Feminism in Latin America

Last updated

Feminism in Latin America runs through Central America, South America, and the Caribbean Map-Latin America and Caribbean.png
Feminism in Latin America runs through Central America, South America, and the Caribbean

Latin American feminism is a collection of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and achieving equal political, economic, cultural, personal, and social rights for Latin American women. [1] [2] This includes seeking to establish equal opportunities for women in education and employment. People who practice feminism by advocating or supporting the rights and equality of women are feminists. [3]

Contents

Latin American feminism exists in the context of centuries of colonialism, the transportation and subjugation of slaves from Africa, and the mistreatment of native people. [4] [5] The origins of modern Latin American feminism can be traced back to the 1960s and 1970s social movements, where it encompasses the women's liberation movement, but prior feminist ideas have expanded before there were written records. While feminist movements in the region are often linked to the 1960s and 1970s, when women's liberation organizations started to gain prominence, the historical genealogy of Latin American feminism shows that feminist concepts are much older and more deeply rooted in the colonial past of the region. With various regions in Latin America and the Caribbean, the definition of feminism varies across different groups where there has been cultural, political, and social involvement. The expression of diversity and change from the viewpoint of those who have historically been marginalized, particularly through the experiences of colonialism and patriarchy has consistently been a focus of feminist philosophy in Latin America.

The emergence of the Latin American feminism movement is contributed to five key factors. It has been said that the beginning of the revolution for Latin American feminism started in the 1800s with two women, Manuela Sáenz in Ecuador and Juana Manuela Gorriti in Argentina. Prior to these movements, women had close to no rights after colonialism. However, women who belonged to wealthier, European families had more opportunities in education. Then in the 1920s, feminism was reignited and moved towards political and educational changes for women's rights. In the 1930-50s a Puerto Rican group of women founded what is now considered the current movement for Latin American women. Some of these movements included founding the needle industry such as working as sewists in factories. Then in the 1960s, the movement changed to advocate for bodily and economic rights of women. The 1970s had a downfall in the movement due to a laissez-faire liberalism combined with free market capitalism. After the fall of neoliberalism, the 1980s brought a resurgence of the feminist movement towards political rights. The 1980s also began to shed light on the topic of domestic violence. The 1990s made strides towards the legal equality of women. In today's society, Latin American feminism has been broken down into multiple subcategories by either ethnicity or topic awareness.

Latin American and Latino feminist theory

Since feminist theory often relies on Western literary works rather than personal experiences, Latin American feminist theory is a construct that has appeared only recently in order to give Latina women legitimacy in Eurocentric contexts. Latin American feminist theorists are known to not only get their sources from Western countries, but also from Latin American history, personal accounts, and research in the social sciences. There is a controversy known as “epistemic privilege” (epistemic privilege is known as the privilege a person knows or has first-hand experience on a particular subject. For example, a woman would know what issues impact them more than a man would), regarding how most Latina feminist philosophers enjoy a cultural and economic privilege that distances them from the living conditions of the majority of Latin American women. Feminist philosopher Ofelia Schutte has argued that “feminist philosophy requires a home in a broader Latin American Feminist theory and not in the discipline of philosophy in Latin America.” [6]

Because Latin America is a vast area, the diversity of this feminist theory can make it difficult to characterize. However, several notable Latin feminist theorists include Marcela Rios Tobar, Ofelia Schutte, and Gloria Anzaldúa. Latina feminist philosopher Maria Lugones addressed ethnocentric racism, bilingualism, multiculturalism, and “interlinking registers of address.” Many Latina feminists borrow concepts that Lugones introduced, such as “the role of language, bodies, objects, and places.” [7] Graciela Hierro, born in 1928 in Mexico addressed “feminist ethics and the roles of feminism in public and academic spaces. [6]

Causes

There is a fairly solid consensus among academics and activists that women's participation in leftist movements has been one of the central reasons for the development of Latin American feminism. [8] However, some Latin American countries were able to attain legal rights for women in rightist, conservative contexts. [9] Julie Shayne argues that there are five factors which contributed to the emergence of revolutionary feminism:

The movement developed in close connection to Anglo-American feminism, especially liberal feminism, which placed a heavy focus on women's economic independence, political and legal equality, and bodily autonomy, including sexual and reproductive rights. However, there has been resistance to including the viewpoints of excluded groups, especially in relation to race, class, and sexuality, inside the mainstream feminist movement. A white, urban, middle-class elite has mainly ruled the feminist debate in Latin America. This elite has an obvious heterosexist bias and has ignored the experiences of lesbians and indigenous women. [10] Indigenous feminists argue for a collective defense of indigenous women's rights as part of larger community and cultural battles, criticizing the individualistic nature of liberal feminism. Lesbian feminists, on the other hand, confront lesbophobia within the feminist movement and fight the hetero-sexualization of society, which they view as a tool for oppressing women. The two groups have brought up major concerns regarding liberal feminism's flaws especially its tendency to overlook racial, class, and colonial issues. [10]

History and the evolution of feminism in Latin America

1800s

Although the term feminist would not be used to describe women's rights advocates until the 1890s, many women of the nineteenth century, mostly elite or middle class, tried to challenge dominant gender norms.

Born in Quito (now Ecuador), in 1797, Manuela Sáenz was a “precursor to feminism and women’s emancipation. History has both vilified and glorified Manuela Sáenz - for her affair with Simon Bolivar, and for accusations that say she only “manipulated gender norms to advance her person and political interests.” As an early supporter of the independence cause, she spied on Spanish royalty and held intellectual gatherings called tertulias.

In addition to Sáenz, there were several other women who actively participated on the frontline of war efforts in support of Latin American independence and women empowerment. Michaela Bastidas, the wife of Tupac Amaru, was given the title of commander of the army for a stint of time where she led in a rebellion against the Spanish. Her contributions in battle and ultimate martyrdom broke the stereotype that women were too weak to go into battle, laying the foundation for continued women empowerment.

Juana Manuela Gorriti, an Argentinian journalist and writer born in 1818, advocated greater rights for women and wrote literary works with women protagonists that were both “romantic and political”. Similar to Sáenz, Gorriti held tertulias for literary men and women, one of whom was Clorinda Matto de Turner, a novelist sympathetic towards Indians and critical of the priesthood in Peru. Gorriti also worked with Teresa González, an avid writer who ran a girls’ school and advocated education for women. [11]

1900s–1920s

In the late half of the 19th century there were three main areas of feminists' discussions: suffrage, protective labour laws, and access to education. In 1910, Argentina held the first meeting of the organization of International Feminist Congresses (topic of equality). The second meeting was in 1916 in Mexico.

The 1910s saw many women, such as Aleida March, gain prominence during the revolutions of Mexico, Cuba, and Nicaragua. Additionally, Amelio Robles, born in 1889, was a notable man in a peasant army and the Confederation of Veterans of the Revolution who by modern United States standards would be considered a trans man.[ citation needed ]

A prominent international figure born during this time was Gabriela Mistral, who in 1945 won the Nobel prize in literature and became a voice for women in Latin America. She upheld conservative gender norms, even at one point saying, “perfect patriotism in women is perfect motherhood”, and that as a teacher she was “married” to the state. However, feminist theorists contend that her personal experiences contradict her language, because she never married, she had a “mannish” appearance, and her close personal relationships with women suggest that she might have been a closet lesbian. [11]

1930s–1950s

The Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), the dominant political party in Mexico, declared on February 25, 1937, that it would permit "organized" women which are those who belonged to government-supporting organizations, labor unions, or agrarian leagues, to cast ballots in internal party elections. Under President Lázaro Cárdenas, this action represented a compromise. Although Cárdenas and other PNR leaders were in favor of women's suffrage in theory, they were concerned that granting women full voting rights would lead to  conservative voting trends that could cause the party to lose. The suffragists were not happy with the little progress, but this partial action allowed the PNR to seem in favor of suffrage without running the risk of electoral consequences. [12]

The 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s were full of Latina feminists that pioneered the current Latin American Feminist movement. It was the beginning of the suffragist movement for many Latin American women. The first elected woman mayor of any major capital city in the Americas, Felisa Rincon de Gautier, was “an active participant in Puerto Rico's women's suffrage movement” that was won in 1932, and her child care programs “inspired the United States' Head Start program." [13] In revolutionary Mexico, politics involved complex power struggles at multiple levels. Marìa del Refugio “Cuca” Garcìa's, had to negotiate state and local power institutions that operated somewhat independently of Mexico City as part of her challenge to national political authority. Historian Alan Knight pointed out that despite the revolutionary government's promotion of "effective suffrage," elections frequently lacked democratic integrity, showing the absence of an identifiable feeling of civic duty in politics during the 1930s. Although the results of elections were rarely determined only by the popular vote, Ben Fallaw and other academics show that elections might still be important. [12]

Most women advocating for equal rights had to cling to femininity to gain respect, but feminist theorist Julia de Burgos used her writings to “openly contest the prevailing notion that womanhood and motherhood are synonymous.” Additionally, Dr. Leila Gonzalez was involved in the “Brazilian Black movement” and helped develop “the practice of Black Feminism in Brazil.” [13]

1960s–1970s

At the end of the 1960s, many Latin American women started forming groups of reflection and activism for defending women's rights. Initially, those women were from the middle class and a significant part came from the various left groups. [14] Unlike their predecessors, however, Latin American feminists of the 1960s focused on social justice rather than suffrage. They emphasized “reproductive rights, equal pay in the job market, and equality of legal rights.” [15] This type of Latin American feminism was a result of the activism of Latina women against their position of subordinance, not a reaction to women gaining more legal rights in the United States and Europe. As Gloria Anzaldúa said, we must put history “through a sieve, winnow out the lies, look at the forces that we as a race, as women, have been part of.” [16]

Such female groups arose amid the sharp radicalization of class struggles in the continent, which resulted in labor and mass rising. The most evident manifestations of these were the Chilean industrial belts Cordón Industrial, [17] the Cordobazo in Argentina (a 1969 civil uprising), student mobilizations in Mexico and others. These facts could be regarded as the sharpest experience and numerous movements of urban and rural guerrilla came to the scene.

For those reasons, Latin American feminist theorist Ros Tobar says that Chilean feminism is closely tied to socialism. Authoritarian regimes reinforced “the traditional family, and the dependent role of women, which is reduced to that of mother.” Because dictatorships institutionalized social inequality, many Latin American feminists tie authoritarian governments with fewer rights for women. Slogans, such as “Women give life, the dictatorships exterminates it,” “In the Day of the National Protest: Let’s make love not the beds,” and “Feminism is Liberty, Socialism, and Much More,” portrayed the demands of many Latin American feminists. [15] Latin American feminist theorist Nelly Richard of Chile explored how feminism and gay culture broke down rigid structures of life in Chile and was essential to the liberation of women in her novel Masculine/Feminine: Practices of Difference. [18]

Feminist meetings continued to occur, initially every two years; later every three years. Topics discussed included recent accomplishments, strategies, possible future conflicts, ways to enhance their strategies and how to establish through such ways varied, rich and immense coordination between the national and transnational levels.

However, the mid-70s saw the decline of such movements due to the policy of neoliberalism in the region. When dictatorial regimes settled over the majority of the continent, these prevented the development of feminist movements. This was due not only to the establishment of a reactionary ideology based on the defense of tradition and family, but also to the political persecution and state terrorism with its consequences such as torture, forced exile, imprisonment, disappearances and murders of political, social and trade union activists. While the right wing of politicians considered feminists to be subversive and rebellious, the left, in contrast, named them the «small bourgeois».

It also was during this time that leftist feminist organizations gained attention for their efforts. This is most prominently seen in the “Women of Young Lords” of Puerto Rico. The Young Lords were at first, Boricuan, Afro-Taino men who fought for basic human rights and “openly challenged machismo, sexism, and patriarchy.” Bianca Canales, Luisa Capetillo, Connie Cruz, and Denise Oliver became leaders in the Young Lords, and facilitated a “Ten-Point Health Program." [13]

Most feminisms in Latin America arose out of the context of military dictatorships and masculine domination. However, a lot of marginalized women began questioning hegemonic feminism in the 1970s. These women, whether they were Afro-descendant, lesbians, Indigenous, transgender, sex workers, domestic workers, etc., began to look at different, interlocking types of oppression. [19] Gloria Anzaldúa, of Indigenous descent, described her experience with intersectionality as a “racial, ideological, cultural, and biological crosspollination” and called it a “new mestiza consciousness.” [16]

Various critiques of “internal colonialism of Latin American states toward their own indigenous populations” and “Eurocentrism in the social sciences” emerged, giving rise to Latin American Feminist Theory. [20]

1980s

The feminist movement returned to be an important protagonist in the early 1980s after the fall of dictatorships and the establishment of new democratic regimes throughout the region, with the dictatorship managing to interrupt the continuity with the previous stage. Feminists of the 1980s, e.g. Nancy Fraser, referring to violence against women, questioned the established limits of discussion and politicized problems which before had not ever been politicized, expanded their audiences, created new spaces and institutions in which the opposing interpretations could be developed and from where they could reach wider audiences. [21]

During the repressive period and particularly during the early years of democracy, human rights groups played a major role in the continent. These movements organized to denounce the torture, disappearances, and crimes of the dictatorship, were headed mainly by women (mothers, grandmothers and widows). In order to understand the change in the language of feminist movements, it is necessary to bear in mind two things: the first is that it was women that headed revelations and subsequent struggle for the punishment of those who were responsible for the state terrorism, and the second is the policy-especially of the United States- to prioritize human rights in the international agenda. [22]

Feminists were able to achieve goals because of political parties, international organizations and local labour groups. Latin American feminist movements had two forms: as centers of feminist work, and as part of the broad, informal, mobilized, volunteer, street feminist movement. At the IV meeting in Mexico in 1987 [23] there was signed a document on the myths of the feminist movement impeding its development. This document has a great impact; it states that feminism has a long way to go because, it is a radical transformation of society, politics and culture. The myths listed are:

These myths were commonly disputed at Latin American and Caribbean meetings in the 1980s called Encuentros , a space created to “strengthen feminist networks,” exchange analysis, and confront “conditions of oppression.” Though the Encuentros constructed a common space, the people there made sure it was a place of political dialogue, not of a sisterhood. [24] One of the few points of unity found during these Encuentros was the effect colonialism and globalization had on their respective countries. [9]

1990s

The neoliberal policies that began in the late 1980s and reached their peak in the continent during the decade of the 1990s, made the feminist movement fragmented and privatized. Many women began to work in multilateral organizations, finance agencies etc. and became bridges between financing bodies and female movements. It was around this time that many feminists, feeling discomfort with the current hegemonic feminism, began to create their own, autonomous organizations. [11] In 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) became “a catalyst for indigenous women's organization in Mexico” and created “The Women's Revolutionary Law." Their example of indigenous feminism led the way for other indigenous tribes, such as the Mayans, Quechuas, and Quiches. [13] Zapatista women were made public in 1994. They are used as inspiration and symbolic tools to feminists throughout the world, and are often referred to in scholarly essays and articles. [25] In 1993, many feminists tried to bring together these autonomous organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean, which led to the Beijing Global Conference on Women of 1995. [9]

Scholars argue that there is a strong correlation between the improvement of legal rights for Latin American women and the country's struggle for democracy. For example, because of women's active protests against President Abdala Bucaram's government, Ecuador's Constitution of 1998 saw many new legal rights for women. MUDE, or Women for Democracy, have stated that “what is not good for democracy is not good for women." However, this is not always the case. Peru had an authoritarian regime, but they had a quota for at least thirty percent of candidates in a race to be women. It is important to note though, that the advance of Latin American women's legal equality does not get rid of the social and economic inequality present. [9]

21st century

Protest on International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women 2019 in Mexico City Antimonumenta- Ni una mas and protesters.jpg
Protest on International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women 2019 in Mexico City

The emergence of economic neoliberal models at the beginning of the 21st century led to a revival of the movement in the world, which was accompanied by an attempt at feminist dialogue with other social movements. A new feature is the feminist participation in global mobilization at different government meetings and in multinational organizations where there is a discussion of humanity's future.

With the rise of globalization and international policies, many feminist political and academic organizations have been institutionalized. The more professional tactics of NGOs and political lobbying have given Latina feminists more influence on public policy, but at the cost of giving up “bolder, more innovative proposals from community initiatives." [26]

In addition, the Colectivo Feminista Sexualidade Saude (CFSS ) of Brazil currently “provides health education for women and professionals,” where they encourage self-help and focus on “women's mental health, violence against women, and child mortality.” [13]

Today, there are also feminist groups that have spread to the United States. For example, The Latina Feminist Group formed in the 1990s is composed of women from all places in Latin America. Although groups like these are local, they are all-inclusive groups that accept members from all parts of Latin America. Members of the organizations are predominantly from European – Native American backgrounds with some members being completely descendants of Native American people. [27]

Today there is a weak relationship between lesbianism and feminism in Latin America. Since the 1960s, lesbians have become a viable group in Latin America. They have established groups to fight misogynist oppression against lesbians, fight AIDS in the LGBT community, and support one another. However, because of many military coups and dictatorships in Latin America, feminist lesbian groups have had to break up, reinvent, and reconstruct their work. Dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s in Chile and Argentina were examples of the resistance to these feminist lesbians groups in Latin America. [28]

In the 2000s, Latin American feminist groups have set goals for their communities. Such goals call for the consolidation of a more organized LGBT community across Latin America. Other goals overall look to change smaller domestic policies that in any way discriminate against members of the LGBT community. They also aim to have more people in office, to network better with the broader Latin people. [29] They have set goals to advocate for LGBT rights in the political world, from organizations and political groups to acknowledge their rights, and encourage other countries to protect feminists and other members of the LGBT community in Latin America. Leaders such as Rafael de la Dehesa have contributed to describing early LGBT relations in parts of Latin America through his writings and advocacy. De la Dehesa, a Harvard alumnus, has published books such as, “Queering the Public Sphere in Mexico and Brazil: Sexual Rights Movements in Emerging Democracies” that advocate for a shift in popular culture that accepts queer Latinos. His work, "Global Communities and Hybrid Cultures: Early Gay and Lesbian Electoral Activism in Brazil and Mexico" explains the gay communities and puts them in context to coincide with the history of those countries. Rafael has also introduced the idea of normalizing LGBT issues in patriarchal conservative societies such as Mexico and Brazil to suggest that being gay should no longer be considered taboo in the early 2000s. [30]

The first female mayor of Mexico City, one of the largest cities in the Western Hemisphere, was Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, who took office in December 2018. Nearly a century after women in Latin America were granted the right to vote, this is significant in a continent that continues to struggle with gender inequality. Because in large part to gender quotas, nations including Bolivia, Argentina, Costa Rica, and Mexico have achieved or are on the verge of achieving gender parity in national legislatures, showing an increase in women's political engagement throughout the region over the past 20 years. Along with Sheinbaum Pardo's election, Epsy Campbell Barr became the first female Afro-descendant vice president of Costa Rica in May 2018. [31]

Legalizing abortion and preventing violence against women are two issues that are at the heart of the current Latin American feminist movement. As a powerful response to gender-based violence, the Ni Una Menos campaign has grown to represent a larger fight for women's rights across the area. [32] This is a social movement that emerged as a response to violence against women in Latin America. It has evolved to encompass and incorporate the fight for other rights as well. [33]

Indigenous feminism in Latin America

Indigenous Latin American feminists face a myriad of struggles, including little to no political representation across all of Latin America. It was not until the 2000s that indigenous feminist leaders were able to gain any political power. In 2006, Bolivia elected Evo Morales for president, who spearheaded a new Bolivian movement called the Movement for Socialism. This movement allowed Indigenous working-class women to become members of parliament as well as serve in other branches of the government. Though this important transition of power was more peaceful and much more inclusive than in any other country in Latin America, in other countries, obstacles still remain for indigenous women to have any representation or political identity. The Mayan women that live in Guatemala and parts of southern Mexico, for example, have struggled to gain any political mobility over the last few years due to immigration crises, and economic and educational disadvantages. [34]

Revolutionary/feminist mobilization

Men and Women both participated in revolutions that presented Revolutionary Feminism. These soldiers are fighting in the civil war in El Salvador. ERP combatants Perquin 1990 24.jpg
Men and Women both participated in revolutions that presented Revolutionary Feminism. These soldiers are fighting in the civil war in El Salvador.

Some experts, such as Julie Shayne, believe that in Latin America the phenomenon of female, feminism movements should be called revolutionary feminism. Julie Shayne argues that a revolutionary feminism is one born of revolutionary mobilization. [35]

As Shayne was researching this phenomenon in El Salvador during the 1980s, she came across Lety Mendez, a former member and head of the women's secretariat of the Frente Farabundo Marti para la Liberacion Nacional, one of the major political parties of El Salvador. Mendez was at the forefront of the Salvadoran Civil War, and she knew from direct experience how necessary women are to any revolution, though she also believed their role is often forgotten. Mendez explained that women were one of the sole reasons the left had support and were able to move through El Salvador. [36] [37]

In the late 1990s, Shayne traveled to Cuba and interviewed Maria Antonia Figuero: she and her mother had worked alongside Castro during the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. Figueroa also described an experience of women essentially carrying a revolution on their backs, but being undermined in the role they played in the revolution or not being to progress past the machismo and sexism, both of which were still rampant after their respective revolutions. [36] [38]

Both of these women's feminist ideologies were born out of the need for equality they saw was either not being met or being disregarded after their countries’ successful or attempted revolutions. This feminism born out of the fight against oppressive regimes has given way to a new look of feminism that can be found throughout Latin America. [36] [38]

Feminist mobilization or gathering can be seen in Shaye's research of Chilean women and their nation's government-organized mothers’ center. She witnessed that the gathering of these women and the sharing of their stories of oppression and domestic violence led the way to “Strategic (feminist) mobilization”. These gatherings were not only unique to Chile, but were found throughout Latin America - Bogota, Colombia (1981), Lima, Perú (1983), Bertioga, Brazil (1985), Taxco, Mexico (1987), and San Bernardo, Argentina (1990) - through the 1980s known as Encuentros. These biannual meetings brought together grassroot and professional feminists and allowed these women to discuss their experiences and the progression of their countries. [36] [38]

Issues on agenda

Post-suffrage feminism in Latin America covers mainly three big streams: the feminist stream, the stream in political parties and the stream of women from political parties. [39] Some issues of great concern include: voluntary maternity/responsible paternity, divorce law reform, equal pay, personal autonomy, challenging the consistently negative and sexist portrayal of women in the media, access to formal political representation. Women of the popular classes tend to focus their agendas on issues of economic survival and racial and ethnic justice.

In recent years, Latin American feminists have also challenged Eurocentric feminist frameworks, promoted literature and art by women of color, and establish their own social groups. They have also sought to challenge traditional nationalists who oppress women and use their political influence to subjugate non-heterosexuals, women, and people of color. [40]

Latina suffragists

Understanding Latin America's journey toward gender equality and its contributions to the global feminist movement requires an understanding of the history of Latina suffragists and their involvement in the fight for women's rights in the region. Throughout the early to mid-20th century, Latin American women addressed both local and global issues while building transnational coalitions in their fight for the right to vote and other political rights. This act, which often touched on the political realities of American imperialism and colonial legacies, was not only about getting the right to vote but also about broader social and economic rights. [41]

Many Latin American nations had allowed women to vote by the middle of the 20th century, but this came about after long and hard battles. Organizing for the right to vote took decades for activists in nations like Argentina and Mexico. For example, nationalist President Lázaro Cárdenas of Mexico supported women's suffrage on the grounds of equality, and it was almost accomplished in 1939. But suffrage was not granted until 1953 due to resistance from wealthy organizations and concerns about Catholic women's conservative voting habits. In an attempt to appear more modern, the government of President Juan Perón of Argentina gave women the right to vote in 1947. This was in line with similar actions taken in Brazil and Chile, where women were granted the right to vote later in the 1940s. [42]

Latina suffragists were innovative women who established the foundation for the diverse, intersectional activism that Latin American feminists continue to take part in today. Following their success in gaining the right to vote, Latina activists widened their focus to include a greater variety of social and economic inequalities, such as opposing U.S. interventionism and promoting the rights of marginalized women, Indigenous peoples, and LGBTQ+ people. Through campaigns like #niunamas and #niunamenos, that have inspired Latin American feminists at both local and international levels, their impact set the groundwork for ongoing  feminist movements that today address pressing issues like feminicide and violence against women. [43]

Latina suffragists refer to suffrage activists of Latin American origin who advocated for women's right to vote.

One of the most notable Latina suffragists is Adelina Otero-Warren from the state of New Mexico. Ortero-Warren was a prominent local organizer for the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage organized by Alice Paul. She was chosen by Paul to organize suffragists on behalf of the Congressional Union in 1917. [44]

Other prominent Latina Suffragists include:

Maria G.E. de Lopez was president of this league when women won the right to vote in California in 1911. [50] Maria G.E. de Lopez, a high school teacher, was the first person in the state of California to give speeches in support of women's suffrage in Spanish. [51] [52]

See also

Related Research Articles

Liberal feminism, also called mainstream feminism, is a main branch of feminism defined by its focus on achieving gender equality through political and legal reform within the framework of liberal democracy and informed by a human rights perspective. It is often considered culturally progressive and economically center-right to center-left. As the oldest of the "Big Three" schools of feminist thought, liberal feminism has its roots in 19th century first-wave feminism seeking recognition of women as equal citizens, focusing particularly on women's suffrage and access to education, the effort associated with 19th century liberalism and progressivism. Liberal feminism "works within the structure of mainstream society to integrate women into that structure." Liberal feminism places great emphasis on the public world, especially laws, political institutions, education and working life, and considers the denial of equal legal and political rights as the main obstacle to equality. As such liberal feminists have worked to bring women into the political mainstream. Liberal feminism is inclusive and socially progressive, while broadly supporting existing institutions of power in liberal democratic societies, and is associated with centrism and reformism. Liberal feminism tends to be adopted by white middle-class women who do not disagree with the current social structure; Zhang and Rios found that liberal feminism with its focus on equality is viewed as the dominant and "default" form of feminism. Liberal feminism actively supports men's involvement in feminism and both women and men have always been active participants in the movement; progressive men had an important role alongside women in the struggle for equal political rights since the movement was launched in the 19th century.

This is an index of articles related to the issue of feminism, women's liberation, the women's movement, and women's rights.

The history of feminism comprises the narratives of the movements and ideologies which have aimed at equal rights for women. While feminists around the world have differed in causes, goals, and intentions depending on time, culture, and country, most Western feminist historians assert that all movements that work to obtain women's rights should be considered feminist movements, even when they did not apply the term to themselves. Some other historians limit the term "feminist" to the modern feminist movement and its progeny, and use the label "protofeminist" to describe earlier movements.

Feminist separatism is the theory that feminist opposition to patriarchy can be achieved through women's separation from men. Much of the theorizing is based in lesbian feminism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicana feminism</span> Sociopolitical movement

Chicana feminism is a sociopolitical movement, theory, and praxis that scrutinizes the historical, cultural, spiritual, educational, and economic intersections impacting Chicanas and the Chicana/o community in the United States. Chicana feminism empowers women to challenge institutionalized social norms and regards anyone a feminist who fights for the end of women's oppression in the community.

Radical lesbianism is a lesbian movement that challenges the status quo of heterosexuality and mainstream feminism. It arose in part because mainstream feminism did not actively include or fight for lesbian rights. The movement was started by lesbian feminist groups in the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. A Canadian movement followed in the 1970s, which added momentum. As it continued to gain popularity, radical lesbianism spread throughout Canada, the United States, and France. The French-based movement, Front des Lesbiennes Radicales, or FLR, organized in 1981 under the name Front des Lesbiennes Radicales. Other movements, such as Radicalesbians, have also stemmed off of the larger radical lesbianism movement. In addition to being associated with social movements, radical lesbianism also offers its own ideology, similar to how feminism functions in both capacities.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminist movements and ideologies</span>

A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Women in Paraguay</span>

Women in Paraguay face challenges to their rights. Faced by socioeconomic inequalities and gender pay gap, they experienced significant cultural changes since 1990 as a result of constitutional and legal expansions of women's rights and evolving cultural attitudes. The legal and government institutions currently existing in Paraguay were developed in part through the efforts of feminist organizations in the country that held significant awareness-raising campaigns during the 1990s to formalize the guarantees of women's rights. UN Women supports the Paraguayan State in the challenge to extend women's rights, to fight for gender equality, as well as women's empowerment. It also ensures that women's voices are heard and create more opportunities for women.

Feminism in Mexico is the philosophy and activity aimed at creating, defining, and protecting political, economic, cultural, and social equality in women's rights and opportunities for Mexican women. Rooted in liberal thought, the term feminism came into use in late nineteenth-century Mexico and in common parlance among elites in the early twentieth century. The history of feminism in Mexico can be divided chronologically into a number of periods with issues. For the conquest and colonial eras, some figures have been re-evaluated in the modern era and can be considered part of the history of feminism in Mexico. At the time of independence in the early nineteenth century, there were demands that women be defined as citizens. The late nineteenth century saw the explicit development of feminism as an ideology. Liberalism advocated secular education for both girls and boys as part of a modernizing project, and women entered the workforce as teachers. Those women were at the forefront of feminism, forming groups that critiqued existing treatment of women in the realms of legal status, access to education, and economic and political power. More scholarly attention is focused on the Revolutionary period (1915–1925), although women's citizenship and legal equality were not explicitly issues for which the revolution was fought. The Second Wave and the post-1990 period have also received considerable scholarly attention. Feminism has advocated for the equality of men and women, but middle-class women took the lead in the formation of feminist groups, the founding of journals to disseminate feminist thought, and other forms of activism. Working-class women in the modern era could advocate within their unions or political parties. The participants in the Mexico 68 clashes who went on to form that generation's feminist movement were predominantly students and educators. The advisers who established themselves within the unions after the 1985 earthquakes were educated women who understood the legal and political aspects of organized labor. What they realized was that to form a sustained movement and attract working-class women to what was a largely middle-class movement, they needed to utilize workers' expertise and knowledge of their jobs to meld a practical, working system. In the 1990s, women's rights in indigenous communities became an issue, particularly in the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas. Reproductive rights remain an ongoing issue, particularly since 1991, when the Catholic Church in Mexico was no longer constitutionally restricted from being involved in politics.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminism and media</span> Use of media by feminist movements

The socio-political movements and ideologies of feminism have found expression in various media. These media include newspaper, literature, radio, television, social media, film, and video games. They have been essential to the success of many feminist movements.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Feminism in Chile</span>

Feminism in Chile has its own liberation language and activist strategies for rights that is shaped by the political, economic, and social system of Chile. Beginning in the 19th century, Chilean women have been organizing with aspirations of asserting their political rights. These aspirations have had to work against the reality that Chile is one of the most socially conservative countries in Latin America. The Círculo de Estudios de la Mujer is one example of a pioneering women's organization during the Pinochet dictatorship (1973–1989) which redefined women's responsibilities and rights, linking mothers' rights to women's rights and women's civil liberties. The founding members of the Círculo de Estudios de La Mujer consisted of a small group of Santiago feminists who were from the Academia de Humanismo Cristiano. These women gathered "to discuss the situation of women in Chile", their first meeting drew a crowd of over 300 participants and from there challenged the authoritarian life in Santiago. These women helped shape the rights for women in Chile.

Feminism in Argentina is a set of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and defending equal political, economic, and social rights and equal opportunities for women in Argentina. Although some women have been considered precursors—among them Juana Manso and Juana Manuela Gorriti—feminism was introduced to the country as a result of the great European immigration wave that took place in the late 19th and early 20th century. The first feminists did not form a unified movement, but included anarchist and socialist activists, who incorporated women's issues into their revolutionary program, and prestigious freethinker women, who initially fought for access to higher education and, later, legal equality with men. The early 20th century was also full of women fighting for their freedom and rights in the workplace. Despite the efforts of the first-wave feminists, Argentine women did not acquire the right to vote until 1947, during Juan Perón's first government. His highly popular wife, Eva, championed women's suffrage and founded and ran the nation's first large-scale female political party, the Female Peronist Party. Although she refused to identify herself as a feminist, Eva Perón is valued for having redefined the role of women in politics.

White feminism is a term which is used to describe expressions of feminism which are perceived as focusing on white women while failing to address the existence of distinct forms of oppression faced by ethnic minority women and women lacking other privileges. Whiteness is crucial in structuring the lived experiences of white women across a variety of contexts. The term has been used to label and criticize theories that are perceived as focusing solely on gender-based inequality. Primarily used as a derogatory label, "white feminism" is typically used to reproach a perceived failure to acknowledge and integrate the intersection of other identity attributes into a broader movement which struggles for equality on more than one front. In white feminism, the oppression of women is analyzed through a single-axis framework, consequently erasing the identity and experiences of ethnic minority women in the space. The term has also been used to refer to feminist theories perceived to focus more specifically on the experience of white, cisgender, heterosexual, able-bodied women, and in which the experiences of women without these characteristics are excluded or marginalized. This criticism has predominantly been leveled against the first waves of feminism which were seen as centered around the empowerment of white middle-class women in Western societies.

The Latin American and Caribbean Feminist Encuentros are a series conferences which began in 1981 to develop transnational networks within the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. The main focus of the conferences was to discuss and evaluate how women's marginalization and oppression could be eliminated given the existing economic and political systems by forming networks and strategies to create alternatives to existing norms. At times contentious, the various conferences explored what feminism meant—whether it was an inclusive movement or limited by social class, racial make-up, or sexuality; whether it was militant or passive; whether it was political, social, or economic; whether it was designed to work within patriarchal systems or needed to create new systems; and even whether accepting funding invalidated being feminist. Numerous initiatives recognizing diverse groups of women, such as Black and indigenous women, lesbian women, and various cultural and economic groups were spawned by the dialogues. The conferences are an ongoing attempt to negotiate strategies in an attempt to change region-wide policy agendas toward women.

The struggle for women's right to vote in Mexico dates back to the nineteenth century, with the right being achieved in 1953.

The Círculo de Estudios de la Mujer, or the Women’s Study Circle, was a Chilean feminist organization that existed from 1979 to 1983. It was formed during the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile as a response to the regime’s oppressive actions against citizens and women. For the Círculo women, the struggle for democracy and for women’s rights went hand-in-hand, and they also aimed to reframe feminism by prioritizing women as individuals, rather than their maternal identities. The Círculo de Estudios de la Mujer was part of a larger women’s movement which worked towards the end of the dictatorship, but they disbanded and formed two splinter groups in 1983.

Feminism and racism are highly intertwined concepts in intersectional theory, focusing on the ways in which women of color in the Western World experience both sexism and racism.

Yan María Yaoyólotl is a lesbian feminist activist and a Mexican feminist artist, painter, curator and cultural promoter. She was co-founder of the groups Lesbos (1977) and Oikabeth (1978) which have their origins in the lesbian-feminist movement in Mexico.

Autonomous feminism is a narrowly documented framework that appears particularly when discussing Latin American Feminisms. There is no concrete definition that belongs to Autonomous feminism, but rather a culmination of dispersed ideas. Autonomy in itself refers to "the idea that individuals are entitled to exercise self-determining authority over their own lives." Feminist theories regarding autonomy directly correlates to how systematic gender oppression hinders the abilities of women to be "self-determining" and "self-governing". Moreover, autonomy is a core and evolving concept within feminism and respective feminist identities. The basis of autonomy goes against and aims to demolish gender-based oppressions. Some of these oppressions include lack of abortion rights, gender violence in both the public and private spheres, and the lack of justice for murdered and disappeared relatives. Moreover, gender oppression can also take the form of sexual harassment/exploitation, inequalities of opportunity, and gender-based discrimination. In addition, some important autonomous demands include political party independence, choice in the space of whether or not to join male allies, and a criticism of "money king".

References

  1. ↑ Hawkesworth, M.E. (2006). Globalization and Feminist Activism. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 25–27.
  2. ↑ Beasley, Chris (1999). What is Feminism?. New York: Sage. pp. 3–11.
  3. ↑ Hooks, Bell (2000). Feminism is for Everybody: Passionate Politics. Pluto Press. ISBN   9780745317335.
  4. ↑ "Conquest and Colonization". The Women of Colonial Latin America. Cambridge University Press. 2000-05-18. pp. 32–51. doi:10.1017/cbo9780511840074.004. ISBN   978-0-521-47052-0.
  5. ↑ Archived 2019-08-04 at the Wayback Machine , Rivera Berruz, S. (2018, December 12). Latin American Feminism. Retrieved from https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-latin-america/ Archived 2019-08-04 at the Wayback Machine .
  6. 1 2 Gracia, Jorge; Vargas, Manuel (2013). Zalta, Edward (ed.). "Latin American Philosophy". The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Archived from the original on 2020-01-26. Retrieved 2016-10-11.
  7. ↑ Roelofs, Monique (2016). "Navigating Frames of Address: María Lugones on Language, Bodies, Things, and Places". Hypatia. 31 (2): 370–387. doi:10.1111/hypa.12233. ISSN   0887-5367. S2CID   147187056.
  8. ↑ Shayne, Julie (2007). Feminist Activism in Latin America, in The Encyclopedia of Sociology. Blackwell Publishing. pp. Vol no. 4: 1685–1689.
  9. 1 2 3 4 5 Barrig, Maruja; Beckman, Ericka (2001). "Latin American Feminism". NACLA Report on the Americas. 34 (5): 21. doi:10.1080/10714839.2001.11724593. S2CID   157954944.
  10. 1 2 Ixkic Bastian Duarte, Ángela (September 2012). "From the Margins of Latin American Feminism: Indigenous and Lesbian Feminisms". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 38 (1): 153–178. doi:10.1086/665946. ISSN   0097-9740.
  11. 1 2 3 O'Conner, Erin (2014). Mother's Making Latin America: Genders, Households, and Politics since 1825. US: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN   978-1118271445.
  12. 1 2 Mitchell, Stephanie (July 2015). "Revolutionary Feminism, Revolutionary Politics: Suffrage under Cardenismo". The Americas (journal) . 72 (3): 439–468. doi:10.1017/tam.2015.33. ISSN   0003-1615.
  13. 1 2 3 4 5 Charleswell, Cherise (2014). "Latina Feminism: National and Transnational Perspectives". The Hampton Institute. Archived from the original on 2020-01-26. Retrieved 2016-10-11.
  14. ↑ Cochrane, Kira (2013-05-07). "Women 1963: 50 years on". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 2019-04-09. Retrieved 2016-12-11.
  15. 1 2 Tobar, Ros (2003). "Feminism is Socialism, Liberty, and Much More". Journal of Women's History. 15 (3): 129–134. doi:10.1353/jowh.2003.0085. ISSN   1042-7961. S2CID   144225258.
  16. 1 2 Anzaldúa, Gloria (1999). Borderlands/La frontera: La nueva mestiza. Vol. 1 (Fourth ed.). San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books.
  17. ↑ Miranda, Nicolás. "Los cordones industriales, la revolución chilena y el frentepopulismo". Archived from the original on 2015-09-24. Retrieved 2015-05-26.
  18. ↑ Swarthout, Kelley (2009). "Masculine/Feminine: Practices of Difference(s)". RILCE. Revista de Filologa Hispnica. 25 (2): 442–444. doi: 10.15581/008.25.26469 . S2CID   252986375.
  19. ↑ Duarte, ngela Ixkic Bastian (2012). "From the Margins of Latin American Feminism: Indigenous and Lesbian Feminisms". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 38: 153–178. doi:10.1086/665946. S2CID   225088482.
  20. ↑ Schutte, Ofelia (2011). "Engaging Latin American Feminisms Today: Methods, Theory, Practice". Hypatia. 26 (4): 783–803. doi:10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01200.x. S2CID   43597159.
  21. ↑ Castillo, Debra; Dudley, Mary Jo; Mendoza, Breny (eds.). "Rethinking Feminisms in the Americas" (PDF). Latin American Studies Program Cornell University, Ithaca, NY. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-06-15.
  22. ↑ "Movimiento feminista en América latina". 6 September 2005. Archived from the original on 26 May 2015. Retrieved 26 May 2015.
  23. ↑ Espinosa Damián, Gisela. "Feminismo popular y feminismo indígena. Abriendo brechas desde la subalternidad". Archived from the original on 2015-05-26. Retrieved 2015-05-26.
  24. ↑ Friedman, Elisabeth. "Feminism Under Construction". NACLA Report on the Americas. 47 (4).
  25. ↑ Hernández Castillo, R. Aída (2010). "The Emergence of Indigenous Feminism in Latin America". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 35 (3): 539–545. doi:10.1086/648538. S2CID   225089179.
  26. ↑ Montenegro, Marisela; Capdevila, Rose; Sarriera, Heidi Figueroa (2012). "Editorial introduction: Towards a transnational feminism: Dialogues on feminisms and psychologies in a Latin American context". Feminism & Psychology. 22 (2): 220–227. doi:10.1177/0959353511415830. S2CID   143454107.
  27. ↑ Telling To Live: Latina Feminist Testimonios. Durham: Duke University Press. 2001. pp.  3. ISBN   978-0822327653.
  28. ↑ Miñoso, Yuderkys Espinosa; Flores, Joan (2010). "The Feminism-Lesbianism Relationship in Latin America". The Politics of Sexuality in Latin America. University of Pittsburgh Press. pp. 401–405. ISBN   9780822960621. JSTOR   j.ctt5vkfk6.37.
  29. ↑ Corrales, Javier. "LGBT Rights and Representation in Latin America and the Caribbean: The Influence of Structure, Movements, Institutions, and Culture" (PDF). The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. pp. 4–12. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2017-01-14. Retrieved 2017-04-20.
  30. ↑ Aguiar, José Carlos G. (2012). "Reviewed work: The Politics of Sexuality in Latin America. A Reader on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Rights, Javier Corrales, Mario Pecheny". Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe / European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies (93): 144–145. JSTOR   23294485.
  31. ↑ "Taking Stock: A Hundred Years After Women's Suffrage in Latin America". NACLA. Retrieved 2024-11-13.
  32. ↑ "Explained: Abortion Rights in Mexico and Latin America". WCAU NBC10 Philadelphia. 2019-09-29. Retrieved 2024-11-13.
  33. ↑ "Women Strike in Latin America and Beyond". NACLA. Archived from the original on 2021-12-26. Retrieved 2023-03-06.
  34. ↑ Bastian Duarte, Ángela Ixkic (2012). "From the Margins of Latin American Feminism: Indigenous and Lesbian Feminisms". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 38: 153–178. doi:10.1086/665946. S2CID   225088482.
  35. ↑ Shayne J. (2004). The Revolution Question: Feminisms in El Salvador, Chile, and Cuba. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick.
  36. 1 2 3 4 Shayne, Julie D. The Revolution Question: Feminisms in El Salvador, Chile, and Cuba. New Brunswick, New Jersey, and London: Rutgers University Press, 2004.
  37. ↑ Alvarez, Sonia (Winter 1992). "Feminisms in Latin America: From Bogota to San Bernardo". Signs. 12 (2): 393–434. JSTOR   3174469.
  38. 1 2 3 Sternbach, Nancy Saporta; Navarro-Aranguren, Marysa; Chuchryk, Patricia; Alvarez, Sonia E. (1992). "Feminisms in Latin America: From Bogotá to San Bernardo". Signs. 17 (2): 393–434. doi:10.1086/494735. JSTOR   3174469. S2CID   143308679.
  39. ↑ Vargas, V (1992). The Feminist Movement in Latin America: Between Hope and Disenchantment. Development and Change. pp. 195–204.
  40. ↑ Telling to Live: Latina Feminist Testimonios. Durham: Duke University Press. 2001. pp.  4. ISBN   978-0822327653.
  41. ↑ "Taking Stock: A Hundred Years After Women's Suffrage in Latin America". NACLA. Retrieved 2024-11-12.
  42. ↑ "Taking Stock: A Hundred Years After Women's Suffrage in Latin America". NACLA. Retrieved 2024-11-12.
  43. ↑ "Taking Stock: A Hundred Years After Women's Suffrage in Latin America". NACLA. Retrieved 2024-11-13.
  44. ↑ "Womens Suffrage Movement-1915". New Mexico Office of the State Historian. Archived from the original on 9 December 2018. Retrieved 8 December 2018.
  45. 1 2 3 4 Larralde, Carlos. 2010. “Josefina Fierro and the Sleepy Lagoon Crusade, 1942-1945.” Southern California Quarterly 92 (2): 117–60. doi:10.2307/41172517.
  46. 1 2 3 "Latina Feminism." The American Mosaic: The Latino American Experience, ABC-CLIO, 2023, latinoamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/2301798.
  47. 1 2 3 Vicki L. Ruiz, “Of Poetics and Politics: The Border Journeys of Luisa Moreno,” in Sharon Harley, ed., Women’s Labor in the Global Economy: Speaking in Multiple Voices (New Brunswick, NJ, 2007), 28–45, here 29–34.
  48. 1 2 RUIZ, VICKI L. 2016. “AHA Presidential Address Class Acts: Latina Feminist Traditions, 1900-1930.” American Historical Review 121 (1): 1.
  49. ↑ Ingen, L.V. (February 2004). "The Limits of State Suffrage for California Women Candidates in the Progressive Era". Pacific Historical Review. 73 (1): 21–48. doi:10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.21. JSTOR   10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.21.
  50. ↑ Leonard, John William (1914). "Who's Who of America".
  51. ↑ "Woman's who's who of America, 1914-15". Archived from the original on 9 December 2018. Retrieved 8 December 2018.
  52. ↑ "LOS ANGELES CITYWIDE HISTORIC CONTEXT STATEMENT Context: Women's Rights in Los Angeles" (PDF). Survey LA. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 December 2018. Retrieved 8 December 2018.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.