The 1988 Chilean national plebiscite was a national referendum held on 5 October 1988 to determine whether Chile's de facto leader, Augusto Pinochet, should extend his rule for another eight years. The "No" side won with nearly 56% of the vote, thus ending the General's 161⁄2 years in power.
A referendum is a direct vote in which an entire electorate is invited to vote on a particular proposal. This may result in the adoption of a new law. In some countries, it is synonymous with a plebiscite or a vote on a ballot question.
Chile, officially the Republic of Chile, is a South American country occupying a long, narrow strip of land between the Andes to the east and the Pacific Ocean to the west. It borders Peru to the north, Bolivia to the northeast, Argentina to the east, and the Drake Passage in the far south. Chilean territory includes the Pacific islands of Juan Fernández, Salas y Gómez, Desventuradas, and Easter Island in Oceania. Chile also claims about 1,250,000 square kilometres (480,000 sq mi) of Antarctica, although all claims are suspended under the Antarctic Treaty.
Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte was a Chilean general, politician and dictator of Chile between 1973 and 1990 who remained the Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army until 1998 and was also President of the Government Junta of Chile between 1973 and 1981.
The fact the dictatorship respected the results is attributed to pressure from big business, the international community and unease with extended rule by Pinochet within the dictatorship.[1]
Background
Army General Augusto Pinochet took power on 11 September 1973 in a coup d'état which deposed the democratically elected SocialistPresidentSalvador Allende. Allende killed himself as the presidential palace was being bombarded.[2] A military junta — led by Pinochet, Air Force General Gustavo Leigh, Navy Admiral José Toribio Merino, and Carabinero Chief General César Mendoza — was sworn in the same evening. The following day, the four drafted an official document suspending the 1925 constitution and Congress and establishing the Junta as the country's supreme authority. Pinochet was designated as its first president, and the four verbally agreed to rotate the office. Shortly after, the Junta established an advisory committee, which Pinochet was successful in staffing with Army officers loyal to himself. One of their first recommendations was to discard the idea of a rotating presidency, arguing it would create too many administrative problems and lead to confusion.[3] In March 1974, six months after the Junta's establishment, Pinochet verbally attacked the Christian Democratic Party and stated that there was no set timetable for a return to civilian rule. On 18 December 1974 Pinochet was declared Supreme Leader of the nation.[3] After that date, the junta functioned strictly as a legislative body until the return to democracy in 1990.
The 1973 Chilean coup d'état was a watershed moment in both the history of Chile and the Cold War. Following an extended period of social unrest and political tension between the opposition-controlled Congress of Chile and the socialist President Salvador Allende, as well as economic warfare ordered by US President Richard Nixon, Allende was overthrown by the armed forces and national police.
The Socialist Party of Chile is a political party within the centre-left Nueva Mayoría. Its historic leader was President of Chile Salvador Allende, who was deposed in a coup d'état by General Pinochet in 1973. Twenty-seven years later, Ricardo Lagos Escobar represented the Socialist Party in the 1999 presidential elections. He won 48.0% in the first round of voting and was elected with 51.3% in the second round. In the legislative elections on 16 December 2001, as part of the Coalition of Parties for Democracy, the party won 10 out of 117 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 5 out of 38 elected seats in the Senate. After the 2005 elections, the Party increased its seats to 15 and 8, respectively. In the 2009 elections, it retained 11 Congressional and 5 Senate seats.
The President of Chile, officially known as the President of the Republic of Chile is the head of state and the head of government of Chile. The President is responsible for both the Chilean government and state administration. Although its role and significance has changed over the history of Chile, as well as its position and relations with other actors in the national political organization, it is one of the most prominent political figures. It is also considered as one of the institutions that make up the "Historic Constitution of Chile", and is essential to the country's political stability.
On 24 September 1973, a commission was set up by the junta to draw up a blueprint for a new constitution. By 5 October 1978, the commission had finished its work. During the next two years, the proposal was studied by the Council of State presided by former president Jorge Alessandri, and in July 1980 it submitted a Constitution draft to Pinochet and the Junta. A constitutional referendum, regarded as "highly irregular"[4] and forthrightly "fraudulent"[5] by some observers, took place on 11 September 1980, in which the new constitution was approved by 67% of voters.[6] The Constitution, which took effect on 11 March 1981, established a "transition period," during which Pinochet would continue to exercise executive power and the Junta legislative power, for the next eight years. Before that period ended, a candidate for President was to be proposed by the Commanders-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Carabinero Chief General for the following period of eight years. The candidate was to be ratified by registered voters in a national plebiscite. On 30 August 1988 Pinochet was declared to be the candidate.
The Chilean Council of State was a body set up by the junta of General Augusto Pinochet to produce a constitution in order to legitimise military rule. The constitution which it produced was approved in a 1980 plebiscite.
Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez was the 27th President of Chile from 1958 to 1964, and was the candidate of the Chilean right in the crucial presidential election of 1970, which he lost to Salvador Allende. He was the son of Arturo Alessandri, who was president from 1920 to 1925 and again from 1932 to 1938.
During the last years of dictatorship the commanders-in-chief of the navy, air force and Carabineros disassociated themselves from Pinochet, expressing their wishes that a civilian should represent the regime in the 1988 plebiscite. Pinochet however imposed himself as candidate.[1]
Carabiniers of Chile are the Chilean national police force, who have jurisdiction over the entire national territory of Chile.
Plebiscite
Original ballot.
The plebiscite —as detailed in the 1980 Constitution— consisted of two choices:
Yes: The proposed candidate is approved. Pinochet takes office on 11 March 1989 for an eight-year mandate, and parliamentary elections are held nine months after he is sworn in. The Junta continues to exercise legislative power until the newly elected Congress takes office on 11 March 1990.
No: The proposed candidate is rejected. Pinochet and the Junta continue in power for another year. Presidential and parliamentary elections are held three months before Pinochet's term expires. The newly elected President and Congress take office on 11 March 1990.
The Democratic Party of Chile was a Chilean political party that had legal existence from 1988 to 1989 under the state of "party in formation".
The Independent Democratic Union is a Chilean right-wing, conservative political party, founded in 1983. Its founder was the lawyer, politician and law professor Jaime Guzmán, a civilian who collaborated with Augusto Pinochet and a member of the Opus Dei. Guzmán was a senator from 1990 until his assassination on April 1, 1991.
The Liberal Democrat Party of Chile was a Chilean political party that had legal existence from 1988 until 1989 under the state of "in formation".
Chilean Socialist Party (Partido Socialista Chileno) (populist party created by pro-Junta factions to attract support for Pinochet disguised under the Socialist Party's banner)[7]
The campaign
Symbol of the "Yes" option. The logotype had the SÍ blue letters with a star y and a tricolour sash blue, white and red.Pamphlet prepared by the Yes campaign
The campaign is regarded, along with the registration process, as one of the key factors that led to the victory of the No side in the plebiscite.
For the first time in the history of Chile, both options were guaranteed free electoral advertising spaces—franjas—of 15 minutes each, late at night or early in the morning. (There were similar spaces in prime time, but only for the government). They were first broadcast on 5 September, at 11 pm, just one month before the referendum. In a short time the spots prepared by the No side were seen to be better, despite the Yes side creating a more elaborate campaign devised by an Argentinian advertising agency and with the assistance of the Chilean Armed Forces. The Minister of the Interior Sergio Fernández, one of the main coordinators of the official campaign, said:
The (campaign) results were poor. In a few days nobody could ignore the evident technical superiority of the No campaign: superior in argumentation, superior in filming, superior in music. Its signature tune, with the slogan «La alegría ya viene» (Joy is coming) as its main element, was so cheesy that even the Yes campaign creatives hummed it during their brainstorming sessions.
Main logo of the No campaign, el arcoíris (the rainbow).
The No side used a rainbow as its main symbol, with the intention of symbolising the plural views of the opposition (each member party had its own colour depicted in the rainbow) and, at the same time, the hope of a better Chile and a more prosperous future. Their campaign, directed by American and Chilean advertising men, combined both criticism (including testimony by victims of torture and relatives of disappeared people during the dictatorship) and optimism, highlighting that the No option did not mean returning to the socialist system of former President Salvador Allende, but the re-establishment of democracy. This idea was supported by the appearance of right-wing leaders standing for No. A popular jingle was composed, with the main slogan of the campaign, "Chile, la alegría ya viene" (Chile, joy is on its way), and both Chilean and international celebrities, such as Patricio Bañados (renowned journalist banned from TV by the Junta), Sting, Jane Fonda, Richard Dreyfuss, Sara Montiel, Robert Blake, Paloma San Basilio and Christopher Reeve starred in the No spots. One advert featured a middle-aged woman describing her experience of being kidnapped and tortured after the 1973 coup, and advocating a no vote, followed by her son Carlos Caszely, one of Chile's top footballers of the 1970s and 1980s,[8] and a critic of the Pinochet regime.[9]
The Yes campaign had two main goals: creating fear amongst voters by reminding them of the chaotic situation of Chile in 1973, with the consequent coup d'état (a background blamed on supporters of the No side), and improving the general perception of Augusto Pinochet, regarded by the public as an arrogant and authoritarian leader. The spots included jingles with lyrics supportive of the Junta and songs that were close to promoting a cult of personality around Pinochet, such as the main campaign anthem, "Un horizonte de esperanza" (A Horizon of Hope) or a Rapa Nui folk song, "Iorana, Presidente" (Hello, President). In its early stages the campaign put its focus on the economic success achieved by the government, but when this failed to appeal to viewers, the strategy followed was to introduce biased criticism of the No adverts and the publication of polls that showed massive support for Pinochet, and a new look of the programmes starting in the 18 September broadcast, with the new format almost identical to those of the No – a presenter, Hernán Serrano, introduced each topic, and more testimonies were added.
Both sides called for massive rallies: on 22 September the No side started the March of Joy (Marcha de la alegría), which lasted 10 days and joined supporters from the northernmost and southernmost cities of Chile in Santiago. These rallies were often stopped by the Carabineros or the secret police on claimed suspicion of possible attacks, or for no stated reason, and the demonstrators were attacked by armed pro-Yes supporters without the police taking any action. On 2 October the Yes campaign called for a huge rally in downtown Santiago. The rallies had different coverage by the news media, which struggled to show more Chileans standing for the Yes side than for the No, and were considered to be too close to the Yes campaign.
Electorate
Voting was open to persons who were aged 18 or over on the day of the election, and were either Chilean citizens or foreigners who had resided legally in Chile for at least five years. Only those registered in the electoral roll could vote, but registration was not compulsory. Voting was mandatory for registered Chilean citizens.
Following his defeat at the polls, Pinochet and opposition forces agreed to revise the 1980 Constitution. The 54 proposed amendments were approved by 91% of voters in a referendum on 30 July 1989. Presidential and parliamentary elections took place as scheduled on 14 December 1989. The opposition candidate, Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin, won the election with 55% of the vote, and took office on 11 March 1990. The newly elected Congress was sworn in the same day.
The other junta members, who had preferred a civilian to run for president instead of Pinochet, regarded the result as Pinochet's personal defeat.[1]
Touch only one of my men, and forget about the rule of law.
The Christian Democratic Party is a Christian democratic political party in Chile and governs as part of the Nueva Mayoría coalition.
The Party for Democracy is a centre-left political party in Chile. It states to stand in the traditions of democratic socialism and liberal progressivism. It was founded in December 1987 by Ricardo Lagos, who aimed at forming a legal social-democratic party, as the Socialist Party of Chile (PS) remained illegal at the time. The PPD continued to function after the defeat of Pinochet. Until 1997, double membership of PPD and the PS was allowed.
The Concertación was a coalition of center-left political parties in Chile, founded in 1988. Presidential candidates under its banner won every election from when military rule ended in 1990 until the conservative candidate Sebastián Piñera won the Chilean presidential election in 2010. In 2013 it was replaced by New Majority coalition.
This article gives an overview of liberal and radical parties in Chile. It is limited to liberal and radical parties with substantial support, mainly proved by having had a representation in parliament. The sign ⇒ means a reference to another party in that scheme. For inclusion in this scheme, parties do not necessarily need to have labeled themselves as a liberal party.
This article gives an overview of liberalism and radicalism in Spain. It is limited to liberal and radical parties with substantial support, mainly proved by having been represented in parliament. The sign ⇒ denotes another party in that scheme. For inclusion in this scheme it is not necessary that parties labeled themselves as a liberal or radical party.
The Radical Democracy, was a Chilean centre-right political party. The party, created in 1969, was dissolved in 1973, and reappeared in 1983 before disbanding permanently in 1990.
The Government Junta of Chile was the military junta established to rule Chile during the military dictatorship that followed the overthrow of President Salvador Allende in the 1973 Chilean coup d'état backed by the United States. It was the executive and legislative branch of government until December 17, 1974. After that date, it functioned strictly as a legislative body until the return to democracy in 1990.
The Radical Party of Chile was a Chilean political party. It was formed in 1863 in Copiapó by a split in the Liberal Party. Not coincidentally, it was formed shortly after the organization of the Grand Lodge of Chile, and it has maintained a close relationship with Chilean Freemasonry throughout its life. As such, it represented the anticlericalist position in Chilean politics, and was instrumental in producing the "theological reforms" in Chilean law in the early 1880s. These laws removed the cemeteries from the control of the Roman Catholic Church, established a civil registry of births and death in place of the previous recordkeeping of the church, and established a civil law of matrimony, which removed the determination of validity of marriages from the church. Prior to these laws, it was impossible for non-Catholics to contract marriage in Chile, and meant that any children they produced were illegitimate. Non-Catholics had also been barred from burial in Catholic cemeteries, which were virtually the only cemeteries in the country; instead, non-Catholics were buried in the beaches, and even on the Santa Lucia Hill in Santiago, which, in the 19th century, functioned as Santiago's dump.
The Chilean Social Democracy Party (Spanish: Partido Socialdemocracia Chilena, until August 1973 Radical Left Party was a Chilean political party of centre-left orientation, formed by dissident Radicals in 1971.
The National Democratic Party, known by its acronym PADENA, was a Chilean political party. This party was one of the last political movements linked to the figure of President Carlos Ibáñez del Campo.
The Democratic Socialist Radical Party was a political party of Chile that emerged from a leftist faction of the Radical Party led by Luis Fernando Luengo that came into conflict with Enrique Silva Cimma, Raúl Rettig and some radical politicians.
National Advance was a Chilean right-wing political party of nationalist ideology who supported the military regime led by Augusto Pinochet. They had party legal existence between January 1988 and July 1991.
The Democratic Alliance was a Chilean political coalition existing between 1983 and 1988 that was composed of political parties and organisations that opposed the military regime led by Augusto Pinochet.
The National Democratic Agreement was a Chilean political coalition existing between 1984 and 1985 that brought together parties, movements and supporters of the military dictatorship led by Augusto Pinochet.
The People's Democratic Movement was a Chilean left-wing political coalition created on September 20, 1983 and dissolved on June 26, 1987. It was formed by the Communist Party of Chile, PS-Almeyda and the Revolutionary Left Movement (MIR), plus factions of the Christian Left and the Popular Unitary Action Movement (MAPU). Its first president was the socialist Manuel Almeyda.
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