Presidential election | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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9 April 2000 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
All 120 seats in the Congress of Peru 61 seats needed for a majority | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below. |
Peruportal |
General elections were held in Peru on 9 April 2000, with a run-off of the presidential election on 28 May. [1] The elections were highly controversial and widely considered to have been fraudulent. Incumbent President Alberto Fujimori was re-elected for a third term with almost three-quarters of the vote. However, the elections were tainted with allegations of unconstitutionality, bribery, structural bias, and outright electoral fraud. Alejandro Toledo boycotted the second round of the presidential election, in which over 30% of ballots were declared invalid. [2] Fujimori subsequently called for new elections after his scandal, fled Peru, and faxed in his resignation from a hotel in Japan.
The Constitution of Peru specifically limited presidents to two terms, and Fujimori relied on the legally questionable theory that the restriction did not apply to him in 2000 because the 1993 Constitution was written after he nullified the previous constitution, at which time he was already in power. The electoral bodies, the National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE) and National Jury of Elections (Peru) (JNE), were staffed at the time with Fujimori supporters who were considered by many to be corrupt. These bodies accepted Fujimori's argument.
Many observers believed that the government structures were set up in a way that gave Fujimori's re-election bid an unfair advantage. For example, the United States Department of State noted that generals of the Peruvian Army were removed from their positions if anti-Fujimori protests occurred in their jurisdiction, providing the army with an incentive to crack down on anti-government protesters. A cable from the American embassy to Peru noted that "gigantic pro-Fujimori slogans appeared on the sides of hills within some military reservations and bases. Mostly at night but sometimes in broad daylight, troops have been sighted from Tacna to Tumbes painting pro-Fujimori slogans and blacking out the slogans of opposition candidates. Military vehicles have been made available to government candidates to transport supplies and people at no charge" and that "routine public works projects" were arranged "to maximize electoral impact." [3]
The elections were also marred with accusations of outright fraud. During the campaign, El Comercio broke a story about a "fábrica de firmas" (signature factory) in which many people worked signing a petition to register a pro-Fujimori political party. Several of the people involved admitted to their part in this scheme. Perhaps most damning, they had copied the signatures of voters from official ONPE voter-registration lists, which were provided to them. [4]
Shortly before the election, several people, including JNE workers, were arrested for their part in the theft of ballots. They were caught with the ballots, many of which had been filled out. The plurality of these ballots was filled out with votes for Fujimori and his electoral allies. [5]
After Fujimori was declared the victor of the first round, Alejandro Toledo called for a boycott of the second round. Fujimori responded by reminding voters that Peruvian law makes voting obligatory, and that anyone boycotting the election could be fined. Toledo then suggested that his supporters to cast spoiled ballots. The result was that while votes for Toledo declined from 40.24% of the valid votes cast in the first round to 25.67% of the valid votes in the second round, invalid votes jumped from 2.25% in of the total votes cast in the first round to 29.93% of total votes in the second round. That such a large percentage of votes were thrown out as invalid shows that many Peruvians took Toledo's advice and deliberately spoiled their ballots.
Following the election the Organization of American States (OAS) established a "mesa" dialogue process (Mesa de Dialogo). The Mesa "filled the institutional vacuum caused by the polarization of political forces in Peru following the May 2000 elections. It became the locus of authoritative decisionmaking power during the final days of the Fujimori government, preparing the way for the Peruvian opposition to win control of the congress and to form an interim government." [6] The dialogue was facilitated by a former foreign minister from the Dominican Republic, Eduardo Latorre, supported by a small OAS secretariat. [6] The Mesa had eighteen participants and "deliberately incorporated three key sets of actors: government ministers, progovernment and opposition members of congress, and civil society representatives." [6]
Alejandro Toledo and his Possible Peru political party were initially reluctant to engage in the Mesa, initially considering the OAS mission an attempt to prop up the Fujimori regime. Not wanting to either engage fully with the OAS mission or be isolated from the Mesa completely, Toledo remained at the edge of the process, allowing others to be directly involved in the negotiations, including Luis Solari. Toledo focused instead on international media appearances and organizing large demonstrations. [6]
In the latter part of 2000 a series of dramatic events brought the dialogue potential of the Mesa into the foreground. On 14 September a videotape was broadcast showing security chief Vladimiro Montesinos bribing opposition congressman Alberto Kouri to join Fujimori's congressional coalition (Peru 2000). This prompted Fujimori to announce new elections and dismiss Montesinos. Further shocks followed, with Montesinos appearing in Panama to seek asylum, and then returning to Peru on 23 October, "creating fear of an imminent coup." [6] Finally, on 20 November Fujimori faxed his resignation from Japan. [6]
As these events unfolded, the mesa became increasingly prominent as a parallel congress with de facto political decision making power. In the institutional void created by congressional deadlock and political power struggles, few other nonviolent choices existed. As events during September and October led increasingly to a showdown between Fujimori and Montesinos, the former displayed a greater willingness to agree to political reforms in exchange for support from the OAS and the Peruvian political representatives assembled at the mesa. Despite all of the suspicions harbored by the opposition, the mesa remained a useful fallback option and a buffer against the threat of military disruption." [6]
Candidate | Party | First round | Second round | |||
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Votes | % | Votes | % | |||
Alberto Fujimori | Peru 2000 | 5,528,568 | 49.87 | 6,041,685 | 74.33 | |
Alejandro Toledo | Possible Peru | 4,460,895 | 40.24 | 2,086,215 | 25.67 | |
Alberto Andrade | We Are Peru | 333,048 | 3.00 | |||
Federico Salas | Avancemos | 247,054 | 2.23 | |||
Luis Castañeda Lossio | National Solidarity | 199,814 | 1.80 | |||
Abel Salinas | American Popular Revolutionary Alliance | 153,319 | 1.38 | |||
Ezequiel Ataucusi Gamonal | Agricultural People's Front of Peru | 80,106 | 0.72 | |||
Víctor Andrés García Belaúnde | Popular Action | 46,523 | 0.42 | |||
Máximo San Román | Union for Peru | 36,543 | 0.33 | |||
Total | 11,085,870 | 100.00 | 8,127,900 | 100.00 | ||
Valid votes | 11,085,870 | 91.88 | 8,127,900 | 68.88 | ||
Invalid/blank votes | 980,359 | 8.12 | 3,672,410 | 31.12 | ||
Total votes | 12,066,229 | 100.00 | 11,800,310 | 100.00 | ||
Registered voters/turnout | 14,567,468 | 82.83 | 14,567,467 | 81.00 | ||
Source: Nohlen |
Party | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Peru 2000 | 4,189,018 | 42.16 | 52 | New | |
Possible Peru | 2,308,635 | 23.24 | 29 | +24 | |
Independent Moralizing Front | 751,323 | 7.56 | 9 | +3 | |
We Are Peru | 715,396 | 7.20 | 9 | New | |
American Popular Revolutionary Alliance | 546,930 | 5.51 | 6 | –2 | |
National Solidarity | 399,985 | 4.03 | 4 | New | |
Avancemos | 307,188 | 3.09 | 3 | New | |
Union for Peru | 254,582 | 2.56 | 3 | –14 | |
Popular Action | 245,115 | 2.47 | 3 | 0 | |
Agricultural People's Front of Peru | 216,953 | 2.18 | 2 | +1 | |
Total | 9,935,125 | 100.00 | 120 | 0 | |
Valid votes | 9,935,125 | 83.19 | |||
Invalid/blank votes | 2,007,685 | 16.81 | |||
Total votes | 11,942,810 | 100.00 | |||
Registered voters/turnout | 14,567,468 | 81.98 | |||
Source: Nohlen |
Alejandro Celestino Toledo Manrique is a Peruvian former politician who served as President of Peru, from 2001 to 2006. He gained international prominence after leading the opposition against president Alberto Fujimori, who held the presidency from 1990 to 2000.
Alberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto is a Peruvian former politician, professor and engineer who served as President of Peru from 28 July 1990 until 22 November 2000, though de facto leadership was reportedly held by Vladimiro Montesinos, the then head of the National Intelligence Service. Frequently described as a dictator, he remains a controversial figure in Peruvian politics. He was sentenced to 25 years in prison for human rights abuses during his presidency but was released on 6 December 2023 following an order by the Constitutional Court of Peru.
Vladimiro Lenin Ilich Montesinos Torres is a Peruvian former intelligence officer who was the long-standing head of Peru's National Intelligence Service (SIN) and was reportedly the de facto leader of Peru while President Alberto Fujimori served as a figurehead leader. Montesinos had strong connections with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for over 25 years and was said to have received $10 million from the agency for his government's anti-terrorist activities, with international bank accounts possessed by Montesinos reportedly holding at least $270 million. The United States reportedly supported the candidacy of Fujimori during 1990 Peruvian general election due to his links to Montesinos and ignored human rights abuses performed under Montesinos during the 1990s. In 2000, the infamous "Vladi-videos" came to light when they were broadcast on the news. They were secret videos recorded by Montesinos that showed him bribing elected congressmen into leaving the opposition and joining the pro-Fujimori group of the Congress. The ensuing scandal caused Montesinos to flee the country and prompted Fujimori's resignation.
Possible Peru was a Peruvian political party. It was founded in 1994 by Alejandro Toledo with the original name of Possible Country.
Valentín Toribio Demetrio Agustin Paniagua Corazao was a Peruvian lawyer and politician who briefly served as 55th President of Peru from 2000 to 2001. Elected President of Congress on 16 November 2000, he ascended to the presidency as incumbent Alberto Fujimori and both his Vice Presidents resigned by 22 November 2000.
The Independent Moralizing Front was a Peruvian political party. At the legislative elections, 8 April 2001, the party won 11.0% of the popular vote and 11 out of 120 seats in the Congress of the Republic. Its presidential candidate at the elections of the same day, Luis Fernando Olivera Vega, won 9.9% of the vote. It was allied with former Peruvian president Alejandro Toledo's party, Peru Possible.
Lourdes Celmira Rosario Flores Nano is a Peruvian lawyer and politician who served as a councilwoman of Lima, Deputy from Lima from 1990 to 1992, Democratic Constituent Congresswoman from 1992 to 1995, Congresswoman from 1995 to 2000, and the Christian People's Party candidate for President of Peru in the 2001 and 2006 elections in which she ran under the National Unity.
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Luis Fernando Olivera Vega is a Peruvian politician and leader of Independent Moralizing Front (FIM), a Peruvian political party.
Martha Gladys Chávez Cossío de Ocampo is a Peruvian Fujimorist politician and lawyer. A historical and a prominent figure of Fujimorism, she has served in Congress for six non-consecutive terms from 1995 to 2006 and from 2011 to 2016, and since 2020 to finish the 2016–2021 term that was interrupted by the dissolution of Congress. In the 2006 elections, she ran for the presidency, running on the Fujimorist Alliance for the Future ticket, but she lost, placing fourth in the election.
Keiko Sofía Fujimori Higuchi is a Peruvian politician. Fujimori is the eldest daughter of former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori and Susana Higuchi. From August 1994 to November 2000, she held the role of First Lady of Peru, during her father's administrations. She has served as the leader of the Fujimorist political party Popular Force since 2010, and was a congresswoman representing the Lima Metropolitan Area, from 2006 to 2011. Fujimori ran for president in the 2011, 2016, and 2021 elections, but was defeated each time in the second round of voting.
Ollanta Moisés Humala Tasso is a Peruvian politician and former military officer who served as President of Peru from 2011 to 2016. Originally a socialist and left-wing nationalist, he is considered to have shifted towards neoliberalism and the political centre during his presidency.
National Solidarity Party, was a conservative Peruvian political party. Founded in 1998 for the 2000 general election to support the candidacy of Luis Castañeda Lossio, a former Lima City Council member from Popular Action. Following the end of Alberto Fujimori's regime, the party formed the National Unity coalition with the Christian People's Party and other minor parties. Led by Lourdes Flores, the coalition placed third at the 2001 and 2006 general elections, while at municipal level, it won the capital city of Lima with Castañeda as the mayoral nominee.
Peru 2000 was a Peruvian right-wing political alliance that fielded candidates for the 2000 general elections. Alberto Fujimori and his political allies ran on the Peru 2000 ticket in which, Fujimori was triumphant in his second re-election as President for a third term amid public discontent.
The Socialist Party is a Peruvian political party founded in 2005. Its presidential candidate for the 2006 national election was Javier Diez Canseco. At the legislative elections held on 9 April 2006, the party won 1.2% of the popular vote but no seats in the Congress of the Republic.
New Majority, was a Peruvian right-wing political party founded in 1992 for the Democratic Constituent Congress election held on the same year. Throughout the 1990s until late-2000, was the most powerful political party in Peru alongside Cambio 90, serving more as an instrumental electoral vehicle for Alberto Fujimori.
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Luis Carlos Antonio Iberico Núnez is an Argentine-born Peruvian journalist and politician. Throughout his journalistic career, he served in various news stations during the 1980s and 1990s. He gained prominence for his fight against the Alberto Fujimori administration, denouncing several allegations of corruption involving the press. Alongside Fernando Olivera, he presented the first "Vladi-videos" that would prove the major corruption operations headed by Intelligence Chief Vladimiro Montesinos. His role in Fujimori's downfall would gain him support in a career in politics.
Alberto Fujimori served as President of Peru from 28 July 1990 to 17 November 2000. A controversial figure, Fujimori has been credited with the creation of Fujimorism, defeating the Shining Path insurgency in Peru and restoring its macroeconomic stability. However, he was criticized for his authoritarian way of ruling the country and was accused of human rights violations. Even amid his prosecution in 2008 for crimes against humanity relating to his presidency, two-thirds of Peruvians polled voiced approval for his leadership in that period.