Texas's at-large congressional district | |
---|---|
Obsolete district | |
Created | 1870 1910 1930 1950 1960 |
Eliminated | 1875 1919 1935 1959 1967 |
Years active | 1873–1875 1913–1919 1933–1935 1953–1959 1963–1967 |
Texas has had at-large congressional seats at various times in its history. It was often the case when the state received new congressional seats as a result of reapportionment, that it would have a representative elected from an at-large seat, voted on by all voters in the state. This enabled the legislature, which was dominated by legislators from rural districts, to postpone re-districting that would reduce their power by apportioning districts to recognize the increased population and economic power of the developing major cities.
From its admission to the Union in 1845, Texas has had single-member congressional districts; the first congressional delegation consisted of two House members from single-member districts. This remained the case until after the Civil War and Reconstruction. In 1869 Texas was awarded four seats and two more as a result of the 1870 census. In 1870, the two new seats were designated as at-Large and were elected statewide. Each citizen voted for three Members of Congress (one from their district and two statewide). By the elections of 1874, the legislature still delayed redistricting the state into six single-member districts, although the districts were of unequal populations.
The Texas Constitution of 1876 required that the Legislature pass a redistricting plan during the first session after the publication of the decennial national census of the population. But, the Texas legislature, like others across the country, sometimes did not follow through on this obligation. The rural-dominated legislature had little taste for giving up power. [1]
After the 1880 census, Texas had the largest percentage gain in its congressional apportionment, from 6 members to 11. The legislature defined 11 single-member districts for the 1882 elections. When Texas received additional congressional seats as a result of the 1890 census and 1900 census, it quickly accomplished redistricting to have equal populations in single- member districts.
After the 1910 census, Texas received two additional seats. Rather than redistrict, it added these as at-large seats. They remained at-large seats until shortly before the 1918 elections. The legislature decided to redraw the state's 18 districts almost at the end of the decade in an effort to punish Rep. A. Jeff McLemore of Houston for his opposition to President Woodrow Wilson (a fellow-Democrat) based on Wilson's decision to seek U.S entry into World War I. McLemore and fellow Houstonians Daniel E. Garrett (also an at-large congressman) and Joe H. Eagle were all drawn into the 8th congressional district. [2]
As Texas received no additional seats until 1931, it had no need to redistrict. In 1931, three more seats were allotted to Texas; the legislature waited until 1933 to redraw the districting plan. "This resulted in the under-representation of the people in those districts where population grew faster than the rest of the state. The failure to redistrict favored the rural areas at the expense of Texas's growing urban centers. The latter's faster population growth meant they deserved additional seats in the state Legislature and the U.S. Congress." [3]
The great imbalance in representation between declining rural populations and growing urban interests that had developed over the decades finally resulted in the voters adopting a state constitutional amendment in 1948 that gave the Legislature a deadline to enact a redistricting plan as specified under the original Constitution. The amendment provided that, if in the first legislative session after the publication of the decennial census of the population a redistricting plan was not adopted, the responsibility passed to a newly formed board, the Legislative Redistricting Board (LRB). The LRB is composed of the Lieutenant Governor, Speaker of the House, Attorney General, Comptroller of Public Accounts, and Commissioner of the General Land Office. "The prospect of the LRB determining district boundaries represented a significant incentive to the Legislature to seriously engage its redistricting obligation, as a LRB-authored plan would diminish significantly lawmakers' control over their own reelection fates." [3]
The next time that Texas received additional seats in Congress was as a result of the 1950 census, in which Texas gained one additional seat. That seat remained at-large throughout the decade; the legislature finally adopted the next redistricting plan in time for the 1958 general election. In 1960, Texas received one more member; again, the state legislature did not redraw the seats. .
The Apportionment Clause of Section 2, Article I, of the United States Constitution, together with the amendment to that section made by Section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment, requires seats in the U.S. House of Representatives to be apportioned among the states according to the "whole number of persons in each State" and to be elected "by the People of the several States." These provisions have been construed by the United States Supreme Court to require not only that congressional seats be divided among the states according to population, but also that congressional districts within a state be drawn according to population. [4]
In the 1964 case of Reynolds v. Sims , the United States Supreme Court determined that the general basis of apportionment should be "one person, one vote." [5] This rule means that electoral districts, within reasonable bounds, must be equal in population according to the most recent census so that each person's vote is equally weighted. This holding was applied explicitly to congressional districts by the Supreme Court in the 1964 case of Wesberry v. Sanders .
In Bush v. Martin, plaintiffs from two congressional districts asserted that, in the round, those in Texas were unconstitutional. The Federal District Court in Houston held Texas' Congressional Districting act to be such and stated that the Texas Legislature must redraw them in compliance with Wesberry v. Sanders. Bush v. Martin , 224 F. Supp. 499 (S.D. Tex. 1963), affirmed, 376 U.S. 222 (1964).
The three-judge Federal District Court found that the population disparity among Texas congressional districts—ranging from 216,371 to 951,527—was "indeed spectacular." It noted that marked under-representation was "not surprisingly" found in metropolitan districts. Although Texas boasted a total of 254 counties, more than half of the population of the state was living in only eighteen counties; fifteen areas in the state qualified for the classification of "metropolitan" according to US Census Bureau standards.
During the 1965 legislative session, the state legislature passed a plan on May 31, 1965, realigning the state's 23 congressional districts into single-member districts. [6] Governor John Connally signed the bill allowing the new districts to take effect for the 1966 elections.
Through most of the 20th century, until after passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, another kind of under-representation was enforced in Texas. The Texas legislature passed a poll tax in 1901, which had to be paid by people wanting to register to vote. It was a barrier to voter registration for many minorities and poor whites, as they often had little cash to spend. After this, voter rolls declined dramatically. Another way Texas Democrats kept power was to establish white primaries. In what essentially became a one-party Democratic state after minorities were disenfranchised, Texas said that only whites could vote in primaries - effectively the only competitive races.
From 1873 to 1875, Texas elected two members at-large, as well as electing others from districts.
Seat A | Seat B | ||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Years | Cong ress | Member | Party | Electoral history | Member | Party | Electoral history | ||
March 4, 1873 – March 3, 1875 | 43rd | Roger Q. Mills (Corsicana) | Democratic | Elected in 1872. Redistricted to the 4th district . | Asa H. Willie (Galveston) | Democratic | Elected in 1872. Retired. |
Texas re-established an at-large seat in 1913; it elected two members at-large following the 1910 United States census, as well as electing others from districts until 1919.
Years | Cong ress | Seat A | Seat B | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Member | Party | Electoral history | Member | Party | Electoral history | ||||
March 4, 1913 – March 3, 1915 | 63rd | Daniel E. Garrett (Houston) | Democratic | Elected in 1912. Lost renomination. | Hatton W. Sumners (Dallas) | Democratic | Elected in 1912. Re-elected in the 5th district . | ||
March 4, 1915 – March 3, 1917 | 64th | James H. Davis (Sulphur Springs) | Democratic | Elected in 1914. Lost renomination. | A. Jeff McLemore (Houston) | Democratic | Elected in 1914. Re-elected in 1916. Redistricted to the 8th district and lost renomination. | ||
March 4, 1917 – March 3, 1919 | 65th | Daniel E. Garrett (Houston) | Democratic | Elected in 1916. Redistricted to the 8th district and retired. |
Texas re-established an at-large seat in 1933, electing three members at-large following the 1930 United States census, as well as electing others from districts until 1935.
Years | Cong ress | Seat A | Seat B | Seat C | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Member | Party | Electoral history | Member | Party | Electoral history | Member | Party | Electoral history | |||||
March 4, 1933 – January 3, 1935 | 73rd | Joseph Weldon Bailey Jr. (Dallas) | Democratic | Elected in 1932. Redistricted to the 5th district and retired to run for U.S. Senator. [7] [8] | Sterling P. Strong (Dallas) | Democratic | Elected in 1932. Redistricted to the 5th district and lost renomination. [7] [8] | George B. Terrell (Alto) | Democratic | Elected in 1932. Redistricted to the 7th district and retired. [7] [8] |
Texas re-established an at-large seat in 1953, electing one member at-large following the 1950 United States census, as well as electing others from districts until 1959.
Years | Cong ress | Member | Party | Electoral history |
---|---|---|---|---|
January 3, 1953 – January 3, 1959 | 83rd 84th 85th | Martin Dies Jr. (Lufkin) | Democratic | Elected in 1952. Re-elected in 1954. Re-elected in 1956. Retired. |
Texas re-established an at-large seat in 1963, electing one member at-large following the 1960 United States census, as well as electing others from districts until January 1967, by which time the effects of the Supreme Court judgment banning at-large districts in multi-district states had been applied to the election prior.
Years | Cong ress | Member | Party | Electoral history |
---|---|---|---|---|
January 3, 1963 – January 3, 1967 | 88th 89th | Joe R. Pool (Dallas) | Democratic | Elected in 1962. Re-elected in 1964. Redistricted to the 3rd district . |
Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964), was a landmark U.S. Supreme Court case in which the Court ruled that districts in the United States House of Representatives must be approximately equal in population. Along with Baker v. Carr (1962) and Reynolds v. Sims (1964), it was part of a series of Warren Court cases that applied the principle of "one person, one vote" to U.S. legislative bodies.
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962), was a landmark United States Supreme Court case in which the Court held that redistricting qualifies as a justiciable question under the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, thus enabling federal courts to hear Fourteenth Amendment-based redistricting cases. The court summarized its Baker holding in a later decision as follows: "the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment limits the authority of a State Legislature in designing the geographical districts from which representatives are chosen either for the State Legislature or for the Federal House of Representatives.". The court had previously held in Gomillion v. Lightfoot that districting claims over racial discrimination could be brought under the Fifteenth Amendment.
United States congressional apportionment is the process by which seats in the United States House of Representatives are distributed among the 50 states according to the most recent decennial census mandated by the United States Constitution. After each state is assigned one seat in the House, most states are then apportioned a number of additional seats which roughly corresponds to its share of the aggregate population of the 50 states. Every state is constitutionally guaranteed at least one seat in the House and two seats in the Senate, regardless of population.
Redistricting in the United States is the process of drawing electoral district boundaries. For the United States House of Representatives, and state legislatures, redistricting occurs after each decennial census.
The 2003 Texas redistricting was a controversial intercensus state plan that defined new congressional districts. In the 2004 elections, this redistricting supported the Republicans taking a majority of Texas's federal House seats for the first time since Reconstruction. Democrats in both houses of the Texas Legislature staged walkouts, unsuccessfully trying to prevent the changes. Opponents challenged the plan in three suits, combined when the case went to the United States Supreme Court in League of United Latin American Citizens v. Perry (2006).
Texas's 23rd congressional district stretches across the southwestern portion of Texas. It is a majority Hispanic district and has been represented by Republican Tony Gonzales since 2021.
Congressional districts, also known as electoral districts in other nations, are divisions of a larger administrative region that represent the population of a region in the larger congressional body. Countries with congressional districts include the United States, the Philippines, and Japan.
The U.S. state of Alabama is currently divided into seven congressional districts, each represented by a member of the United States House of Representatives.
The redistricting of United States congressional districts is made by the legislatures of the states every 10 years, immediately following the official announcement of the federal census that serves as the basis of the apportionment. It was long the practice that the apportionment thus made stood until after the next decennial census.
South Carolina's 7th congressional district is a congressional district for the United States House of Representatives in South Carolina, established in 2011 following apportionment of another seat to the state in the redistricting cycle following the 2010 census. It is located in the Pee Dee region, and includes all of Chesterfield, Darlington, Dillon, Georgetown, Horry, Marion, and Marlboro Counties and most of Florence County. The district is represented by Republican Russell Fry who was elected in 2022 and took office on January 3, 2023.
The Reapportionment Act of 1929, also known as the Permanent Apportionment Act of 1929, is a combined census and apportionment bill enacted on June 18, 1929, that establishes a permanent method for apportioning a constant 435 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives according to each census. This reapportionment was preceded by the Apportionment Act of 1911, which established the 435-seat size, and followed nearly a decade of debate and gridlock after the 1920 Census. The 1929 Act took effect after the 1932 election, meaning that the House was never reapportioned as a result of the 1920 United States Census, and representation in the lower chamber remained frozen for twenty years.
The U.S. state of Arizona, in common with the other U.S. states, must redraw its congressional and legislative districts every ten years to reflect changes in the state and national populations. Redistricting normally follows the completion of the United States census, which is carried out by the federal government the first year of every decade; the most recent census took place in 2020. Historically, Arizona's legislature had control over the redistricting process. However, Proposition 106, passed in 2000, delegated the power to draw congressional and legislative boundaries to a bipartisan independent commission. The Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (AIRC) comprises two Democrats, two Republicans, and one independent chair. County and local redistricting, which normally takes place along the same timeline as congressional and legislative redistricting, is carried out by the individual county and local governments rather than the AIRC.
The 1974 United States House of Representatives elections in Texas occurred on November 5, 1974, to elect the members of the state of Texas's delegation to the United States House of Representatives. Texas had twenty-four seats in the House apportioned according to the 1970 United States census.
Gerrymandering is the practice of setting boundaries of electoral districts to favor specific political interests within legislative bodies, often resulting in districts with convoluted, winding boundaries rather than compact areas. The term "gerrymandering" was coined after a review of Massachusetts's redistricting maps of 1812 set by Governor Elbridge Gerry noted that one of the districts looked like a mythical salamander.
The 2020 United States redistricting cycle is in progress following the completion of the 2020 United States census. In all fifty states, various bodies are re-drawing state legislative districts. States that are apportioned more than one seat in the United States House of Representatives are also drawing new districts for that legislative body.
The U.S. state of Arkansas, in common with the other U.S. states, must redraw its congressional and legislative districts every ten years to reflect changes in the state and national populations. Redistricting follows the completion of the United States census, which is carried out by the federal government in years that end in 0; the most recent census took place in 2020.
The 2000 United States redistricting cycle took place following the completion of the 2000 United States census. In all fifty states, various bodies re-drew state legislative and congressional districts. States that are apportioned more than one seat in the United States House of Representatives also drew new districts for that legislative body. The resulting new districts were first implemented for the 2001 and 2002 elections, which saw Republicans add eight seats to their U.S. House majority, capture eight state legislative chambers and win a majority of state legislative seats for the first time in half a century.
The Uniform Congressional District Act is a redistricting bill that requires that all members of the United States House of Representatives in the 91st United States Congress and every subsequent Congress be elected from a single member constituency unless a state had elected all of its previous representatives at large, where this requirement commenced for the 92nd United States Congress.
Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355 (1932), was a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States involving a governor's power to veto a congressional redistricting proposal passed by a state's legislature. In an opinion by Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes, the Court unanimously held that the U.S. Constitution did not prohibit Minnesota's governor from vetoing that state's redistricting map.
Texas House of Representatives districts, Texas Senate districts, Texas Board of Education districts, and Texas's congressional districts are redistricted once every decade, usually in the year after the decennial United States census. According to the Texas Constitution, redistricting in Texas follows the regular legislative process; it must be passed by both houses of the Texas Legislature and signed by the governor of Texas—unless the legislature has sufficient votes to override a gubernatorial veto. Like many other states in the American South after the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, federal judges and the United States Supreme Court have struck down Texas's congressional and legislative districts on multiple occasions, including in the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s.