland. [2] [3] His family is Scots-Irish from Irish Catholic roots. [4] His four grandparents had migrated from British-ruled Ireland in 1890. [4] His father benefited from what savings they accrued from working in the steel and coal industries,and went to university,going on to become a life-long schoolteacher. [4] Tom Devine himself has five children. [4]
He attended Our Lady's High school in Motherwell,where,he has recounted,he gave up history in his second year because the way that history was taught at the time was "endlessly boring",choosing geography instead. [5]
Before his academic career commenced,Devine had several vacation jobs as variously a grave-digger,a Butlins Bluecoat (a clerical role,as opposed to a Butlins Redcoat [6] ) in the holiday camp at Filey,and an uncertified French language teacher in schools in Lanarkshire. [7]
Devine graduated from the University of Strathclyde in 1968 with First Class Honours in economic and social history. [2] [8] [3] In 1969,a few months after commencing doctoral research,Devine was hired at the University of Strathclyde, [9] where he was appointed assistant lecturer in history and eventually rose to head of the history department. [2] In 1981 he and T. C. Smout were the founding editors of the periodical Scottish Economic and Social History,which was later to become the Journal of Scottish Historical Studies ,Devine editing it until 1984. [10] [11]
He was appointed professor of Scottish history in 1988,and later became dean of the faculty of arts and social sciences,and then deputy principal of the university from 1994 to 1998. [12] In 1991,Devine was awarded the degree of DLitt (Doctor of Letters) by the university in recognition of the quality of his published research to that date. [2]
In 1998,he moved to the University of Aberdeen and became the founding director of the Research Institute of Irish and Scottish Studies (RIISS),later the UK Arts and Humanities Research Centre (AHRC) in I&SS. [12] [4] He was also appointed to the externally-funded Glucksman Professorship of Irish and Scottish Studies. [13]
From 2006 to 2011 Devine was the Sir William Fraser Professor of Scottish History and Palaeography at the University of Edinburgh, [12] [4] retaining the title as Emeritus Professor afterwards. [4] [14] From 2008 he was also the first director there of the Scottish Centre for Diaspora Studies [12] [4] (now integrated into the Edinburgh Centre for Global History).[ citation needed ]He retired from Edinburgh in 2011 but returned by invitation of the Principal of the University for a further period as Senior Research Professor of History.[ citation needed ]His retirement celebration focused on a discussion of his career with former Prime Minister Gordon Brown in the University's McEwan Hall. Messages of congratulation were received from the Prime Minister of the UK and the First Minister of Scotland.[ citation needed ] In 2010,Devine participated in the Royal Society of Edinburgh's yearly symposium on the relationship between Scotland and slavery,where he delivered a plenary lecture. [15]
Devine was listed #16 in 2014 in "Scotland's Power 100:The 100 most powerful people in Scotland" by The Herald ,which described him as "the country's pre-eminent historian". [16] He was ranked seventh most influential Catholic in Britain by The Tablet in 2015 which described him as "widely seen as the intellectual heavyweight behind Scottish nationalism". [17]
Devine tried to avoid politics in his writing,stating in a 2010 interview with the Scottish Review of Books that he hoped that people could not tell his politics from his writings,in support of which he observed that the blogosphere had had him down as a Scottish Nationalist in the 1990s and yet as an obvious Unionist a decade later. [3] He noted that he had often told people that "the future is not my period" when asked about current events, [3] a statement that he had initially also made when asked about the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. [18]
He was,however,later to take a public stance on the referendum,voting "Yes" for independence. [4] He presented a public statement explaining his reasoning for this to reporters in a Glasgow restaurant on 15 August 2014,stating that he had himself never been a member of any political party,although members of his family,grandparents and parents,had supported the Labour Party. [19] [20] [21] After giving his views on the Scottish Parliament,Scottish history and arts,the economy and education system of Scotland,and Irish Catholic Scots,he explained why he rejected "devolution max" as "just a sticking plaster" and came to the conclusion that he would be voting "Yes". [19] [20] [21] He is now among Scots who have changed their mind on Independence,and wants a united front to evict the Conservatives from Downing Street. [22]
He has also spoken out on other political issues,such as objecting to the campaign to remove the statue of Henry Dundas (the Melville Monument) from St Andrew Square,Edinburgh,stating that it was based upon bad history,a simplistic view that gave Dundas sole responsibility for something where larger forces were in fact at play,an argument that brought him into conflict with Geoff Palmer. [4] Another issue on which he has publicly commented was the removal of David Hume's name from a tower in George Square,Edinburgh. [4] He has expressed the opinion that "[t]argetting statues is a largely meaningless gesture" that "does little to address the very real and ongoing issue of racial prejudice". [23] Addressing a petition in 2020 to remove the names of the Tobacco Lords from streets in Glasgow,he stated that they should be retained "as a reminder of [our] past,warts and all" and that "Scotland and slavery should be embedded firmly in the school curriculum". [24]
Devine is a leading proponent of Scottish-Irish historical studies,and has authored five monographs and edited over a dozen collections. [25] He is a proponent of "total" history,which seeks to incorporate all aspects of history,from economic through social to cultural. [25] [26]
He has written on a wide range of subjects in 18th and 19th century Scottish history,from the colonial trade through agriculture to migration,with works dealing with both Highland and Lowland Scotland. [27]
Devine's 1975 book The Tobacco Lords about the Tobacco Lords originated in work that he had done for his doctoral thesis on the period after 1775. [28] It followed in the footsteps of Jacob Myron Price and dealt with the "golden age" of the tobacco merchants of Glasgow,dealing with who the merchants were,their trading methods,what they did with their profits,and how the American Revolution affected them. [29] Divided into four parts,the book addresses the investment of profits in part 1,trading methods in part 2,the period after the American Revolution in part 3,and the period after 1783 in part 4;and is structured as a set of questions and answers around specific points. [30] [31] [32] [28] In it,Devine propounded the traditional view about how a consumer goods industry in Glasgow arose in part in order to exchange for tobacco from Virginia and Maryland,and has detailed accounts of merchants like William Cunninghame and Company. [33] James H. Soltow of Michigan State University observed that Devine's account contained "few surprises". [34]
Professor of history Joseph Clarke Robert of the University of Richmond called it "an excellent book",providing just the one quibble that the map facing page 12 had Jamestown on south of the James River rather than in its correct position to the north. [35] Jacob M. Price of the University of Michigan (and author of France and the Chesapeake [36] ) observed "a fair number of petty errors" in American geography (Fredericksburg and Falmouth being incorrectly located on the Potomac River and a non-existent "Berkshire County" in Maryland). [28] Devine had only addressed America incidentally,focussing upon Scotland. [36] Price also observed some confusion resulting from the same words meaning different things in English and Scottish business terminology. [28]
T. C. Smout called it "a useful and thought-provoking volume" that "does not entirely satisfy" because it left unanswered questions about what happened to the tobacco trade and did not go into enough detail on an (in Smout's words) "important conclusion" that the American Revolution in fact did not fundamentally alter the tobacco trade,and that merchants in Glasgow largely picked up where they had left off after the war had finished. [37] Devine had pointed out that the diversification into sugar processing,leather tanning,boot and shoe manufacturing,and the iron,glass and coal industries,extension to Caribbean and European markets,and involvement in banking and land investments all preceded the American Revolution,rather than followed it. [31] [32] William J. Hausman of the University of North Carolina agreed with Smout that in a "generally of high quality" book it was "disappointing and annoying" that although Devine had documented the pre-war investment pattern well,explanation of exactly how the Glasgow merchants reestablished their businesses remained "vague",Price concurring on the last point. [31] [38]
Devine was,in later life,to acknowledge the omission of the context of its entanglement with overseas slave-based economies as a blind spot in his early work on the Tobacco Lords. [39]
His 1988 The Great Highland Famine is an analysis of the impact of the late 1840s failure of the potato upon the Western Highlands of Scotland. [27] It covers a longer period than its title might suggest,dealing with the 1840s and 1850s. [40] Based upon in-depth research using a wide range of historical records from the government,charitable institutions,censuses,local parishes,and the great estates of the period,it both in places reinforced earlier conclusions that had been made upon less evidence and elsewhere refuted some (at the time) accepted ideas. [40] [41] [42]
Devine divided the Highlands into east and west,and his conclusion about the western Highlands exemplified this. [43] His conclusion that the western Highlands were at risk was not a novel one,but his further conclusion that there was no real famine mortality was characterized by L. M. Cullen of Trinity College Dublin as "quite surprising". [42]
One of its revisions to (then) accepted ideas was to ascribe the population fall after the famine not to altered sex ratios,simply the fact that young men emigrated,but rather to a deliberate inhibition by Scottish estates on family formation without adequate land,in (in T. C. Smout's words) "an openly Malthusian way". [44] Another point discussed in the book was the hidden involvement of Charles Trevelyan in various nominally private sector charitable famine relief projects. [44] [42]
David Dickson of Trinity College Dublin observed that this "remarkably comprehensive account" was possible because of the small size of the Scottish famine in comparison to the Irish one,with under 290,000 people in the Highlands of Scotland in 1841,which Ireland equalled with just the population of County Clare alone. [45] Dickinson observed that to an Irish reader Devine,whilst not setting out to explicitly compare the two famines but having "made notable efforts to have an Irish angle",had provided "a fascinating combination of the familiar and the alien" showing both parallels and differences,although that Devine had not explored such differentiating factors as population density;and that Devine had indicated several ways in which future differential analyses of the Irish famine could be made,to note whether factors present in Devine's analysis of the Scottish famine could explain unevenness in the Irish one,that led to milder impacts in some counties such as County Donegal (an observation with which Cullen concurred). [46] [47]
The 1989 Improvement and Enlightenment,the 1990 Conflict and Stability in Scottish Society,the 1992 Scottish Emigration and Scottish Society,and the 1994 Scottish Elites are the proceedings of 1987,1988,1990,and 1991 seminars (respectively) at the University of Strathclyde,all edited by Devine. [48] [49] [50] [51] The first has a paper by Devine discussing changing landholdings in the 19th century in Higland Scotland,with an appendix of data. [51] The second has a paper by Devine presenting Lowland Scotland as a society regulated by the landowning class with emigration as a release valve for the discontented,preventing civil unrest and violence. [49] The third includes an introduction by Devine,discussing the paradoxical nature of Scottish emigration,why skilled urban residents emigrated despite the growing domestic demand for skilled labour during Scotland's industrialization,and a paper by Devine highlighting the roles of landlords in the Highland emigrations since 1760 and of the 1840s and 1850s in particular. [52] [48] The fourth has a paper by Devine challenging the (then) accepted history of "lowland clearances". [50]
The 1995 Glasgow,Volume I:Beginnings to 1830 is the first volume in what was a projected 3-volume work on the city,by primarily the staff of the University of Strathclyde and co-edited by Devine,who contributed the chapter on the tobacco trade and provided introduction and conclusion. [53]
His 1995 Clanship to Crofters' War is a digest of his work to date on the Highlands updated by drawing on (then) recent work by Allan Macinness of the University of Aberdeen,Ewen Cameron,and others. [27] Alaistair J. Durie of the University of Glasgow called it a "deeply informed and authoritative" survey of the history of the Highlands. [27] Comprising 16 chapters in total,chronicling the economic and social history of the Highlands until the beginnings of the Crofters' War,it is a historical synthesis rather than a research-based text and is not footnoted as academic monographs are,containing just a few notes and a selection of further reading per chapter,and containing maps,contemporary photographs,and drawings. [54] [55] [56] Historian Andrew MacKillop characterized this style as "consciously user-friendly" and called the work overall "an effective and cogent synthesis". [57]
The book's key themes are the character,conduct,and changing composition of the landowning elite of the Highlands,including such things as the forced sale of clan lands held for centuries as a result of economic collapse following the Napoleonic Wars,which Durie noted to be "particularly strong" when it comes to analysis of who came to buy the land and why. [58] MacKillop observed that Devine's synthesis of work to date served to highlight a deficiency in historical research into the economic transformation of the region,well studied in the North-West but understudied in the South-East. [55]
The pivotal chapter,for Durie,was the one where Devine explained the late 18th century to early 19th century transformation of the Highlands from (in Durie's words) a "barren wilderness inhabited only by savages to a romantic landscape",in a process that Devine named "The Making of Highlandism". [59] MacKillop considered that while it dealt with Highlandism as a reaction of Lowland Scotland to cultural pressures from England,it could have dealt more with the role of the elite of the Highlands,and their deliberate adoption of distinctive Highland symbols in order to compete for patronage in the military against the gentry of other parts of the Kingdom. [60] Other chapters deal with the impacts of immigration,emigration,and Protestant evangelicalism,the decline of the Gaelic language,and with the experiences of urbanised Gaels. [55] [61]
In the view of Richard J. Finlay,Devine's (1999) Scottish Nation 1700–2000,whose publication coincided with the opening of the Scottish Parliament,is "the most comprehensive account of modern Scottish history". [62] Brian Bonnyman,Honorary Fellow at the University of Edinburgh,called it "unsurpassed as a history of modern Scotland". [63] William Walker Knox,history professor at the University of St Andrews,observed that a generalist approach in such a book "lays Devine open to attacks from specialists,who will no doubt find fault with his treatment of a particular event,period,or personality",and described the book as "surpass[ing] in knowledge and scope" M. Lynch's 1991 Scotland:A New History and T.C. Smout's 1986 A Century of the Scottish People,1830–1950 and would be "the standard work on modern Scotland for the general reader and the undergraduate for some time ahead". [64]
The book launch,held in the New Museum of Scotland included a telegram of congratulations from Gordon Brown,an introduction by Donald Dewar,and the attendance of most of Scotland's senior politicians. [62] Finlay described the book as "the first major work that is unselfconsciously Scottish" about its subject,and also observed that it had the fortunate timing of being able to view the past from a post-Scottish Devolution viewpoint,a view not available to earlier historians such as Michael Lynch. [65] He attributed the book's success to a "new mood of [Scottish] cultural confidence" and serendipitous timing. [25]
Roger L. Emerson of the University of Western Ontario observed that Devine had "succeeded remarkably well" in his announced (in the book) purpose of "present[ing] a coherent account of the last 300 years of Scotland's past with the hope of developing a better understanding of the present" and incorporating the work of the most recent generation of Scottish historians. [66] Being built on the work of Devine himself and others such as Smout and Michael Flynn,in conference papers and in articles in the aforementioned Scottish Economic and Social History,Emerson observed that the book "could not possibly have been written thirty years ago or even ten years ago". [10]
Like The Great Highland Famine,the book is not footnoted in academic style,cites only books and not journal articles in its bibliography,and in Emerson's view was "clearly not designed as a textbook",since students will be unable to easily connect its various theses and data to their sources. [10] It has five maps,which Emerson criticized for being "rather inadequate since the topography is only roughly indicated". [10]
Finlay observed that as Scotland is a small nation,the "total" history approach is feasible for a work like Scottish Nation. [25] The book furthermore approaches the problem of entanglement of Scottish history with British history by simply ignoring Britain,England,and the British Empire except where they are relevant to Scotland,which Finlay characterized as the same "standard historical technique of British history" when written from "an English metropolitan perspective". [25] Emerson commented that in order to find political history of Acts of the United Kingdom Parliament concerning Scotland one would still benefit from consulting William Ferguson's Scotland 1689 to the Present [lower-alpha 1] in addition to Devine's book. [10]
Drawing upon his own extensive research,something that not many other authors of histories for the popular market were able to do,in the book Devine presented Scottish history of the late 18th and 19th centuries as far more revolutionary in nature than the history of England in the same period — in fact faster,in its speed of urbanization,than anywhere else in Europe. [67] He painted a picture of Scotland as well positioned,from roots in its mercantile and military practices from the 15th century,to take advantage,with the formation of the Kingdom of Great Britain,of what was then the largest free trade zone in all of Europe,and the British Empire that was to follow. [68]
The book also incorporated areas of Scottish historiography that had theretofore been under-represented or neglected;including a chapter on "Scottish Women:Family,Work,and Politics",discussion of the "silent revolution" of the rural Lowlands,a chapter on the "New Scots" who immigrated from Ireland,Lithuania,Italy,and other countries including ethnic Jewish and Asian groups,and a chapter on "Emigrants" dealing with Scotland's high emigration rates during the period. [63]
Devine soundly rejected the thesis that there had been a "crisis in Scottish nationhood" in the second half of the 19th century,as the result of assimilation,Anglicization,and cultural collapse. [68] Instead he argued that the lack of a strong political nationalist movement did not prevent "a strong and coherent sense of identity to exist within the [U]nion and provide a solid foundation for cultural achievement". [63] Bonnyman observed that this is,however,a seeming contradiction with his chapter on "Highlandism and Scottish Identity",which posits the very sense of cultural disintegration and loss of identity — Scottish society "searching for an identity amid unprecedented economic and social change and under threat of cultural conquest by a much more powerful neighbour" — that he had dismissed in an earlier chapter. [63]
Devine's treatment of cultural history,as opposed to economic history,tended towards a simpler synopsis of established work on the subject. [63] Emerson observed that it was somewhat lacking in both political and intellectual history,with little on the Glasgow Boys,Hugh MacDiarmid and contemporaries,and Charles Rennie Mackintosh and associates. [10] Knox observed that cultural history was weaker in the book,with youth culture seemingly ended with Elvis Presley,women's political activity becoming (in Knox's words) "no more than a footnote in a political narrative dominated by male concerns and interests" following the Glasgow Women's Housing Association and the rent strikes of 1915,and Asian immigrants referred to as "coloured". [69] Knox ascribed this in part to a more general weakness in the book's coverage of the period after World War Two,which he suggested was not necessarily solely because of Devine's focus on the period from the late 18th century to the advent of World War One,the core of the book,but also simply because of there being less historical scholarship to work from for that period. [69] The book's chapter on education passes over such things as debates over the curriculum and privatisation in the 1980s and 1990s,tailing off with things like the introduction of comprehensive schools in the 1960s;and its chapter on religion does not address things like the decline in church attendance from the 1960s onwards. [69] Furthermore,whilst the cultural topics of education,immigration,religion,and women get their own chapters,other topics such as leisure and work do not. [69]
In Knox's view the chapter on women is incomplete,solely addressing the beginnings of the women's movements as suffrage issues and ignoring their origins in temperance movements and anti-slavery campaigns,not addressing late 20th century campaigns for greater numbers of women politicians,not addressing unionization and the "family wage",and not addressing darker aspects of female cultural history such as wife beating,for which Knox observed "extensive documentation exists",and the sometimes dark,drunken,and violent cultural landscapes of female life presented by things such William M. Walker's Juteopolis. [lower-alpha 2] [70]
Knox also pointed out that Devine's historical narrative of a long term trend in Scottish nationalism ignored the complexities of the Scottish Labour Party with its internal problems after the end of World War Two. [69] He ameliorated these criticisms by suggesting that a "more analytical,rigorous,and thematic survey of Scottish history that the historical profession" — as opposed to a popular readership — "might prefer is now beyond the capacity of a single author,however gifted". [71]
A revised edition in 2006 added three more chapters on post-Devolution topics,including politics. [5]
In 2012,Devine's publisher Penguin Books retrospectively started marketing Scottish Nation along with his later Scotland's Empire and The Ends of the Earth as Devine's Scottish Trilogy. [72] Devine had not planned it this way. [73] [26]
Scotland's Empire,1600–1815 (2003) was roughly contemporary with Michael Fry's 2001 The Scottish Empire and Niall Ferguson's 2003 Empire:How Britain Changed the World. [74] [75] It occasioned a public spat between Devine and Fry,each negatively reviewing the other's book in the press. [74] [76] At 476 pages,100 pages of which are footnotes and bibliography,it covers some of the same grounds as earlier works,including the chapter 4 "Trade and Profit" (first appearing in the aforementioned Glasgow and covering the same ground as The Tobacco Lords) and chapter 6 covering the marketization of the Highland economy in much the same way as Devine covered it in Scottish Nation. [77] The book is not as much about the influence of the Scots over the British Empire,as it is about the influence of the British Empire on Scotland,and draws occasional parallels between the north-west Highlands of the 19th century and the history of the West of Ireland. [75]
Christopher Harvie noted that its coverage of "Colonizing India" fails to mention the reforms of Cornwallis in India. [74]
To The Ends of the Earth:Scotland's Global Disapora (2011) was aimed at the popular history market,in thirteen chapters with accompanying pictures and photographs. [78] [26] The book deals with Scottish trade with all parts of the planet,from the Hong Kong firm of Jardine,Matheson,and Company through markets in Latin and South America to the United States and the Middle East. [26] The book is structured such that each chapter is in the form of setting up an initial question about a particular aspect of the Diaspora,which is then answered with an overview of the (then) current state of historical research in the area. [79]
In the opinion of Geoffrey Plank of the University of East Anglia the most contentious chapter of the book discussed the relationship between slavery and the Industrial Revolution in Scotland,asserting that overseas connections formed in the era of slavery were an important factor in Scottish trade for long after slavery itself was abolished,and pointing out the intangible costs of Scotland's economic development. [78] Kyle Hughes of the University of Ulster called it "the book's most thought-provoking chapter" for pointing out that whilst the actual slave trade itself was higher in English ports like Liverpool and Bristol than it was in Scottish ports,the economy of Scotland,in its textile industry and otherwise,was more clearly and directly fuelled by the products of the slave-based economies overseas. [73]
Plank characterized the book as a collection of freestanding essays more than a continuous narrative,and that several themes explored in early chapters were not continued in later ones. [78] Plank gave the example of slavery and racism,discussed early in the book,and then entirely omitted from a later chapter that deals with Scottish influences on the American Civil War despite how Scottish symbols of clanship and burning crosses were warped into (in Plank's words) "a thoroughly racist" subculture. [78] Devine discussed some of the influences of Ulster Scots on the South of the United States,including how the obsessions of Scottish descendants in other countries with the likes of tartans,clans,and other Scottish symbols can seem "risible" or "offensive" to people in Scotland. [26]
Overall,Plank considered the book to be insufficient,as the subjects like Scottish participation in wars against the native peoples of Australia and North America,the fur trade,and the métis are complex moral issues where people and processes are not absolutely good nor bad. [80] Hughes pointed out that it omitted the "near disapora" of the approximately 670,000 Scots who simply migrated to other parts of the Kingdom between 1841 and 1921. [73] Angela McCarthy considered the account unbalanced,with its concentration on some of the ruthless actions of people in the Scottish Diaspora in need of a counterpoint with the more positive aspects,and covering recent studies of the Diaspora in New Zealand. [81] She praised it for giving more than a mere nod to the relationship between the Diaspora and people in Scotland as many other such histories do,and for its exposition of the several qualitative differences between the migrations of Scots and Catholic Irish. [82]
The Scottish Clearances:A History of the Dispossessed 1600–1900 (2018),as the use of the word "Scottish" in its title was intended to indicate,addresses not only the Highland Clearances,well known in Scottish history from the middle 20th century onwards because of the works of John Prebble but also (in the view of academic historians) somewhat distorted by the same,but also the less well known (outside of academic circles,before the publication of Devine's book) Lowland Clearances. [83] [84] [39] [85] Devine had already visited the subject in his 2006 Clearance and Improvement:Land,Power and People in Scotland 1700–1900,but in the opinion of Brian Morton that "excellent and thoughtful" book in light of Devine's later book "now looks like a preliminary skirmish",with Devine having pushed back the start of the account by a full century. [86]
Devine dedicated the book to Malcolm Gray,author of The Highland Economy 1750–1850. [39] He structured it into three parts,the first an introduction (in which Devine emphasises that pre-Clearance rural Scotland was not a romanticized primitive static culture),the second part examining the Lowland Clearances,and the third part addressing the Highland ones. [87]
Ewen A. Cameron,Devine's successor as the Sir William Fraser Professor of Scottish History and Palaeography,described Devine as having "la[id] out this history with admirable lucidity" in "a comprehensive account". [83] In both Morton's and Cameron's views,Devine introduced one (in Cameron's words) "very important point" that Prebble lacked,an account of the people who were dispossessed,and their resistance to the clearances. [86] [83]
Devine's book also challenged the theretofore established popular view that the sole cause of the Clearances was landlordism,ascribing it instead to many causes:the majority of Scottish emigrants to the Americas being from the Lowlands rather than from the Highlands,who emigrated in search of better prospects than they had in Scotland;bankruptcies of land-owners and a new more absentee land-owning class that lived beyond their means;a rising population in areas of subsistence agriculture;decreases in available arable land thanks to increased sheep farming;insufficient responses to the potato famine;increased enforcement by authorities on the untaxed distillation of whisky;racist ideas about Celts and Gaels;and victim-blaming by the Church of Scotland telling people that their present circumstances in life were punishment for their own sins. [88] [39] [85] [89] In the book Devine also pointed out that landlords were not wholly callous and wicked with no redeeming features,as they had been painted,with some worried about their duties as feudal chiefs,others generous in both investing in job creation and funding relief efforts,and even the infamous Countess of Sutherland creating a new village on the coast for her tenants. [39]
To reviewer Alan Taylor of the Scottish Review of Books ,Devine had told a story where the Industrial Revolution had been "infinitely more effective in clearing land than ever the likes of Patrick Sellar managed". [39]
In answering his own question in the closing chapter of the book,Devine ascribed the more widespread identification of loss of land in Scotland with only the Highland Clearances to the fact that they,in contrast to the Lowland ones,took place in an age of steam railways,the telegraph,and 19th century Christian movements for drawing attention to the plight of the poor. [39]
Devine was awarded the Senior Hume Brown Prize for the Best First Book in Scottish history (1976); the Saltire Society Prize for Best Book on Scottish History (1988–1991); and the Royal Society of Edinburgh Henry Duncan Prize and Lectureship in Scottish Studies (1993). [90]
He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh (RSE) in 1992, [90] of the British Academy in 1994, [90] an Honorary Member of the Royal Irish Academy in 2001, [91] and to the Academy of Europe in 2021. [92] [93] He is also a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. [94]
Devine was awarded the RSE's Royal Medal in 2001, [95] the RSE's inaugural Sir Walter Scott Prize in 2012, [96] the American-Scottish Foundation's Wallace Award in 2016, [14] the Lifetime Achievement Award of the UK all-party parliamentary group on Archives and History of the House of Commons and House of Lords in July 2018, [97] and Honorary Membership of Scottish PEN in 2020. [98]
He was made an Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) in the 2005 New Year Honours for services to Scottish history, [99] and was knighted in the 2014 Birthday Honours for "services to the study of Scottish history". [100]
The recorded history of Scotland begins with the arrival of the Roman Empire in the 1st century, when the province of Britannia reached as far north as the Antonine Wall. North of this was Caledonia, inhabited by the Picti, whose uprisings forced Rome's legions back to Hadrian's Wall. As Rome finally withdrew from Britain, a Gaelic tribe from Ireland called the Scoti began colonising Western Scotland and Wales. Before Roman times, prehistoric Scotland entered the Neolithic Era about 4000 BC, the Bronze Age about 2000 BC, and the Iron Age around 700 BC.
The Highlands is a historical region of Scotland. Culturally, the Highlands and the Lowlands diverged from the Late Middle Ages into the modern period, when Lowland Scots language replaced Scottish Gaelic throughout most of the Lowlands. The term is also used for the area north and west of the Highland Boundary Fault, although the exact boundaries are not clearly defined, particularly to the east. The Great Glen divides the Grampian Mountains to the southeast from the Northwest Highlands. The Scottish Gaelic name of A' Ghàidhealtachd literally means "the place of the Gaels" and traditionally, from a Gaelic-speaking point of view, includes both the Western Isles and the Highlands.
A Scottish clan is a kinship group among the Scottish people. Clans give a sense of shared heritage and descent to members, and in modern times have an official structure recognised by the Court of the Lord Lyon, which regulates Scottish heraldry and coats of arms. Most clans have their own tartan patterns, usually dating from the 19th century, which members may incorporate into kilts or other clothing.
The Agricultural Revolution in Scotland was a series of changes in agricultural practice that began in the 17th century and continued in the 19th century. They began with the improvement of Scottish Lowlands farmland and the beginning of a transformation of Scottish agriculture from one of the least modernised systems to what was to become the most modern and productive system in Europe. The traditional system of agriculture in Scotland generally used the runrig system of management, which had possibly originated in the Late Middle Ages. The basic pre-improvement farming unit was the baile and the fermetoun. In each, a small number of families worked open-field arable and shared grazing. Whilst run rig varied in its detail from place to place, the common defining detail was the sharing out by lot on a regular basis of individual parts ("rigs") of the arable land so that families had intermixed plots in different parts of the field.
The Highland Potato Famine was a period of 19th-century Highland and Scottish history over which the agricultural communities of the Hebrides and the western Scottish Highlands saw their potato crop repeatedly devastated by potato blight. It was part of the wider food crisis facing Northern Europe caused by potato blight during the mid-1840s, whose most famous manifestation is the Great Irish Famine, but compared with its Irish counterpart, it was much less extensive and took many fewer lives as prompt and major charitable efforts by the rest of the United Kingdom ensured relatively little starvation.
Thomas Christopher Smout is a Scottish academic, historian, author and Historiographer Royal in Scotland.
John Edward Curtis Prebble, FRSL, OBE, was an English journalist, novelist, and screenwriter. He is known for his books on Scottish history.
The historiography of Scotland refers to the sources, critical methods and interpretive models used by scholars to come to an understanding of the history of Scotland.
The Catholic Church in Scotland overseen by the Scottish Bishops' Conference, is part of the worldwide Catholic Church headed by the Pope. After being introduced through Iona Abbey and firmly established in Scotland for nearly a millennium, the Catholic Church was outlawed following the Scottish Reformation in 1560. Throughout nearly three centuries of religious persecution, several pockets in Scotland retained a significant pre-Reformation Catholic population, including Banffshire, the Hebrides, and more northern parts of the Highlands, Galloway at Terregles House, Munches House, Kirkconnell House, New Abbey and Parton House and at Traquair in Peebleshire.
The European potato failure was a food crisis caused by potato blight that struck Northern and Western Europe in the mid-1840s. The time is also known as the Hungry Forties. While the crisis produced excess mortality and suffering across the affected areas, particularly affected were the Scottish Highlands, with the Highland Potato Famine and, even more harshly, Ireland, which experienced the Great Famine. Extensive emigration was a result of these famines, but even so large numbers in Ireland died as they had almost no access to other staple food sources.
Agriculture in Scotland includes all land use for arable, horticultural or pastoral activity in Scotland, or around its coasts. The first permanent settlements and farming date from the Neolithic period, from around 6,000 years ago. From the beginning of the Bronze Age, about 2000 BCE, arable land spread at the expense of forest. From the Iron Age, beginning in the seventh century BCE, there was use of cultivation ridges and terraces. During the period of Roman occupation there was a reduction in agriculture and the early Middle Ages were a period of climate deterioration resulting in more unproductive land. Most farms had to produce a self-sufficient diet, supplemented by hunter-gathering. More oats and barley were grown, and cattle were the most important domesticated animal. From c. 1150 to 1300, the Medieval Warm Period allowed cultivation at greater heights and made land more productive. The system of infield and outfield agriculture may have been introduced with feudalism from the twelfth century. The rural economy boomed in the thirteenth century, but by the 1360s there was a severe falling off in incomes to be followed by a slow recovery in the fifteenth century.
The economic history of Scotland charts economic development in the history of Scotland from earliest times, through seven centuries as an independent state and following Union with England, three centuries as a country of the United Kingdom. Before 1700 Scotland was a poor rural area, with few natural resources or advantages, remotely located on the periphery of the European world. Outward migration to England, and to North America, was heavy from 1700 well into the 20th century. After 1800 the economy took off, and industrialized rapidly, with textile, coal, iron, railroads, and most famously shipbuilding and banking. Glasgow was the centre of the Scottish economy. After the end of the First World War in 1918, Scotland went into a steady economic decline, shedding thousands of high-paying engineering jobs, and having very high rates of unemployment especially in the 1930s. Wartime demand in the Second World War temporarily reversed the decline, but conditions were difficult in the 1950s and 1960s. The discovery of North Sea oil in the 1970s brought new wealth, and a new cycle of boom and bust, even as the old industrial base had decayed.
The Highland Clearances were the evictions of a significant number of tenants in the Scottish Highlands and Islands, mostly in two phases from 1750 to 1860.
Scotland in the modern era, from the end of the Jacobite risings and beginnings of industrialisation in the 18th century to the present day, has played a major part in the economic, military and political history of the United Kingdom, British Empire and Europe, while recurring issues over the status of Scotland, its status and identity have dominated political debate.
The demographic history of Scotland includes all aspects of population history in what is now Scotland. The earliest surviving archaeological evidence of human settlement is of Mesolithic hunter-gatherer encampments. These suggest a highly mobile boat-using people, probably with a very low density of population. Neolithic farming brought permanent settlements dating from 3500 BC, and greater concentrations of population. Evidence of hillforts and other buildings suggest a growing settled population. Changes in the scale of woodland indicates that the Roman invasions from the first century AD had a negative impact on the native population.
The history of agriculture in Scotland includes all forms of farm production in the modern boundaries of Scotland, from the prehistoric era to the present day.
Agriculture in Scotland in the early modern era includes all forms of farm production in the modern boundaries of Scotland, between the establishment of the Renaissance in the early sixteenth century and the beginning of the Industrial Revolution in the mid-eighteenth century. This era saw the impact of the Little Ice Age, which peaked towards the end of the seventeenth century. Almost half the years in the second half of the sixteenth century saw local or national scarcity, necessitating the shipping of large quantities of grain from the Baltic. In the early seventeenth century famine was relatively common, but became rarer as the century progressed. The closing decade of the seventeenth century saw a slump, followed by four years of failed harvests, in what is known as the "seven ill years", but these shortages would be the last of their kind.
The Seven Ill Years, also known as the Seven Lean Years, is the term used for a period of widespread and prolonged famine in Scotland during the 1690s, named after the biblical famine in Egypt predicted by Joseph in the Book of Genesis. Estimates suggest between 5 and 15% of the total Scottish population died of starvation, while in areas like Aberdeenshire death rates may have reached 25%. One reason the shortages of the 1690s are so well remembered is because they were the last of their kind.
In Scotland, the Industrial Revolution was the transition to new manufacturing processes and economic expansion between the mid-eighteenth century and the late nineteenth century. By the start of the eighteenth century, a political union between Scotland and England became politically and economically attractive, promising to open up the much larger markets of England, as well as those of the growing British Empire, resulting in the Treaty of Union of 1707. There was a conscious attempt among the gentry and nobility to improve agriculture in Scotland. New crops were introduced and enclosures began to displace the run rig system and free pasture. The economic benefits of union were very slow to appear, some progress was visible, such as the sales of linen and cattle to England, the cash flows from military service, and the tobacco trade that was dominated by Glasgow after 1740. Merchants who profited from the American trade began investing in leather, textiles, iron, coal, sugar, rope, sailcloth, glass-works, breweries, and soap-works, setting the foundations for the city's emergence as a leading industrial center after 1815.
The Highland and Island Emigration Society was a charitable society formed to promote and assist emigration as a solution to the Highland Potato Famine.