Judaism in pre-Islamic Arabia

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Judaism was the first monotheistic religion practiced in pre-Islamic Arabia, predating the Common Era. Arabian Jews were linguistically diverse, and communities spoke Greek, Aramaic, Arabic, and Sabaic. [1] The centers of Arabian Judaism were in the Northwest and South of the Arabian Peninsula, and political leadership by Arabian Jews is attested over South Arabia during the time of the Kingdom of Himyar from the late fourth to the early sixth centuries, and in some Hejazi oasis cities in northwestern Arabia whose populations were largely composed of the Jewish tribes of Arabia.

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The origins of Arabian Judaism is not well understood. While no evidence exists to support any theory, some have speculated that these communities arose as a means of fleeing persecution and oppression during Babylonian, Roman, and other periods. The practice and diversity of Arabian Judaism is also not well understood. [2] Pre-Islamic translations of Jewish scriptures into Arabian languages have not yet been found, suggesting that their religious culture was largely oral. [3]

South Arabia

Seal ring from Zafar with writing "Yishaq bar Hanina" and a Torah ark, 330 BC - 200 AD 04ring.jpg
Seal ring from Zafar with writing "Yishaq bar Hanina" and a Torah ark, 330 BC – 200 AD

Before the fourth century

Evidence for Judaism in South Arabia before the fourth century is sparse. According to Josephus in his Antiquities of the Jews, Herod the Great, the king of Judea in the 1st century BCE, contributed 500 men to the personal guard of the Roman governor Aelius Gallus to aid his invasion of South Arabia around 25/24 BCE, which was ultimately unsuccessful. [4]

Conversion to Judaism in the fourth century

By 300 CE, the Himyarite Kingdom had vanquished competing states, including the Saba, Qataban, and Hadrawat. This made it the sole ruling power in South Arabia, uniting the region for the first time in over a thousand years, since the reign of the Sabaean ruler Karib'il Watar. In the mid to late fourth century, the ruling elite of Himyar abandoned the old polytheistic gods and adopted Judaism. [5] Literary sources, such as the Book of the Himyarites and the Ecclessiastical History of Philostorgius say that the reason for the adoption of Judaism was to further distance themselves from attempts by the Byzantine Empire to convert them to Christianity. Islamic sources attribute the conversion to Abu Karib (r. c. 400–445), but contemporary inscriptions show that it had taken place earlier, during the reign of his father, Malkīkarib Yuha’min (r. c. 375–400). [6]

During the fourth-century conversion, polytheistic invocations vanish from inscriptions, and all inscriptions begin to exclusively mention the one, high god Rahmanan. [7] One Sabaic inscription, Ja 856 (= Fa 60), describes the replacement of a polytheistic temple dedicated to the god al-Maqah with a mikrāb (which might be the equivalent of a synagogue or an original form of organization local to Himyarite Judaism [8] ). The evidence suggests that the break with polytheism was sharp, and it coincides with the sudden appearance of Jewish and Aramaic words (‘ālam/world, baraka/bless, haymanōt/guarantee, kanīsat/meeting hall) and personal names (Yṣḥq/Isaac, Yhwd’/Juda, Yws’f/Joseph). [6]

The exact nature and interpretation of the Judaism practiced by the rulers is not clear [9] and the Jewish nature of the kings rule was not frequently made explicit. [10]

Judaism among the local population

Though not as abundant as evidence for Judaism among the elite, evidence also supports the popularity of Judaism among the locals. The name "Israel" appears in four inscriptions and replaces the earlier term shaʿb/community: [11] one inscription from the fifth century mentions the "God of Israel". [12] Three inscriptions mention the "God of the Jews". MAFRAY-Ḥaṣī 1, describes the construction of a graveyard specifically for the Jewish community. [13] There is a Hebrew inscription known as DJE 23 from the village of Bayt Hadir, 15 km east of Sanaa. It lists the mishmarot ("guards"), enumerating the twenty-four Priestly families (and their place of residence in Galilee) appointed to protect the Solomon's Temple after the return of the Jews following the Babylonian exile. It is also written in biblical as opposed to Aramaic orthography. [14]

Local inscriptions mention synagogues (mkrb) in the cities of Zafar, Marib, Rayda, Naʿd, Najr, Dulaʿ, and Tanʿim, implying a formal organization of South Arabian Judaism. [15] The phrase hagios topos, which usually means a synagogue, has also been found from a 6th-century Greek inscription from the port of Qāniʾ in Bi'r Ali, and an earlier 4th-century Sabaic inscription. [16] [17] However, the interpretation of the former inscription and its building from Qani have been disputed. [18] A Torah ark was found on a seal stone in a cemetery from the city of Zafar. [19] Additional evidence is also known. [20]

Christian Julien Robin argues that the epigraphic evidence argues against viewing the Judaism of Himyar as rabbinic. This is based on the absence of belief in the afterlife (shared by the Sadducees), the predominant use of a local language (Sabaic) as opposed to Hebrew, and the priestly emphasis of DJE 23, Himyarite Judaism may have been more "Priestly" than "Rabbinic". [21] However, Iwona Gajda interprets DJE 23 as evidence for the presence of rabbinic Judaism, and further points to evidence that the loanwords present in Ḥasī 1 indicate that its author was strongly familiar with Jewish law. [22]

Transition of Himyar from Judaism to Christianity

Around 500, the Kingdom of Aksum invaded the peninsula, overthrowing the Himyarite king and installing in his place the hardline Christian king Ma'dikarib Ya'fur . His successor, Dhu Nuwas (reigned 517–530) went on to try combatting the Christianizing influence from the Kingdom of Aksum militarily and massacred the Christian community of Najran, [23] [24] [25] which is in part documented by an inscription made by S²rḥʾl Yqbl (Yusuf's army commander), Ja 1028, which describes the burning of a church and slaughtering of Abyssinians (Ethiopian Christians), claiming thousands of deaths and prisoners. These events are also discussed in several contemporary Christian sources: in the writings of Procopius, Cosmas Indicopleustes, John Malalas, and Jacob of Serugh. Soon afterwards, John of Ephesus (d. 588) related a letter from another contemporary, Mar Simeon, directed to Abbot von Gabula about the events. In addition, an anonymous author produced the Book of the Himyarites, a sixth-century Syriac chronicle of the persecution and martyrdom of the Christians of Najran. This event to a significant counterattack by the Ethiopian kingdom, leading to the conquest of Himyar in 525 and the end of the Jewish leadership of southern Arabia. [26]

Western Arabia

Islamic literature characterizes the Hejaz as hosting large Jewish populations. A document from the lifetime of Muhammad, the Constitution of Medina, is a pact between Muhammad's polity of believers and many Medinan Jewish tribes. [27] The three major Jewish tribes of Medina, according to this literature, were the Banu Qaynuqa, the Banu Nadir, and the Banu Qurayza. A Jewish-Hebrew religious school, the bayt al-midrās, is said to have existed in Medina by Ibn Hisham, visited on occasion by both Muhammad and some of his followers. Some of Muhammad's followers are said to have been former rabbinical scholars. [28] Beyond Medina, Islamic literature attests Jewish tribes in other major oases of the northern Hejaz, such as at Khaybar, Fadak, and Tayma.

The Quran, a religious scripture and an early seventh century source from West Arabia, regularly mentions Jews and their beliefs, in both Meccan surahs and Medinan surahs. [29] They are mentioned 23 times by the root hwd, 43 times as part of the "Children of Israel", and 32 as part of the "People of the Book". [30] In its latest layers, the Quran repeatedly and directly engages with the Mishnah, likely reflecting a growing awareness and interaction with the Jewish scholarly elite. [31]

Some contemporary, non-Islamic literary evidence also points to a Jewish presence. The Midrash Rabba says that two third-century rabbis believed it beneficial to travel to Hegra (Madāʾin Ṣālih) to improve their Aramaic. Procopius, a 6th-century Byzantine historian, when commenting about the Tiran Island, says that the "Hebrews had lived from of old in autonomy, but in the reign of this Justinian they have become subject to the Romans." [32]

Some pre-Islamic inscriptions also mention Jews and Judaism. One, from 203 AD, indicates a Jewish headman of the oasis of Tayma named Isaiah (whose father and brother also have biblical names). Jewish headmen of both Hegra and Dedan are also indicated by inscriptions from the mid-4th century. One Dedanite inscription mentions a rabbi. [33] [34] A Jewish presence in Western Arabia is also known from the inscription UJadhNab 538. [35]

Archaeological evidence has also now been found for a Jewish presence in the region, at Al-Ula, characterized by a sharp decline of the consumption of camel in the transition of the site's occupation into the late antique period. [36]

Haggai Mazuz has argued that the Hijazi Arabian Judaism was rabbinic and halakhic, [37] but his thesis has criticized for an uncritical reliance on traditional sources. [38] [39] While the nature of Hijazi Judaism remains controversial, some sort of rabbinic element is likely to have existed. [40]

Central and East Arabia

Evidence of Jews or Judaism in this region is tenuous. Christian Julien Robin has suggested that a governor of one of the tribes in central Arabia, Ḥujr, may have been Jewish. In eastern Arabia, Josephus claims that a son of the first-century king of Adiabene converted to Judaism. [41]

Jewish poets

The poetry of the pre-Islamic period has largely not survived outside of later compilations during the Islamic period, from the eighth century and thereafter. These compilations list many cases of Jewish poets, alongside the poetry that they created. [42] However, the question of its authenticity is debated, [43] as well as how much they were modified and Islamicized during transmission. [44] The Ṭabaqāt fuḥūl al-shuʿarā ("The generations of the most outstanding poets"), composed by the Basran traditionalist and philologist Muḥummad ibn Sallām al-Jumaḥī (d. 846), records a list of Jewish poets. The Arabian/Arab antiquities collector Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī (d. 976) also has scattered reference to eleven Jewish poets in his Kitāb al-agānī ("Book of Songs"). The poets they refer to are as follows, followed by (J) if mentioned by al-Jumahi and (I) if they are mentioned by al-Isfahani:

According to some traditions, Imru al-Qais also converted to Judaism. [42]

The poetry ascribed to these figures rarely make reference to precise historical details or religious expressions, [46] although some poems ascribed to al-Samaw'al in the Asma'iyyat collection are explicitly religious. [47] In addition, al-Jumahi offers very little by way of biography for each of these figures other than to recount popular anecdotes that a few are associated with. Al-Isfahani gives more detailed biographical information. For example, he says Al-Samaw’al ibn ‘Ādiyā was a native of Tayma (in northwestern Arabia) whose father had ties to the Ghassanids. He lived in a family home often called a castle and whose name was al-Ablaq. Popular stories described his fidelity and loyalty, such as one where he refuses the surrender of the possessions of Imru' al-Qais to Imru's enemies despite their attempt to besiege his castle. Asides from Samaw'al, the only other Jewish poet to earn some renown was al-Rabī‘ ibn Abī l-Ḥuqayq, chief of the Naḍir tribe. The earliest sources make no mention of this figure, but only his son Kināna. Instead, it is only with the work of al-Isfahani that the exploits of al-Rabī‘ are described. [48]

Origins of Jewish communities in Arabia

How Judaism entered Arabia remains controversial. [42] Some theories center on migrations that took place after the destruction of the Second Temple during the Jewish–Roman wars [49] or in the aftermath of Persian, Babylonian, or Roman persecutions, but these theories remain speculation. [30] [50] Two different accounts of the origins of Arabian Judaism are known from Islamic sources, centering on expulsions during the time of Moses or as a means to escape oppressive Roman governance, though neither account can be verified. [51]

Relations with Jews outside of the Arabian Peninsula

Jewish literature outside of Yemen rarely mentions the Jewish community there. [52] However, an exception to this can be found in the verses of the contemporary, sixth-century Byzantine Jewish poet named Eleazar beRabbi Qallir. [53]

However, epigraphs from Palestine and Jordan do reflect communication and knowledge from the Yemenite Jewish community:

These communication routes may have also transferred rabbinic and other Jewish teachings. [54]

In addition, evidence from the Talmud and the Syriac Book of the Himyarites shows that members of priestly tribes known as Cohanim originating from the land of Israel were active in the Himyarite Kingdom. [42]

Sources

Sources about pre-Islamic Arabian Judaism are limited and fragmentary. They are mostly inscriptions. However, inscriptions usually do not mention the religion of the author, forcing reliance on indirect evidence, such as a Jewish name, Jewish expressions, and use of the Hebrew script. [46] [55] [56] The only literary reference to these communities between Greek and Syriac sources is one passing reference by Josephus. [57] [4] The extensive Jewish literary record rarely makes mention of Jews living in Arab lands. [58] The Talmud occasionally mentions Arabia, however, most references are about regions in southern Israel and Jordan instead of the Arabian Peninsula. [4]

The only contemporary Islamic sources are the Quran [29] [30] and the Constitution of Medina. [27] ameliorate the situation. Pre-Islamic Arabic poetry, written down in the Islamic era, has several examples of the creations of Jewish poets, but the date, revision history, and authenticity of these Jewish poems are unclear. [43] Much more systematic detail about the situation is found in Islamic-Arabic histories of pre-Islamic Arabia, but the reliability of these sources is doubtful, such as the works of Al-Hamdani. [59] Geographically, these sources place significant Jewish presences in Yemen, either in its entirety (Ya'qubi) or all of Himyar in addition to parts of Kinda (Ibn Hazm), [60] as well as in Medina, prominently including the tribes of Banu Nadir, the Banu Qaynuqa, and the Banu Qurayza. Nevertheless, evidence regarding the size and nature of a Jewish Medinan community remains phantasmal in the pre-Islamic evidence. [38] [61]

After Islam

Despite some opinions in Islamic tradition that all Jews should be expelled from the Arabian Peninsula, their continued survival in the region and even in the Hejaz after the advent of Islam is also documented in Islamic sources, as well as some non-Jewish sources. [62] In South Arabia, large populations of Yemenite Jews persisted until around the mid-twentieth century, but after a large transport undertaken by Operation Magic Carpet in 1949–1950, they now live in Israel. The same operation also transported around 2,000 Jews in Saudi Arabia to Israel. [63] Large Jewish populations are attested in the north Arabian site of Qurh in the ninth–tenth centuries CE. [64]

List of Jewish epigraphs

This list is according to the 2012 compilation by Robert Hoyland. The inscriptions span at least five centuries, only number thirty-one if all are accepted as Jewish, are written in a variety of scripts/languages although most are in Nabataean Aramaic, are typically brief, and are geographically limited insofar as nearly all hail from Hegra or Al-Ula. [65]

TextPlaceTypeDateScript/Lang
This is the tomb which Shubaytu son of Aliu, the Jew (yhwdy), made for himself and for his children and for Amirat, his wife. They may be buried in it by hereditary title. And no stranger has the right to be buried in it, and if any of the children of Shubaytu mentioned above or their legal heirs seeks to write for this tomb a deed of gift or any document, he will have no share in this tomb. And this was on the first day of Ab, the third year of King Maliku, King of the Nabataeans. Abd Obodat son of Wahballahi made it Hegra Tomb inscription42/43 CENabataean Aramaic
Manasse son of Natan, greetings/farewell Hegra Construction, base of sundial1st c CENabataean Aramaic
This is the stele which Yaḥyā son of Simon has built for his father Simon who died in the month of Sīwan of the year 201 al-Ula Tomb inscription307 CENabataean Aramaic
May Jacob son of Samuel be remembered well Hegra Graffito3rd - 5th cNabataean Aramaic
This is the memorial of Isaiah Neballaṭa son of Joseph, the headman of Tayma, which ʿImram and Ašmw, his brothers, erected for him in the month of Iyar of the year 98 of the province Tayma Graffito203 CENabataean Aramaic
This is the stele and tomb, which Adyon son of Ḥaniy son of Samuel, the headman of Hegra, built for his wife Mawiyah, daughter of the headman of Tayma, Amr son of Adyon son of Samuel, who died in the month of Ab in the year 251, aged 38 years Hegra Tomb inscription356/7 CENabataean Aramaic
Daniel Hegra Graffito1st - 3rd c CENabataean Aramaic
Abīyu son of Salmu al-Ula Graffito1st - 3rd c CENabataean Aramaic
May ʿEzer be remembered well Hegra Graffito1st - 3rd c CENabataean Aramaic
ʿAzaryah son of Asyah al-Ula Graffito3rd - 1st c BCELihyanite (Dedanitic)
"By Ahab son of Simak the one buried [here]"

or "By/for Ahab son of Simak is the tomb"

 al-Ula Graffito3rd - 1st c BCELihyanite (Dedanitic)
Greetings/Farewell Joseph son of ʿAwiyu al-Ula Graffito1st - 3rd c BCENabataean Aramaic
Levi al-Ula Graffito1st - 3rd c CENabataean Aramaic
May Ghanam son of Yehūdā be rememberedUmm JudhayidhGraffito1st c BCE - 1st c CENabataean Aramaic
May Joseph son of Ghanam be remembered well. PeaceUmm JudhayidhGraffito1st c BCE - 1st c CENabataean Aramaic
Indeed, may Simon son of Adiyu be remembered Hegra Graffito3rd - 5th c CENabataean Aramaic
May Laḥmu son of Yehūdā be remembered well al-Ula Graffito3rd - 5th c CENabataean Aramaic
Peace on the tomb of R{mn}h his wife, daughter of Joseph, son of ʿRr, who is from Qurayyā, who died on the twenty-sixth day of April, year one hundred and seventy-fiveal-MabiyyatTomb inscription280 CENabataean Aramaic
This is Abisalo(m?) son of Susannah al-Ula GraffitoUncertainHebrew/ Arabic
Blessing to Aṭūr son of Menaḥem and rabbi Jeremiah al-Ula GraffitoUncertainHebrew/ Arabic
May Samuel son of Hillel be blessed and protectedWadi HaggagGraffito2nd - 4th c CEHebrew/ Arabic
Blessed be the name of my LordJubbahGraffitoUncertainHebrew/ Arabic
Nam/Nuaym son of Isaac trusts in God. He has written (this). al-Ula GraffitoUncertainHebrew/ Arabic
This is what has written . . . (hd mh ktb) and this is what . . . al-Ula GraffitoUncertainHebrew/ Arabic
And Ismaīl son of Ṣdq has written al-Ula GraffitoUncertainHebrew/ Arabic
God be blessed/Bless God al-Ula GraffitoUncertainHebrew/ Arabic
This is the tomb which ʿAbday son of Tayma built for PN who [died?] on the twenty-seventh of š[ebaṭ?] . . . two hundred years ten/twenty . . . al-Ula Tomb inscription4th c CE?Nabataean Aramaic
. . . bn . . . bn b[r] . . . ytpt y . . . klhw . . . wn . . .TaymaCommemorativeUncertainNabataean Aramaic / Jewish Aramaic

See also

References

  1. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. p. 57. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  2. ↑ Hughes, Aaron (2020). "South Arabian 'Judaism', Ḥimyarite Raḥmanism, and the Origins of Islam". In Segovia, Carlos Andrés (ed.). Remapping emergent Islam: texts, social settings, and ideological trajectories. Social worlds of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 19–22. ISBN   978-94-6298-806-4.
  3. ↑ Griffith, Sidney Harrison (2015). The Bible in Arabic: the scriptures of the "People of the Book" in the language of Islam. Jews, Christians, and Muslims from the ancient to the modern world (First paperback printing ed.). Princeton Oxford: Princeton University Press. pp. 41–53. ISBN   978-0-691-16808-1.
  4. 1 2 3 Robin, Christian Julien (2021). "Judaism in pre-Islamic Arabia". In Ackerman-Lieberman, Phillip Isaac (ed.). The Cambridge history of Judaism. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. p. 294. ISBN   978-0-521-51717-1.
  5. ↑ Robin, Christian J. (2012). "Arabia and Ethiopia". The Oxford handbook of late antiquity. Oxford handbooks. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 247–332. ISBN   978-0-19-533693-1.
  6. 1 2 Hughes, Aaron (2020). "South Arabian 'Judaism', Ḥimyarite Raḥmanism, and the Origins of Islam". In Segovia, Carlos Andrés (ed.). Remapping emergent Islam: texts, social settings, and ideological trajectories. Social worlds of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 26–29. ISBN   978-94-6298-806-4.
  7. ↑ Robin, Christian Julien (2021). "Judaism in pre-Islamic Arabia". In Ackerman-Lieberman, Phillip Isaac (ed.). The Cambridge history of Judaism. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. pp. 297–298. ISBN   978-0-521-51717-1.
  8. ↑ Robin, Christian Julien (2021). "Judaism in pre-Islamic Arabia". In Ackerman-Lieberman, Phillip Isaac (ed.). The Cambridge history of Judaism. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. pp. 297–303. ISBN   978-0-521-51717-1.
  9. ↑ Hughes, Aaron (2020). "South Arabian 'Judaism', Ḥimyarite Raḥmanism, and the Origins of Islam". In Segovia, Carlos Andrés (ed.). Remapping emergent Islam: texts, social settings, and ideological trajectories. Social worlds of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 30–34. ISBN   978-94-6298-806-4.
  10. ↑ Robin, Christian Julien (2021). "Judaism in pre-Islamic Arabia". In Ackerman-Lieberman, Phillip Isaac (ed.). The Cambridge history of Judaism. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. pp. 317–318. ISBN   978-0-521-51717-1.
  11. ↑ Robin, Christian Julien (2021). "Judaism in pre-Islamic Arabia". In Ackerman-Lieberman, Phillip Isaac (ed.). The Cambridge history of Judaism. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. pp. 303–304. ISBN   978-0-521-51717-1.
  12. ↑ Robin, Christian Julien; Rijziger, Sarah (2018-10-22). ""The Owner of the Sky, God of Israel" in a new Jewish Ḥimyaritic Inscription Dating from the Fifth Century CE" . Der Islam (in German). 95 (2): 271–290. doi:10.1515/islam-2018-0050. ISSN   1613-0928.
  13. ↑ "MAFRAY-Ḥaṣī 1". DASI: Digital Archive for the Study of pre-islamic arabian Inscriptions. Retrieved 2024-02-18.
  14. ↑ Gajda, Iwona (2009). Le royaume de Ḥimyar à l'époque monothéiste. L'histoire de l'Arabie du Sud ancienne de la fin du IVe siècle de l'ère chrétienne jusqu'à l'avènement de l'Islam. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. pp. 245–246.
  15. ↑ Finster 2017, p. 73.
  16. ↑ Gajda, Iwona (2009). Le royaume de Ḥimyar à l'époque monothéiste. L'histoire de l'Arabie du Sud ancienne de la fin du IVe siècle de l'ère chrétienne jusqu'à l'avènement de l'Islam. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. pp. 40, 46.
  17. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. p. 69. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  18. ↑ Letteney, Mark; Gross, Simcha (2022). "Reconsidering the Earliest Synagogue in Yemen" . Studies in Late Antiquity. 6 (4): 627–650. doi:10.1525/sla.2022.6.4.627.
  19. ↑ Yule, Paul. "Zafar: The Capital of the Ancient Himyarite Empire Rediscovered." Jemen Report 36.1 (2005): 22-29.
  20. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. pp. 67–73. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  21. ↑ Robin, Christian Julien (2021). "Judaism in pre-Islamic Arabia". In Ackerman-Lieberman, Phillip Isaac (ed.). The Cambridge history of Judaism. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. pp. 309–315. ISBN   978-0-521-51717-1.
  22. ↑ Gajda, iwona (2017). "Remarks on Monotheism in Ancient South Arabia". In Bakhos, Carol; Cook, Michael (eds.). Islam and its past: Jahiliyya, Late Antiquity, and the Qur'an. Oxford studies in the abrahamic religions. Oxford: Oxford university press. pp. 252–253. ISBN   978-0-19-874849-6.
  23. ↑ Brock, Sebastian P.; Harvey, Susan Ashbrook, eds. (1987). Holy women of the Syrian Orient. The transformation of the classical heritage. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 100–121. ISBN   978-0-520-05705-0.
  24. ↑ Chatonnet, Françoise Briquel; Robin, Christian Julien (2000). "La persécution des chrétiens de Nagran et la chronologie himyarite". ARAM: 15–83.
  25. ↑ Gajda, Iwona (2009). Le royaume de Ḥimyar à l'époque monothéiste. L'histoire de l'Arabie du Sud ancienne de la fin du IVe siècle de l'ère chrétienne jusqu'à l'avènement de l'Islam. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. pp. 82–109.
  26. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. pp. 73–76. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  27. 1 2 Lindstedt, Ilkka (2021). ""One Community to the Exclusion of Other People": A Superordinate Identity in the Medinan Community". In Mette Bjerregaard, Mortensen; Dye, Guillame; Oliver, Isaac W.; Tesei, Tommaso (eds.). The study of Islamic origins: new perspectives and contexts. Judaism, Christianity, and Islam - tension, transmission, transformation. Berlin Boston (Mass.): De Gruyter. pp. 325–376. ISBN   978-3-11-067543-6.
  28. ↑ Lindstedt 2026, p. 19.
  29. 1 2 Galadari, Abdulla (2024-03-04). "Qur'anic Understandings of the Divine Name Yhwh" . Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations: 3. doi: 10.1080/09596410.2024.2321044 . ISSN   0959-6410.
  30. 1 2 3 Hoyland, Robert G. (2011). "The Jews of the Hijaz in the Qurʾān and in their inscriptions". In Reynolds, Gabriel Said (ed.). New perspectives on the Qur'an. The Qur'an in its historical context. New York: Routledge. p. 91. ISBN   978-0-415-61548-8.
  31. ↑ Koller, Aaron (2025). "Three Polemical Qurʾanic Citations of the Mishnah and Their Historical Significance" . Jewish Studies Quarterly. 32 (2): 99–116. doi:10.1628/jsq-2025-0007. ISSN   0944-5706.
  32. ↑ Munt 2015, pp. 253–254.
  33. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. pp. 60–62. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  34. ↑ Robin, Christian Julien (2021). "Judaism in pre-Islamic Arabia". In Ackerman-Lieberman, Phillip Isaac (ed.). The Cambridge history of Judaism. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. pp. 332–334. ISBN   978-0-521-51717-1.
  35. ↑ Nehmé, Laila; Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise; Desreumaux, Alain Jacques Paul; Al-Ghabban, Ali I; MacDonald, Michael; Villeneuve, François F. (2018). The Darb al-Bakrah. A Caravan Route in North-West Arabia Discovered by Ali I. al-Ghabban. Catalogue of the Inscriptions. Riyadh: Saudi Commission for Tourism and National Heritage. p. 185.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
  36. ↑ Rohmer, Jérôme; Alsuhaibani, Abdulrahman; Bouchaud, Charlène; Chambraud, Elora; Dabrowski, Vladimir; Djerbi, Hatem; Lesguer, Fabien; Monchot, Hervé; Picavet, Paul; Purdue, Louise; Riba, Bertrand; Shabo, Shadi (2025-11-24). "Bridging the Late Antique Gap in Northwest Arabia: New Archaeological Evidence on the Occupation of Wādī al‐Qurā (al‐ʿUlā [AlUla], Saudi Arabia) Between the Third and Seventh Centuries CE". Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy. doi:10.1111/aae.70009. ISSN   0905-7196.
  37. ↑ Mazuz, Haggai (2014). The religious and spiritual life of the Jews of Medina. Brill reference library of Judaism. Leiden Boston (Mass.): Brill. ISBN   978-90-04-25062-8.
  38. 1 2 Hughes, Aaron William (2017). Shared identities: medieval and modern imaginings of Judeo-Islam. New York (N. Y.): Oxford University Press. pp. 53–57. ISBN   978-0-19-068446-4.
  39. ↑ Pregill, Michael (2016-11-30). "Review of Haggai MAZUZ, The Religious and Spiritual Life of the Jews of Medina" . Journal of the International Qur'anic Studies Association. 1 (s2): 6–13. doi:10.1515/jiqsa-2016-02s102. ISSN   2474-8420.
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  42. 1 2 3 4 Bar-Asher, Meir M. (2021). Jews and the Qur'an. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. pp. 20–22. ISBN   978-0-691-21135-0.
  43. 1 2 Hoyland, Robert (2015). "The Jewish Poets of Muḥammad's Ḥijāz". Le Judaïisme de L'Arabie antique. Brepols. pp. 520–521.
  44. ↑ Kjær, Sigrid K. (2022). "'Rahman' before Muhammad: A pre-history of the First Peace (Sulh) in Islam". Modern Asian Studies. 56 (3): 776–795. doi: 10.1017/S0026749X21000305 . ISSN   0026-749X.
  45. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. pp. 62–64. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  46. 1 2 Hoyland, Robert G. (2011). "The Jews of the Hijaz in the Qurʾān and in their inscriptions". In Reynolds, Gabriel Said (ed.). New perspectives on the Qur'an. The Qur'an in its historical context. New York: Routledge. pp. 91–92. ISBN   978-0-415-61548-8.
  47. ↑ Hoyland, Robert (2015). "The Jewish Poets of Muḥammad's Ḥijāz". Le Judaïisme de L'Arabie antique. Brepols. p. 519.
  48. ↑ Hoyland, Robert (2015). "The Jewish Poets of Muḥammad's Ḥijāz". Le Judaïisme de L'Arabie antique. Brepols. pp. 512–515.
  49. ↑ Bar-Asher, Meʾir Mikhaʾel (2021). Jews and the Qur'an. Translated by Rundell, Ethan S. Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp. 15–16. ISBN   978-0-691-21135-0.
  50. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. pp. 59, n. 24. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  51. ↑ Bayir 2025, p. 126–127.
  52. ↑ Gajda, Iwona (2009). Le royaume de Ḥimyar à l'époque monothéiste. L'histoire de l'Arabie du Sud ancienne de la fin du IVe siècle de l'ère chrétienne jusqu'à l'avènement de l'Islam. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. p. 243.
  53. ↑ Tobi, Yosef (2013). "The Jews of Yemen in light of the excavation of the Jewish synagogue in Qanī' (poster)". Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies. 43: 349–356. ISSN   0308-8421.
  54. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. pp. 68–69. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  55. ↑ MacDonald, Michael C.A. (1998). "Some Reflections on Epigraphy and Ethnicity in the Roman Near East". Mediterranean Archaeology. 11: 177–190.
  56. ↑ Al-Jallad 2021, p. 43–44.
  57. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. p. 57. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  58. ↑ Bayir 2025, p. 128.
  59. ↑ Lindstedt, Ilkka (2023). Muhammad and his followers in context: the religious map of late antique Arabia. Islamic history and civilization. Leiden Boston: Brill. p. 59. ISBN   978-90-04-68712-7.
  60. ↑ Hughes, Aaron (2020). "South Arabian 'Judaism', Ḥimyarite Raḥmanism, and the Origins of Islam". In Segovia, Carlos Andrés (ed.). Remapping emergent Islam: texts, social settings, and ideological trajectories. Social worlds of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. p. 23. ISBN   978-94-6298-806-4.
  61. ↑ Pregill, Michael E. (2023-11-01). "From the Mishnah to MuḥammadJewish Traditions of Late Antiquity and the Composition of the Qur'an" . Studies in Late Antiquity. 7 (4): 519–521. doi:10.1525/sla.2023.7.4.516. ISSN   2470-6469.
  62. ↑ Munt 2015, p. 249–269, especially 260–261.
  63. ↑ Munt 2015.
  64. ↑ Abdullah Al-Wohaibi, The Northern Hijaz in the Writings of the Arab Geographers: 800-1150 (University of London, 1969), pp. 355–358.
  65. ↑ Hoyland, Robert G. (2011). "The Jews of the Hijaz in the Qurʾān and in their inscriptions". In Reynolds, Gabriel Said (ed.). New perspectives on the Qur'an. The Qur'an in its historical context. New York: Routledge. pp. 91–116. ISBN   978-0-415-61548-8.

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