1916 AIF Pioneer Exhibition Game | ||||||||||||||||
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Date | 28 October 1916 | |||||||||||||||
Stadium | Queen's Club, West Kensington, London | |||||||||||||||
Attendance | 3,000 – 6,000 (various estimates) | |||||||||||||||
Umpires | S.R. Gray (first half) George Barry (second half) | |||||||||||||||
Coin toss won by | Australian Training Units Team | |||||||||||||||
Kicked toward | Northern end (kicked with the wind) |
On Saturday 28 October 1916, the former Olympic champion swimmer and the later Lord Mayor of Melbourne, Lieutenant Frank Beaurepaire, organised an Australian Rules football match in aid of the British and the French Red Cross.
Promoted as the Pioneer Exhibition Game of Australian Football in London, and "believed to be the first exhibition of Australian football in London" (de Lacy, 1949), the match was contested between two teams of Australian servicemen who were stationed in the UK — the Australian Training Units Team and the Third Australian Divisional Team— all of whom were highly skilled footballers, and the majority of whom had already played senior football in their respective states prior to their enlistment.
The Third Australian Divisional team beat the Australian Training Units Team 6.16 (52) to 4.12 (36).
The match was suggested by Sir John Monash, then in command of the 3rd Australian Division, [1] with the complete support of Brigadier-General Sir Newton Moore, former Premier of Western Australia and, at the time, General Officer Commanding Australian Imperial Force in the United Kingdom. [2] Both agreed that, if at all possible, the game should be played in London, rather than on the Salisbury Plain: [3]
Despite not being an athlete himself, [5] Monash firmly believed in the power of sport to boost troop morale and keep his soldiers fit for war.
On the evening of Saturday, 17 January 1920, for instance, in his response on behalf of the Army to the toast "The Navy and Army" at a dinner at Scott's Hotel, Melbourne, hosted by the president of the Victorian Cricket Association, Donald Mackinnon, for the visiting AIF Cricket team, [6] [7] Monash made his position on the value of sport unequivocally clear:
The two generals chose Lieutenant-Colonel C.A. Keatinge Johnson, [10] then Commander of the A Group Training Brigade on Salisbury Plain, to be responsible for the arrangements; and, if possible, he was asked to select two first-class teams. [3]
Keatinge-Johnson directed Major C.W. St John Clarke to begin the planning. [11]
St. John-Clarke, in turn, appointed Lieutenant Frank Beaurepaire — who was in the UK at the time as a commissioner of the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA), [12] and serving with the 3rd Division — to be responsible for the 3rd Division, and Lieutenant H. Bartram of the 2nd Brigade, [13] to be responsible for the 1st, 2nd, 4th, and 5th Divisions. Beaurepaire and Bartram immediately set to work and established an office in London. The match took almost three months to organise. [3]
The members of the team squads had been chosen on the basis of their footballing skills.
The majority of those chosen had already played senior football in their respective states, and a number of them had also played interstate representative football:
Despite their individual skills and expertise, those eventually chosen from the prospective squads to play on the day had not really been able to practice together as teams prior to the match. [27]
The match was promoted as the "Pioneer Exhibition Game of Australian Football in London": [28]
As well as providing a clear explanation of the game, which made it easy for spectators to follow, the official printed programme [30] provided the names and numbers for the members of each squad's extended list of "possibles" — 25 for the Third Australian Division, and 26 for the Combined Training Units — from which the 18 players for the day in each team were to be selected.
It is obvious from the differences in references to the same individual in various parts of the programme [30] — for instance, "Fred Lindsay" (p. 2) vs. "Dan Lindsay" (p. 10); "Cecil Hart" (p. 2) vs. "Cecil J. Hartt" (p. 4), etc. — that, rather than a written draft of the programme having been created and cross-checked against all available artistic, sporting, and military records by a single, dedicated, and well-informed official, and the cluster of pages from which the programme was subsequently constructed having been imagined and, then, realised by a single creative designer, the entire programme was a set of associated fragments, each constructed by different individuals to whom various aspects of the various tasks involved had been delegated at different times, and all of which had been hurriedly aggregated together at last moment by some other person.
Consequently, the lists of squad members and match officials in the programme [31] not only contain typographical errors (e.g., "Pubiaco" for "Subiaco"), but also some outright mis-identifications of specific individuals and/or their original football teams, all of which have been corrected and are accurately identified below [32] — which, allowing for the changes due to differences in age, health, and physical fitness, and the consequences of their military service (such as being gassed while serving in France), are clearly those of the same individual that appears in the relevant team photograph taken on the day — except, that is, for the goal umpire "S.M Keen", the Third Division's [13] "L. Martin, University", and [23] "L.V. Brown, Brighton", and the Training Units' [14] "Maxfield, Fremantle", [19] "Bennett, Ballarat", and [21] "McDonald, Essendon", [31] whose respective identification-puzzles (as of June 2022 [update] ) seem impossible to resolve.
However, given that all of the players were serving soldiers whose stamina, current states of health (due to hepatitis, measles, meningitis, malaria, etc.), post-injury and post-wound levels of physical fitness-for-football, [33] (post-gassing) respiratory capacities, and/or immediate demands of their military duties might make them suddenly available (or, not available) — for instance, Jack Cooper's condition had only just recovered enough from being gassed in France for him to be able to play for the Training Units team [34] — it is not surprising that the names of two of the unexpectedly-available-on-the-day players (i.e., Alf Moore and Billy Orchard) were missing from their respective squad's list in the published programme. [31]
The official programme [30] also presented a small collection of sketches by six well-known Australian artists resident in London at the time, [35] all of whom "gave their services gratuitously": [14]
No special sale price was fixed for the programmes. A staff of 80 girls, each of whom carried their allocation of programmes in a basket decorated with the green and gold colours of Australia, [14] volunteered to dispose of them, and a prize was offered for the girl whose work netted the best returns. The winning girl handed in more than £70: [3]
Two hand-stitched footballs were made for the match by Corporal C.C. McMullen, [15] [47] who had been a leatherworker at Henry Fordham's football factory in Sydney Road, Brunswick, [48] prior to his enlistment in the First AIF. The Fordham footballs — i.e., contrasted with the "Sherrin" footballs (see the football held by Dan Minogue in the image above) that had been (c.1902) especially designed to facilitate the stab-kicking of the Collingwood footballers [49] — were being used in the West Australian Goldfields League as early as 1907. [50] Also, Fordham footballs were the official ball for the Victorian Football Association (VFA) for fourteen years in the 1920s and 1930s. [51]
The balls that McMullen made for the match were marked "The AIF Ball" on one side, and "Match II" on the other. [52] One of the balls is currently (as of June 2022 [update] ) on display at the Dandenong/Cranbourne Sub Branch of the RSL. [53]
The Divisional Team played in the blue guernsey which had been made in London especially for the match, that had a large white map of Australia (minus Tasmania) on the centre of its front, and in white shorts. [65] [66]
The eighteen players that took the field were:
Eight of those listed in the official programme as members of the Third Division's squad; [30] who, although "selected to go to London and hold themselves in readiness if required to play" (Minogue & Millar, 1937), did not take the field that day:
The Training Units played in the red guernsey which had been made in London especially for the match, that had a large white kangaroo on its left breast, and in white shorts.
The eighteen players that took the field were: [103]
Eight of those listed in the official programme as members of the Training Group's squad; [30] who, although "selected to go to London and hold themselves in readiness if required to play" (Minogue & Millar, 1937), did not take the field that day:
The game was played at Queen's Club, West Kensington, on the cold, bleak, overcast, and windy late-Autumn afternoon of Saturday, 28 October 1916, [137] before a crowd that was estimated at 3,000, by many, [138] 5,000, by some, [14] and as many as 6,000 by others. [46] There's no doubt that the considerably smaller-than-expected crowd — almost exclusively limited to those expressly invited to the match, [139] and those Australian servicemen who took advantage of the leave that Monash had granted them on the day — was entirely due to the consequences of the inclement weather. [140]
A very strong goal-to-goal wind favoured one end of the ground, and the playing field itself was the wrong shape and the wrong size: it was considerably shorter and narrower than the sorts of field the players were accustomed to playing upon back in Australia — it measured at 120 yards (110 m) wide and 180 yards (165 m) long [141] — and this significant reduction in the overall available playing area contributed to somewhat more congested play, at times, than usual. [142]
The match began at 3PM local time. It was played over four 20-minute quarters [143] — and, over and above those 80 minutes of elapsed playing time, the three additional breaks between the quarters meant that on such a gloomy day (sunset was at 4.42 PM) [144] the final minutes of the match were played in very, very poor light conditions.
The Third Australian Divisional Team was the pre-match favourite; at the time of the match they were in much better shape, mainly because, unlike those of the First, Second, Fourth, and Fifth Divisions, the soldiers of the Third Division were the only ones who had not yet seen any active overseas service. [145] The Divisional team beat the Australian Training Units Team 6.16 (52) to 4.12 (36). [146] [147]
According to the records supplied to Vic Johnson by Italo Cesari in 1954, the Training Units players' positions were: [148]
Backs: | H.J. Boyd [8] | D. Scullin [11] | McDonald [21] |
Half-Backs: | J.T. Cooper [2] | C.J. Perry [1] (c) | E.F. Beames [2] |
Centres: | S.C. Martin [7] | G.B. Bower [18] | T. Paine [15] |
Half-Forwards: | H.C. Kerley [5] | T.S. Hosking [6] | A.M. Moore [–] |
Forwards: | Maxfield [14] | A. Jackson [22] | O.R. Armstrong [10] |
Followers: | C. Donaldson [4] | I. Cesari [9] | P.G. Trotter [3] |
The two captains met in the centre of the ground. The Training Unit's captain, Charlie Perry, won the toss, and chose to kick with the wind to the northern end of the ground. The match started off at a brisk, enthusiastic pace, with both sides competing strongly and, to the spectator's delight, displaying the game's characteristic "high marking and long kicking". Although the Training Units team had the advantage of the strong wind, its inaccurate kicking resulted in just two goals (and 5 behinds), whilst the Divisional team was restricted to a score of two behinds — mainly due to the outstanding efforts of the training Unit's Percy Trotter and Clyde Donaldson. [46]
Kicking with the strong wind, with Jack Brake, Hughie James, and Les Lee "marking magnificently", and with Cyril Hoft "sparkling" on the wing, the even-less-accurate Divisional team could only kick two goals (and 8 behinds), whilst the Training Units team was restricted to just 2 behinds. Percy Jory kicked a goal with a drop-kick. At half-time, the Divisional team was leading by 3 points. [46]
The third quarter was considered to be "the best of the match". It was notable for the play moving rapidly backwards-and-forwards up and down the ground — the "play rocked to and fro in a buzzing, tense atmosphere", thrilling the crowd (who were "on their toes, roaring the players on") with the "strong ruck clashes", the "swift passing", the "long drop-kicking", and the "finger-tip marks" — and with the backlines of each team dominating their forward opponents. The Training Units team, which had kicked two goals (and 2 behinds) to the Divisional team's 2 behinds, had a lead of 8 points at the three-quarter time interval. [46]
As the match progressed it was becoming increasingly obvious that the match fitness of the players (or the absence thereof), and not just the strong wind favouring one end of the ground, would play a large part in the final result of the match (Richardson, 2016, p. 171). Kicking with the wind, and in "a particularly fierce last quarter" that was "full of fire and color [sic]" in which "both sides [were] striving mightily", with "their military blood up, the 36 men played with fanatical fervor [sic]", Les Lee, Hughie James, and Dan Minogue gained ascendancy in the ruck, and the Divisional team drew away from the tiring Training Units team, scoring four goals (and 3 behinds) to 3 behinds, and winning the match by 16 points. [46]
In 1937, Dan Minogue recalled that, "the match was played on a Saturday afternoon. The soldiers who had taken part in it had leave in London till Sunday night. This they celebrated in true Digger style." [46]
Team | 1 | 2 | 3 | Final |
---|---|---|---|---|
Third Australian Divisional Team | 0.2 (2) | 2.10 (22) | 2.13 (25) | 6.16 (52) |
Australian Training Units Team | 2.5 (17) | 2.7 (19) | 4.9 (33) | 4.12 (36) |
The admission charges to the match were 1/-, 2/6 and 10/-. The profits of the match — which included a donation of £5/5/- from Lord Stanfordham, the private secretary to King George, and a donation from the former Governor-General of Australia, Lord Denman — and the proceeds from the sales of programmes eventually came to £1000, all of which went to the British and Red Cross Societies. [3]
Overall, the accurate, interesting, and matter-of-fact press reports of the exhibition match (collectively) provided a strong and long-overdue contrast to what Richardson usefully identifies (at 2016, p. 307) as the "misguided mythology" that was ever so firmly embedded in the questionable characterisation — echoing the widely quoted sentiments of Henry Newbolt's poem Vitaï Lampada — made early in the war, of the Australian "digger" as a fierce footballer playing on another field. See, for instance:
There were also the extraordinary claims, made in some quarters, that the footballers who had enlisted were somehow more robust and less likely to be injured than their non-footballer comrades; [154] and Brosnan's remarks, made a year later, in relation to the manner in which the footballer's sporting background contributed to their value as a recruit, reflected similar views:
The match reports spoke of a hotly contested game of Australian football that was, without doubt, being enjoyed beyond measure by those who played on that special day when, just for a moment, they were elite footballers once again (albeit serving with the AIF at the time) — and, inescapably, many of whom would either die later or sustain lifelong injury, debilitating mental issues, and/or the ongoing physical sequelae of medical conditions (such as respiratory distress due to having been gassed) connected with their fight against a real enemy. [157]
Beyond this, the match had quite a different significance for various sorts of individuals. Some treated it as just an event, [158] others saw it as a sporting contest, [159] many "imperial" Britons viewed it as a fascinating exhibition of an unusual and different "colonial" pastime [160] — an obvious parallel to the (later) for-general-interest-only presentation of a demonstration sport, such as Basque pelota, at an Olympic Games [161] — and, for most Australians, [162] it was far more than just a social match: given the skill, experience, and background of those selected to play on the day, and the overall strength of the two teams, they afforded the match a status of at least the equal of an interstate representative game, if not an ANFC Carnival match.
The various press reports also reflected a wide range of different motivations. From one perspective (shared by Gerald Brosnan), the exhibition match of Australian football brought to mind the (abandoned) pre-war proposals by former St Kilda footballer and coach Jim Smith for a 25-match tour of the world — commencing with the Panama–Pacific International Exposition, in San Francisco, California, in March 1915 and, from thence, across America, and on to England, France and South Africa — with a squad of 45 Victorian footballers, to advertise and promote the Australian game; [163] [164] and, further, the 1916 match seemed to suggest the reasonable possibility of the game's successful promotion in the UK and overseas once the war was over. However, it was not until the match between the RAAF and HMAS Shropshire, at Hyde Park, London, organised by ex-Collinwood footballer and later ANFC secretary Bruce Andrew, that a second exhibition match was held in the UK. [165] A third match, contested between RAAF HQ (captain, Bruce Andrew) and the RAAF's No.10 (Sunderland) Squadron (captain, Jack Forrest), [166] took place, soon after, at Hyde Park on 8 January 1944. [167]
In late September 1916, it was announced in the Australian press that "General Monash has granted a holiday [to his troops] for an exhibition of Australian football arranged to take place in London, early in October". [168] A week before the match, the Australian press noted that, "Australian soldiers are introducing Australian football into Britain. Strong teams have been formed at Salisbury and London, and an exhibition game will be played in London on the 28th, when it is expected that Royalty will be present." [169] Several days later, the press noted that, "Members of the competing teams in the Australian (football match, to be held on Saturday, are all senior players, and many have taken part in interstate matches. The captain of the third division team is Lieutenant B. Sloss, of South Melbourne, and the captain of the training groups team is Captain W.H. Perry, of Norwood (S.A.)". [170]
Following the match, although a number of brief reports of the event were published immediately after the match, such as,
the small number that did provide a match report, only supplied (at the most) a two paragraph description of the match itself, and failed to supply any detailed list of participants. [172]
In his own brief report for The Winner on the match in the week following the match (1 November 1916), which was, to a considerable extent, embellished by the pre-match correspondence he had already received relating to the match's participants, Gerald Brosnan lamented the lack of relevant information in the cable reports, and observed that "[further] details by mail will be anxiously awaited". [173]
Ten weeks later (20 December 1916), Brosnan's second article not only contained a detailed first-person account of the events of the day from The Winner's London-based correspondent, E.A. Bland, [174] but, also, Bland's description of first-time spectators' impressions of Australian football. [15] Observing that, notwithstanding the significant fact "that these were scratch teams which had few chances of getting together", the presence of "such a galaxy of stars" meant that "the individual play was at times brilliant and spectacular", and recording that he, Bland, as a first-time spectator, came away from the match with the strong impression that the game "was faster than either Soccer or Rugger", he also reported that "the "high marking" which seemed to be the feature of the game which attracted most [spectator] attention was extraordinarily good". [15] Brosnan's article, which supplied a photograph of each team (i.e., [ADP.3], and [TUP.3]), also included extensive extracts taken directly from the four major British sporting papers, Sporting Life, The Sportsman, The Times , and The Weekly Despatch. [15]
In his final article on the match (10 January 1917), published three weeks later, and unique in the level of match detail it contained (it also published three photographs taken at the game), Brosnan explained that "later details of the match, contained in letters from players, and from spectators, have since arrived, and will no doubt prove of interest to the great number of football followers as well as to the general body of sports-loving public here". [14]
The reports that appeared in the New Zealand press took the form of brief, simple news items. [175]
Although number of brief excerpts from the reports in Sporting Life, 'The Sportsman, The Times, and The Weekly Despatch were published from time to time in the Australian press — i.e., rather than being offered as sports reports of the match, they were presented as examples of the amusing British descriptions of Australian football — it seems that Brosnan's second (20 December 1916) article [15] was the only place at which the relevant sections of all four of the British articles were published in the Australian press. The contents of an entirely different fifth article (apparently written on 29 October 1916), taken from The Referee of London, was published in The (Emerald Hill) Record of 6 January 1917. [176]
The British reports concentrated on the match as an event, rather than a contest; and were, thus, devoid of the normal sorts of descriptions of the patterns of play, the performance of prominent individuals, particular match incidents, and the progression of the scores. [15] [176]
With the reasonable intention of providing their British readers with some sense of the experience they had missed in person, the reports described the similarities and differences between the Australian game and those their readers already knew: rugby union, rugby league, and soccer — the pitch upon with it was played, the layout of its goal-posts, its requisite skills, its rules, its scores, its four quarters, the standard player positions, the level of athleticism demanded of its players, etc. [15] [176]
Consequently, they tended to focus on the absence of the "off-side" rule, kicking long drop-kicks, and kicking long and accurate place-kicks. Also, unique features of the game, such as the stab-kick, high marks, bouncing the ball on the run, and being able to kick in any direction were stressed: and, in particular, the (to the British) extraordinary spectator practice, displayed on the day to some considerable extent by the Australians present: that of barracking. [15] [176]
On 19 November 1916, the New York Times published a photograph, taken during the match, of a large pack of players contesting for a mark. [178]
On 20 November 1916 the French newspaper, "The Excelsior" , published a version of a photograph (a different photograph from that published in the New York Times) that had been taken during the match of a large pack of players contesting for a mark, under the title "Les Australiens guerriers et sportifs" ('The Australian Warriors and Sportsmen'). [179]
A film ([NR.1]) was taken at the match. [180] A remastered and colourised version ([NR.2]) of the original film was released in 2019. [181]
Two official photographs were taken of each team prior to the match by the same photographer.
In celebration of the match, Frank Beaurepaire commissioned a souvenir set of the team photographs — displaying [TUP.2] and [ADP.2]— which he donated to the Collingwood football Club; [182] and, as of June 2022 [update] , there is no evidence that any other football club received a similar souvenir set of photographs from Beaurepaire.
The mounting boards of the souvenir sets were decorated with a British Union Jack and an Australian Red Ensign, with "Australian Football in London. Pioneer Exhibition Game. At Queen's Club, West Kensington. Saturday 28 Oct. 1916" at their head, and "Organizer of Match & Donor of Photos to Club Lieut. Frank Beaurepaire" at their feet. They were mounted especially for presentation by the Allan Studio, of 318 Smith Street, Collingwood. [185]
On Saturday, 6 May 2017, at West London's Chiswick Rugby Club, the 1916 Pioneer match was commemorated, when the two 2016 AFL London Grand Final teams — West London Wildcats (premiers) and Wandsworth Demons (runners-up) — played each other in the opening round of the 2017 competition; with the West London Wildcats wearing navy blue guernseys featuring a large white map of Australia (with Tasmania included), and the Wandsworth Demons wearing red guernseys featuring a large white kangaroo. [186]
Daniel Thomas Minogue was an Australian rules footballer, who played with three clubs in the (then) Victorian Football League (VFL), and who was the coach of five VFL clubs.
Percival George "Percy" Trotter was an Australian rules footballer who played for the Fitzroy Football Club in the Victorian Football League (VFL), Essendon Association in the Victorian Football Association (VFA) and East Fremantle in the West Australian Football League (WAFL).
Harold Milne Moyes was an Australian rules footballer who played for St Kilda and Melbourne in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
John Thomas Cooper was an Australian rules footballer who played for Fitzroy in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
Charles Julius Perry was an Australian rules footballer who played with Norwood in the SAFL, and a Methodist Chaplain who served in the First AIF.
John Brake was a former leading Australian rules footballer who played with University and Melbourne in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
Clyde Donaldson was an Australian rules footballer who played for Essendon in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
William Isaac Sewart was an Australian rules footballer who played with Essendon in the Victorian Football League (VFL). He was also a first-class cricketer, representing both Queensland and Victoria.
Carl Bleakley Willis was an Australian sportsman who played Australian rules football with South Melbourne and University in the Victorian Football League (VFL) as well as first-class cricket for Victoria.
Stanley Carlton Martin was an Australian rules footballer who played with the Melbourne University Football Club in the Victorian Football League.
Leopold Paul Little was an Australian rules footballer who played with Melbourne and University in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
Leslie Edward "Leggo" Lee was an Australian rules footballer from South Australia who played with Richmond in the Victorian Football League (VFL) and with Williamstown in the Victorian Football Association (VFA).
Percival James Hector Jory was an Australian rules footballer who played with St Kilda in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
George Buxton Bower was an Australian rules footballer who played with South Melbourne in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
Cyril Louis Hoft was an Australian rules footballer who played for the North Fremantle and Perth Football Clubs in the West Australian Football League (WAFL) and the Glenelg Football Club in the South Australian Football League (SAFL).
Edwin John Alley was an Australian rules footballer who played with South Melbourne in the Victorian Football League (VFL). Some AFL sources list his name as Ned Alley.
James Thomas Farnan was an Australian rules footballer who played with St Kilda in the Victorian Football League (VFL). He was killed in action in France in World War I.
Charles Harold Lilley was an Australian rules footballer who played with Melbourne in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
William Maxwell was an Australian rules footballer who played with Melbourne in the Victorian Football League (VFL).
Alfred Jackson was an Australian military officer and an Australian rules footballer who played for the Essendon Football Club in the Victorian Football League (VFL).