Nabataean Aramaic

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Nabataean Aramaic
20100922 umaljamal84.jpg
A third-century AD funerary inscription from Umm al-Jimal, Jordan [1]
Region Arabia Petraea
Extinct Written form merged with Arabic during the early Islamic era c.AD 650.
Early forms
Nabataean alphabet
Language codes
ISO 639-3 None (mis)
qhy
Glottolog None

Nabataean Aramaic is the extinct Aramaic variety used in inscriptions by the Nabataeans of the East Bank of the Jordan River, the Negev, and the Sinai Peninsula. Compared with other varieties of Aramaic, it is notable for the occurrence of a number of loanwords and grammatical borrowings from Arabic or other North Arabian languages. [2]

Contents

Attested from the 2nd century BC onwards in several dozen longer dedicatory and funerary inscriptions and a few legal documents from the period of the Nabataean Kingdom, Nabataean Aramaic remained in use for several centuries after the kingdom's annexation by the Roman Empire in 106 AD. Over time, the distinctive Nabataean script was increasingly used to write texts in the Arabic language. As a result, its latest stage gave rise to the earliest form of the Arabic script, known as Nabataean Arabic.

The phonology of Nabataean Aramaic can only be reconstructed in part, based on the mostly consonantal Nabataean script and comparison with other kinds of Aramaic. Similarly, its morphology and syntax are incompletely attested, but are mostly comparable to other varieties of Aramaic from this period. The Nabataean lexicon is also largely Aramaic in origin, with notable borrowings from Arabic, Greek, and other languages.

History

Origin and linguistic classification

With the collapse of the Achaemenid Empire (330s BC), Aramaic lost importance as the lingua franca of the Near East. Koine Greek now appeared beside it. The formerly unified written culture fell apart into local schools and the old vernaculars now also increased in importance as written languages. [3]

Nabataean Aramaic was one of these local varieties. The language of the Nabataean inscriptions, attested from the second century BCE, is close to the Imperial Aramaic of the Achaemenid Empire [4] but with local developments. [5] Of the few innovations compared to Imperial Aramaic, the use of the object marker yt is a Western Aramaic feature, [6] although the older form ʔyt already occurs in Old Aramaic. [7] Since Nabataean Aramaic also does not participate in innovations typical of Eastern Aramaic, it is commonly assigned to Western Aramaic. [8]

Attestation

Tracings of Nabataean Aramaic inscriptions marking a tomb (kpr, top) and a sacred site (msgd, bottom) dated to the reigns of hrtt rhm ?mh (Aretas IV Philopatris) and mlkw (Malichus), respectively Lidzbarski's Handbuch der Nordsemitischen Epigraphik Table XXXIII.jpg
Tracings of Nabataean Aramaic inscriptions marking a tomb (kpr, top) and a sacred site (msgd, bottom) dated to the reigns of ḥrtt rḥm ʕmh (Aretas IV Philopatris) and mlkw (Malichus), respectively

Evidence of Nabataean writings can be found in the burial and dedicatory inscriptions of the cities of Petra, Bosra and Hegra (Mada'in Salih). Many shorter inscriptions have been found in the southern Sinai Peninsula as well as other areas that were at one point ruled by the Nabataean kings. Several Nabataean texts written on papyrus were found at Nahal Hever. [10]

The oldest Nabataean inscription was found in Elusa, in the Negev. The inscription mentions "Aretas, king of the Nabataeans", interpreted by Joseph Naveh  [ de ] as Aretas I, an Arab ruler with whom the Jewish high priest Jason reputedly sought refuge in Petra in 169 BC. [11] This inscription lacks some of the Nabataean features and resembles uniform Imperial Aramaic and Jewish script. [11] Therefore, some scholars propose that the earliest Nabataean inscription is one found in Petra, Jordan, which can be dated back to the late Hellenistic era in the years 96 or 95 BC. [12]

Over 4,000 inscriptions have been confirmed to be written in Nabataean Aramaic. [12] The vast majority are engraved on stone, like the Aslah Triclinium inscription from Petra (95 BC), the dedication to the goddess al-Kutbay from Wadi Tumilat (77 BC) and the inscription of Rabbel I from Petra (66 BC). [13] The earliest inscription found to be written in a cursive Nabataean script was unearthed in Horvat Raqiq, close to the city of Beersheba, Israel. This inscription is unique not only because of its age, but also because it was written using ink applied on a large rock. [11] Similarly cursive texts written with ink on papyrus were found as part of the Babatha archive. [14] Some excavations have unearthed inscriptions on metallic objects. Most of such inscriptions were inscribed on metallic coins. Excavations in Wadi Musa in southern Jordan unearthed dozens of bronze fragments with Nabataean inscriptions on them, including a bronze oil burner which attests a well-preserved dedication by a priest and his son to Obodas. [13] This dates to the reign of the Nabataean king Rabbel II Soter, who ruled between the years 70 and 106 AD.

Decline

Funerary inscription in Nabataeo-Arabic characters from Al-Ula, 280 AD Inscription funeraire nabateo-arabe.jpg
Funerary inscription in Nabataeo-Arabic characters from Al-Ula, 280 AD

From the period of its earliest attestation, Nabataean Aramaic is notable for the use of Arabic or Ancient North Arabian loanwords and grammar, reflecting strong contact with these languages. [2] A first- or second-century AD Nabataean inscription from Ein Avdat even contains three lines of Arabic poetry, of debated meaning. [15] From the third century onwards, the Nabataean script was increasingly used to write the Arabic language. Prominent examples include the mixed Aramaic-Arabic epitaph of RQWŠ daughter of ʕBDMWNTW (JSNab 17) and the entirely Arabic Namara inscription.

According to Jean Cantineau, this marked the beginning of the end of the widespread use of Nabataean Aramaic, which came to be replaced by Arabic. During this process, "Nabataean seems to have emptied itself little by little of the Aramaic elements it had and to have successively replaced them with Arabic loans". [16] This theory, while widely acknowledged, is contested. Michael Patrick O'Connor has questioned alleged Arabic loanwords identified by Cantineau, stating that loanwords are largely restricted to technical terms. [17] More recently, Aaron Butts has argued that the use of Aramaic in the tomb inscriptions of Hegra in the north of Saudi Arabia reflects imperfect learning by native speakers of a North Arabian language. [2]

Nabataean Aramaic continued to be written for several centuries during this rise of Arabic written in the Nabataean script. The longer texts from this period mainly concern a few funerary inscriptions from North Arabian oasis towns. Based on the high number of Hebrew-derived names these contain, they may have been commissioned by members of local Jewish communities. [18] The latest Nabataean inscription found dates back to 356 AD. This was found in Hegra. [12] [19] [20] An even later graffito, dated to 455/6 AD and written in Nabataeo-Arabic characters, was discovered in 2004 at Jabal Umm Jadhayidh in north-western Saudi Arabia, but its Aramaic content is limited to stock formulas, the non-formulaic text being entirely Arabic. [21]

Decipherment, documentation and description

Museum exhibit of a "Sinaitic" graffito from Wadi Mukattab, Egypt Fragmentary natural slab, red sandstone. It is incised with Nabataean or Sinaitic inscriptions. From Wadi Mukattab, Palestine. Probably Nabataean period. The British Museum, London.jpg
Museum exhibit of a "Sinaitic" graffito from Wadi Mukattab, Egypt

The existence of thousands of Nabataean graffiti in the Sinai desert, originally referred to as "Sinaitic", had long been known. [22] Based on Jean-Jacques Barthélemy's earlier decipherment of the related scripts of Palmyrene, Phoenician, and Imperial Aramaic as represented on the Carpentras Stele, [23] Eduard Friedrich Ferdinand Beer published his reading of the Nabataean script in 1840. [24]

Texts of various length continued to be discovered and published by European scholars during the 19th and 20th century. This period also saw the publication of Cantineau's grammar of Nabataean Aramaic [25] and lexicon with sample texts. [26] Important finds after this publication include the legal documents written on papyrus discovered in the Nahal Hever Cave of Letters in the 1960s. [14] Other publications containing a significant number of texts are the 1993 edition of the tomb inscriptions of Mada'in Saleh by J. Healey [27] and the collection of Nabatean Aramaic–Greek bilingual texts published by G. Petrantoni in 2021. [28] Newly discovered inscriptions continue to be published with great frequency.

Script

Table showing different versions of the Nabataean script in comparison to Hebrew (leftmost column) and Palmyrene Cooke's Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, Nabataean and Palmyrene 01.jpg
Table showing different versions of the Nabataean script in comparison to Hebrew (leftmost column) and Palmyrene

Nabataean handwriting is characterized by a cursive style. This is even more true for the few known texts that were written with ink, which use a more advanced form of the script. The Nabataean alphabet itself developed out of the Imperial Aramaic alphabet. It became the precursor of the Arabic alphabet, which developed out of cursive variants of the Nabataean script in the 5th century. [30]

Scholars used to be divided over the origins of Arabic script. One (now marginal) school of thought derives the Arabic script from the Syriac script, which also originated in Imperial Aramaic. The second school of thought, led by Theodor Nöldeke, traces Arabic script to Nabataean. [31] This thesis was confirmed by John Healey in his work on the Syriac and the Arabic alphabet. [32]

Phonology

According to Cantineau, Nabataean Aramaic had the following consonantal sounds: [33]

Labial Interdental Alveolar Lateral Palatal Velar Uvular Pharyngeal Glottal
plain emp.
Nasal m n
Stop voiceless p t k q ʔ
voiced b d ɡ
Fricative voiceless f θ s ɬ ʃ x χ ? ħ h
voiced v ð z ɣ ʁ ? ʕ
Approximant l j w
Trill r

In other contemporary dialects of Aramaic, [f], [θ], [x], [v], [ð], and [ɣ] are postvocalic allophones of /p/, /t/, /k/, /b/, /d/, and /g/, respectively, but according to Cantineau, it cannot be established whether this also holds for Nabataean. [34] The voiceless sibilants /s/ and /ʃ/ are sometimes confused in writing. /s/ also interchanges with /ɬ/, which was written with the same sign as /ʃ/ (a practice dating back to the Ancient Aramaic period). Cantineau states that the phonetic value of this sound is uncertain and suggests it may have been palatalized; [35] the realization as a lateral fricative is argued in later scholarship. [36] The evidence for the preservation of the uvular fricatives /χ/ and /ʁ/ or their merger with pharyngeal /ħ/ and /ʕ/ as in later Aramaic is inconclusive. [37]

As the Nabataean script does not indicate short vowels, the only information on vocalic phonemes comes from names in foreign transcription. But these are normally of Arabic origin and do not tell us anything about Nabataean Aramaic. [38] Proto-Aramaic long *ā is sometimes spelled with a mater lectionis w, as in *ʔināš > ʔnwš 'human', *θamā > tmw 'eight (m.)'. This may indicate a shift in pronunciation to a rounded ō. [39]

Morphology

Pronouns

Funerary inscription from Tayma, 203 AD. The inscription features the demonstrative d? (first word, top right), the relative particle dy (third line, middle left), and the pronominal suffixes (?l)hwy '(over) him' (fourth line, far right) and (?h)why 'his (brothers)' (fifth line, far right). Nabataean alphabet tablet - 2018430.jpg
Funerary inscription from Tayma, 203 AD. The inscription features the demonstrative (first word, top right), the relative particle dy (third line, middle left), and the pronominal suffixes (ʕl)hwy '(over) him' (fourth line, far right) and (ʔḥ)why 'his (brothers)' (fifth line, far right).

The attested third person independent personal pronouns are masculine singular hw (rarely hwʔ), feminine singular hy, and masculine plural hm. [40] These also function as demonstrative pronouns. The legal documents found in the Dead Sea region also attest the first person singular ʔnh and second person masculine singular ʔnt. [41]

The first person plural suffixed pronoun is -nʔ. Unlike many other dialects of Aramaic which simply have -(a)n, Nabataean preserves the final vowel * here, as indicated by the mater lectionis ʔ. [42] The third person masculine singular suffixed pronoun is normally -h. After long vowels and diphthongs (both marked by matres lectionis), -hy is used instead, as in ʔbwhy 'his father', ywmwhy 'his days'. In later graffiti, this distribution breaks down and other suffixes, -hw and -w, also appear. [43] The third person feminine singular suffixed pronoun is always -h and the third person plural (used both for masculine and feminine) is -hm. [44]

The most common demonstrative pronouns besides hw, hy, and hm are masculine singular dnh (rarely znh), feminine singular , and plural ʔlh. Other, rarely attested, plural forms are ʔlk and ʔnw. In the later period, the gender distinction in the singular breaks down and both forms occur with both masculine and feminine antecedents. [45] The relative particle is zy in the oldest inscriptions and dy elsewhere; it does not inflect. The relative particle introduces relative clauses, as in dʔ msgdʔ dy ʕbd ʕbydw 'this is the sacred stone which ʕBYDW made', and can express a genitive relation, as in dnʔ ṣlmʔ dy ʕbdt ʔlhʔ 'this is the statue of Obodas the god'. [46] Finally, the attested interrogative and indefinite pronouns are mn 'who' and mh 'what'. [47]

Verbs

Like other Semitic languages, Nabataean Aramaic attests various (basic and derived) verb stems. Based on comparison with other varieties of Aramaic, it is likely that active verbs could occur as G-stems (basic stem), D-stems (intensive stem, characterized by different vowels and gemination of the second radical), or C-stems (causative stem, characterized by different vowels and a prefix). Due to the limitations of the Nabataean alphabet, the G- and D-stem are not distinguished in writing: cf. ʕbd 'he made' (G-stem), qrb 'he approached' (D-stem). The suffix conjugation (see below) of the C-stem is marked by a prefixed h-, as in hqym 'he erected', or ʔ-, as in ʔqymw 'they erected'; the prefix conjugation cannot be distinguished in writing from the G- or D-stem. [48]

Mediopassive stems are derived from the G- and D-stems. These are marked by a prefixed -t-; all the examples Cantineau mentions are prefix conjugation forms (see below), such as ytptḥ 'it will be opened' (tG-stem), ytʔlp 'he will compose for himself' (tD-stem). Unlike in some other kinds of Aramaic, verbs with a sibilant first radical prefix the -t- or infix it without voicing or emphatic assimilation: ytzbn and yztbn 'it will be sold'; these kinds of forms also occur in contemporary texts from the Dead Sea region, however. [49] The late form mqtry (for earlier mtqrʔ) 'called (m.sg.)' shows Arabic-like infixation of -t- after a non-sibilant first radical, although the form cannot have been borrowed from Arabic in its entirety. [50] A purely passive form is marked by a mater lectionis -y- between the second and third radical, as in dkyr 'remembered (be) (m.sg.)'. This is sometimes inflected as an adjective, as in dkyryn 'remembered (m.pl.)' but can also be inflected according to the suffix conjugation, as in ʕbydt 'it (f.) was made'. [51]

Two finite conjugations can be distinguished: the suffix conjugation, which exclusively marks its subject agreement through suffixation, and the prefix conjugation, which uses both suffixes and prefixes. Attested suffix conjugation endings include -t (third person feminine singular and second person masculine singular) and -w (third person plural for both genders); the third person masculine singular is unmarked. Examples include ʕbd 'he made', ʕbdt 'she made', ʕbdw 'they made', and qrʔt 'you (m.sg.) called'. [52] The subject markers for the third person prefix conjugation are y- (third person masculine singular), t- (third person feminine singular), and y-...-wn (third person (masculine?) plural), as in yʕbd 'he will make', tʕbd 'she will make', and yktbwn 'they will write'. [53] Besides these finite conjugations, Nabataean Aramaic verbs form an infinitive. The G-stem infinitive is formed with a prefixed m-, as in mktb 'to write'. The G-stem active participle does not have any special affixes and has a stem like rḥm 'loving (m.sg.)'. As noted above, the G-stem passive participle is formed like dkyr 'remembered (m.sg.)'. In late graffiti, the form mdk(w)r 'remembered (m.sg.)' also occurs, a pattern which is borrowed from Arabic. The participles (both active and passive) of the derived stems are formed by prefixing an m-, but examples are scarce. [54]

Nouns and prepositions

A Nabataean coin of Aretas IV Philopatris from c. 2 BC. The inscription reads hrtt mlk nbtw snt 5+1+1 'Aretas, king of Nabataea, Year 7'. The nouns mlk 'king of' and snt 'year (of)' are in the construct state. Silver drachm of Aretas IV with his wife Huldu.jpg
A Nabataean coin of Aretas IV Philopatris from c.2 BC. The inscription reads ḥrtt mlk nbṭw šnt 5+1+1 'Aretas, king of Nabataea, Year 7'. The nouns mlk 'king of' and šnt 'year (of)' are in the construct state.

Nouns distinguish two genders, masculine and feminine; two numbers, singular and plural; and three states, absolute, construct, and emphatic. Feminine nouns may be marked by a feminine suffix (-h, -w, -y) or unmarked. The masculine is always unmarked.

Various endings express the combination of number and state. [57] The feminine suffix -h is replaced by -t in the construct state, which expresses possession by a following noun or suffixed pronoun. -t is also added in the construct state after the feminine suffixes -w and -y. In other words, the construct is identical to the absolute state in the singular. One set of plural endings consists of absolute -yn (rarely -n), construct -y (which changes to -w- before the suffix -hy), used for masculine and some feminine nouns. For other feminine nouns, the construct plural form is written the same as the construct singular form (although the plural was probably marked by a long ā vowel, as in -āt-, that was absent in the singular; this is not expressed in the writing); based on other varieties of Aramaic, the expected absolute suffix for these nouns is -n, but this is unattested. Finally, the emphatic state, expressing definiteness, is formed by adding the suffix to the construct state. The full paradigm is thus (example forms are of mlk 'king' and mlkh 'queen'; not all forms are actually attested):

Gender/numberAbsoluteConstructEmphatic
Masculine singularmlkmlkmlkʔ
Masculine pluralmlkynmlkymlk
Feminine singularmlkhmlktmlk
Feminine plural*mlknmlktmlk

Frequent prepositions include b- 'in', l- 'to, for, of', k- 'according to', mn 'from', and ʕl 'on, about'. These can take pronominal suffixes, as in bh 'in it', lhm 'to them'. ʕl is inflected as a plural before suffixes, as in ʕlwhyover him, ʕlyhm 'over them'. [58]

Syntax

Of the two finite verb conjugations, the suffix conjugation can express the past tense, as in dnh kprʔ dy ʕbd ... 'this is the grave which ... made', and the optative, as in wlʕnw dwšrʔ wmnwtw wqyšh ... 'and may Dushara and Manat and Qayshah curse ...'. The prefix conjugation expresses the future tense, as in wmn ybʕʔ ... 'and whoever shall want ...' and can be used modally as a subjunctive, as in ... dy tʕbd bh ... '... so that she make of it ...', conditional, as in hn yhwʔ ... bḥgrʔ 'if ... be in Hegra', or optative, like the suffix conjugation, as in wylʕn dwšrʔ wmnwtw ... 'and may Dushara and Manat curse ...'. While the pronominal direct object of a verb is rarely expressed by a suffixed pronoun attached to the verb, normally it is attached to the following object marker yt. [59]

If a sentence includes a verb, the normal word order is verb—subject—object(s), as in lʕnw (V) dwšrʔ wmnwtw wqyšh (S) kl mn dy ... (O) 'may Dushara and Manat and Qayshah curse anyone who ...'. If a sentence does not include a verb, the sentence is copular. It then consists of two noun phrases which make up the subject and predicate, as in dnh (S) kprʔ ... (P) 'this is the grave ...'. Clauses can be coordinated by the conjunction w- 'and, but'. Most forms of subordinate clauses are introduced by the particle dy. Conditional clauses are introduced by hn 'if'.

Lexicon

Among other loanwords from Arabic, the Nabataean papyri attest the term wdy? 'the wadi' 28 Wadi Rum (35) (13250754784).jpg
Among other loanwords from Arabic, the Nabataean papyri attest the term wdyʔ 'the wadi'

Most of the Nabataean basic vocabulary was inherited from older Aramaic. [60] Examples of these inherited words include ʔb 'father', ʔm 'mother', br 'son', brt 'daughter', dkr 'male', and nqbh 'female'. Loanwords, however, are also common. [61] Arabic and Ancient North Arabian loanwords have received special attention. [2] [62] Words like ʔṣdq 'heir' and kpr 'tomb' may have been borrowed from Dadanitic. Words thought to have been borrowed from Arabic include ḥlyqh 'custom' (Arabic ḫalīqah), lʕn 'to curse' (Arabic laʕana), and ʕyr 'other than' (Arabic ġayr). The Nabataean kingdom's contacts with Hellenistic states and Rome also led to the borrowing of certain Greek words, such as ʔsrtg 'general' (Greek stratēgós). Some of these ultimately come from Latin, like qysr 'Caesar'. From earlier stages of Aramaic, Nabataean inherited a few loanwords from Akkadian: the attested borrowings are ʔpkl (a kind of priest; Akkadian apkallu , ultimately from Sumerian abgal) and šyzb 'to save' (Akkadian šūzubu). [63]

Sample texts

Funerary inscription from Madaba, Jordan, 37 AD F4161 Louvre inscription langue Nabateenne AO4454 v2 rwk.jpg
Funerary inscription from Madaba, Jordan, 37 AD
Itaybel tomb inscription, Madaba, 37 AD (pictured): [64]
1dʔ mqbrtʔ wtrty npštʔ dy'This is the tomb and the two funerary monuments which
2ʕlʔ mnh dy ʕbd ʕbdʕbdt ʔsrtgʔare above it which Abdobodat the general made
3lʔytybl ʔsrtgʔ ʔbwhy wlʔytyblfor Itaybel the general, his father, and for Itaybel
4rb mšrytʔ dy blḥytw wʕbdtʔ br ʕbdʕbdtthe chief of the camp which is in LḤYTW and ʕBDTʔ, son of (5) the aforementioned (4) Abdobodat
5ʔsrtgʔ dnh bbyt šlṭwnhm dy šlṭwthe general in the seat of their authority, which they held
6zmnyn tryn šnyn tltyn wšt ʕl šny ḥrtttwo times for thirty-six years during the years of Harethat,
7mlk nbṭw rḥm ʕmh wʕbydtʔ dyKing of Nabataea, Lover of his People. And the work which
8ʕlʔ ʕbydt bšnt ʔrbʕyn wšt lhis above was done in his forty-sixth year.'
Mawiyyah tomb inscription, Mada'in Salih, 356 AD: [65]
1dnh ...š...brtʔ dy ...'This is ... which ...
2ʕdy... br ḥny br šmwʔl ryšʕDY[WN] son of ḤNY son of ŠMWʔL {chief citizen} of
3ḥgrʔ ʕl mwyh ʔtth brt Hegra for [lit. over] Mawiyyah his wife, daughter of
4ʕmrw br ʕdywn br šmwʔlʕMRW son of ʕDYWN son of ŠMWʔL
5ryš tymʔ dy mytt byrḥchief citizen of Tayma, who died in the month of
6ʔb šnt mʔtyn wḥmšyn Ab in the year two hundred and fifty-
7wʔḥdy brt šnyn tltynone [AD 356] at the age of thirty-
8wtmnyeight.'

See also

Notes

  1. "The Nabataean script: a bridge between the Aramaic and Arabic alphabets". Paths of Jordan. Archived from the original on 2022-11-23. Retrieved 2022-11-23.
  2. 1 2 3 4 Butts (2018).
  3. Gzella (2015), p. 213.
  4. Healey 2021, p. 362.
  5. Morgenstern (1999).
  6. Gzella (2015), p. 241.
  7. Wilson-Wright (2016), p. 8.
  8. Rubin (2008), p. 71.
  9. Lidzbarski (1898).
  10. "The Dead Sea Scrolls - Languages and Scripts". The Leon Levy Dead Sea Scrolls Digital Library. Israel Antiquities Authority. Archived from the original on 2022-12-03. Retrieved 2022-11-21.
  11. 1 2 3 Naveh (2003).
  12. 1 2 3 Graf (2003), p. 437.
  13. 1 2 al-Salameen & Shdaifat (2014).
  14. 1 2 3 Yadin et al. (2002).
  15. al-Hamad (2018).
  16. Cantineau (1930), p. x.
  17. O'Connor (1986).
  18. Hoyland (2011).
  19. Stiehl (1970).
  20. 1 2 Al-Najem & Macdonald (2009).
  21. Nehmé (2018), p. 142.
  22. Cantineau (1930), p. 23.
  23. Daniels (2020), p. 7.
  24. Beer (1840).
  25. Cantineau (1930).
  26. Cantineau (1932).
  27. Healey (1993).
  28. Petrantoni (2021).
  29. Cooke (1903).
  30. Nehmé (2017).
  31. Nöldeke, Euting & von Gutschmidt (1885).
  32. Healey (1990).
  33. Cantineau (1930), pp. 37–46.
  34. Cantineau (1930), p. 39.
  35. Cantineau (1930), pp. 42–44.
  36. Notably Steiner (1977).
  37. Kaufman (1974 , pp. 142–143) argues for preservation of /χ/ based on how this sound was passed on from Akkadian to Judean Aramaic and Arabic via Nabataean in a few loanwords.
  38. Cantineau (1930), p. 46.
  39. Cantineau (1930), pp. 47–48.
  40. Cantineau (1930), pp. 51–53.
  41. Morgenstern (1999), p. 138*.
  42. Cantineau (1930), pp. 53–54.
  43. Cantineau (1930), pp. 54–55.
  44. Cantineau (1930), pp. 55–56.
  45. Cantineau (1930), pp. 58–59.
  46. Cantineau (1930), pp. 61–63.
  47. Cantineau (1930), pp. 63–64.
  48. Cantineau (1930), pp. 67–70.
  49. Morgenstern (1999), p. 139*.
  50. Cantineau (1930), pp. 70–74.
  51. Cantineau (1930), pp. 74–75.
  52. Cantineau (1930), pp. 76–77.
  53. Cantineau (1930), pp. 77–78.
  54. Cantineau (1930), pp. 78–81.
  55. Barkay (2015), p. 20.
  56. Meshorer (1975), p. 43.
  57. Cantineau (1930), pp. 90–94.
  58. Cantineau (1930), pp. 100–103.
  59. Cantineau (1930), pp. 107–112.
  60. Cantineau (1932), p. 163.
  61. Cantineau (1932), pp. 171–173.
  62. Yardeni (2014).
  63. Cantineau (1932), p. 173.
  64. Cantineau (1932), p. 45.
  65. Al-Najem & Macdonald (2009), pp. 212–213.

Sources

Further reading

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Beja is an Afroasiatic language of the Cushitic branch spoken on the western coast of the Red Sea by the Beja people. Its speakers inhabit parts of Egypt, Sudan and Eritrea. In 2022 there were 2,550,000 Beja speakers in Sudan, and 121,000 Beja speakers in Eritrea according to Ethnologue. As of 2023 there are an estimated 88,000 Beja speakers in Egypt. The total number of speakers in all three countries is 2,759,000.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Punic language</span> Extinct ancient Phoenician language

The Punic language, also called Phoenicio-Punic or Carthaginian, is an extinct variety of the Phoenician language, a Canaanite language of the Northwest Semitic branch of the Semitic languages. An offshoot of the Phoenician language of coastal West Asia, it was principally spoken on the Mediterranean coast of Northwest Africa, the Iberian Peninsula and several Mediterranean islands, such as Malta, Sicily, and Sardinia by the Punic people, or western Phoenicians, throughout classical antiquity, from the 8th century BC to the 6th century AD.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Shilha language</span> Berber language of southwestern Morocco

Shilha, now more commonly known as Tashelhiyt, Tachelhit, is a Berber language spoken in southwestern Morocco. When referring to the language, anthropologists and historians prefer the name Shilha, which is in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED). Linguists writing in English prefer Tashelhit. In French sources the language is called tachelhit, chelha or chleuh.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Biblical Hebrew</span> Archaic form of the Hebrew language

Biblical Hebrew, also called Classical Hebrew, is an archaic form of the Hebrew language, a language in the Canaanitic branch of the Semitic languages spoken by the Israelites in the area known as the Land of Israel, roughly west of the Jordan River and east of the Mediterranean Sea. The term ʿiḇrîṯ "Hebrew" was not used for the language in the Hebrew Bible, which was referred to as שְֹפַת כְּנַעַןśəp̄aṯ kənaʿan "language of Canaan" or יְהוּדִיתYəhûḏîṯ, "Judean", but it was used in Koine Greek and Mishnaic Hebrew texts.

Neo-Mandaic, also known as Modern Mandaic, sometimes called the "ratna", is the modern reflex of the Mandaic language, the liturgical language of the Mandaean religious community of Iraq and Iran. Although severely endangered, it survives today as the first language of a small number of Mandaeans in Iran and in the Mandaean diaspora. All Neo-Mandaic speakers are multilingual in the languages of their neighbors, Arabic and Persian, and the influence of these languages upon the grammar of Neo-Mandaic is considerable, particularly in the lexicon and the morphology of the noun. Nevertheless, Neo-Mandaic is more conservative even in these regards than most other Neo-Aramaic languages.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ghomara language</span> Berber language of Morocco

The Ghomara language is a Northern Berber language spoken in Morocco. It is the mother tongue of the Ghomara Berbers, who total around 10,000 people. Ghomara Berber is spoken on the western edge of the Rif, among the Beni Bu Zra and Beni Mansur tribes of the Ghomara confederacy. Despite being listed as endangered, it is still being passed on to children in these areas.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sabaic</span> Old South Arabian language spoken in Yemen

Sabaic, sometimes referred to as Sabaean, was an Old South Arabian language that was spoken between c. 1000 BC and the 6th century AD by the Sabaeans. It was used as a written language by some other peoples of the ancient civilization of South Arabia, including the Ḥimyarites, Ḥashidites, Ṣirwāḥites, Humlanites, Ghaymānites, and Radmānites. Sabaic belongs to the South Arabian Semitic branch of the Afroasiatic language family. Sabaic is distinguished from the other members of the Old South Arabian group by its use of h to mark the third person and as a causative prefix; all of the other languages use s1 in those cases. Therefore, Sabaic is called an h-language and the others s-languages. Numerous other Sabaic inscriptions have also been found dating back to the Sabean colonization of Africa.

Northwest Semitic is a division of the Semitic languages comprising the indigenous languages of the Levant. It emerged from Proto-Semitic in the Early Bronze Age. It is first attested in proper names identified as Amorite in the Middle Bronze Age. The oldest coherent texts are in Ugaritic, dating to the Late Bronze Age, which by the time of the Bronze Age collapse are joined by Old Aramaic, and by the Iron Age by Sutean and the Canaanite languages.

This article describes the grammar of Tigrinya, a South Semitic language which is spoken primarily in Eritrea and Ethiopia, and is written in Ge'ez script.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hejazi Arabic</span> Variety of Arabic spoken in the Hejaz region of Saudi Arabia

Hejazi Arabic or Hijazi Arabic (HA), also known as West Arabian Arabic, is a variety of Arabic spoken in the Hejaz region in Saudi Arabia. Strictly speaking, there are two main groups of dialects spoken in the Hejaz region, one by the urban population, originally spoken mainly in the cities of Jeddah, Mecca, Medina and partially in Ta'if and another dialect by the urbanized rural and bedouin populations. However, the term most often applies to the urban variety which is discussed in this article.

Arbore is an Afro-Asiatic language spoken by the Arbore people in southern Ethiopia in a few settlements of Hamer woreda near Lake Chew Bahir.

Ugaritic is an extinct Northwest Semitic language. This article describes the grammar of the Ugaritic language. For more information regarding the Ugaritic language in general, see Ugaritic language.

Old Norse has three categories of verbs and two categories of nouns. Conjugation and declension are carried out by a mix of inflection and two nonconcatenative morphological processes: umlaut, a backness-based alteration to the root vowel; and ablaut, a replacement of the root vowel, in verbs.

Serbo-Croatian is a South Slavic language that, like most other Slavic languages, has an extensive system of inflection. This article describes exclusively the grammar of the Shtokavian dialect, which is a part of the South Slavic dialect continuum and the basis for the Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian standard variants of Serbo-Croatian. "An examination of all the major 'levels' of language shows that BCS is clearly a single language with a single grammatical system."

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Proto-Italic language</span> Ancestor of Latin and other Italic languages

The Proto-Italic language is the ancestor of the Italic languages, most notably Latin and its descendants, the Romance languages. It is not directly attested in writing, but has been reconstructed to some degree through the comparative method. Proto-Italic descended from the earlier Proto-Indo-European language.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Palestinian Arabic</span> Dialect of Arabic spoken in the State of Palestine

Palestinian Arabic is a dialect continuum of mutually intelligible varieties of Levantine Arabic spoken by Palestinians in Palestine, including the State of Palestine, Israel and in the Palestinian diaspora.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Old Arabic</span> Earliest attested stage of the Arabic language

Old Arabic is the name for any Arabic language or dialect continuum before Islam. Various forms of Old Arabic are attested in scripts like Safaitic, Hismaic, Nabatean, and even Greek.

This article describes the grammar of the Old Irish language. The grammar of the language has been described with exhaustive detail by various authors, including Thurneysen, Binchy and Bergin, McCone, O'Connell, Stifter, among many others.

Levantine Arabic grammar is the set of rules by which Levantine Arabic creates statements, questions and commands. In many respects, it is quite similar to that of the other vernacular Arabic varieties.