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The party was registered on 23 July 2014, supported by the signatures of 493,316 citizens. Its creation was approved on 15 September 2015.[11] The party requested to use the number "30" for election identification. It is ideologically aligned with classical liberalism.[12]
It allows its members freedom to choose their stances on social issues such as abortion and the legalization of drugs, but the party believes that legislation on those topics should be defined solely by the National Congress. NOVO is pro-gun rights and supports same sex marriage.[17][13]
Other NOVO proposals include reforming the political system by ending compulsory voting and parliamentary immunity, and extinguishing the Partisan and Electoral funds.[18] Public security proposals include reviewing and hardening the Brazilian Penal Code, increasing benefits for police officers and adopting public-private partnerships to manage the Brazilian prison system.[13]
The party opposes extensive regulation in many aspects of Brazilian society and their members believe the central bank should be independent from the state.[19]
The New Party charges a membership fee and monthly contributions from its members.[20] Originally, NOVO committed itself to not using any public money from the Electoral or Partisan Funds, maintaining itself solely through donations and member contributions.[21] Public funds were invested into fixed income securities in the Bank of Brazil[22] after attempts to return the money were rejected.[23] For the 2024 elections, the party defined criteria for the usage of Electoral Fund money, citing the increase in the Electoral Fund budget[24] and difficulties caused by increased regulations around private financing.[25]
History
NOVO was founded on 12 February 2011 by 181 citizens of 35 different professions and originating from 10 different federative units. In an interview with InfoMoney, João Amoêdo, founder of NOVO, stated that none of the existing political parties would defend NOVO's ideals, and as such, it was easier to create a party from scratch. Amoêdo also paid for the majority of the R$5 million expenses surrounding the Party's founding, contributing with R$4.5 million. Pedro Moreira Salles also contributed with around R$100,000 and Cecília Sicupira, wife to businessman Carlos Alberto Sicupira also made a significant contribution.[26]
Formally registered as a political party in 2015, NOVO won eight deputies in the 2018 elections and had one of its own, Romeu Zema, elected governor of Minas Gerais, Brazil's second most populous state. João Amoêdo himself was the Party's nominee for the presidential election, where he obtained 2.5% of the vote.[27]
The years of the Bolsonaro administration were marked by internal conflicts for the New Party, with members such as Filipe Sabará being expelled from the party in the midst of the 2020 municipal elections, where he was NOVO's mayoral candidate for São Paulo. Sabará was expelled by the party after a series of inconsistencies were found in his resume,[28] but had previously quarreled with Amoêdo and other NOVO leaderships over his support for Bolsonaro. For Camila Rocha, author of the book "Less Marx, More Mises: Liberalism and the new right in Brazil", those conflicts stemmed from a lack of a party-wide consensus in ideas other than the defense of a radical free market.[29]
Amoêdo himself was expelled from the party during the 2022 election for his endorsement of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and for publicly criticizing the party in media interviews.[30][31] For Amoêdo, NOVO had become a "satellite of the Liberal Party".[27][32] After the first turn of the 2022 presidential election, candidate Luiz Felipe D'Avila criticized Amoêdo, stating in an interview that his behaviour had caused "disillusions" and "only contributes to destroying what he has built".[31]
NOVO won only 0.47% of the vote in the 2022 presidential election and three deputies in the parliamentary elections, but managed to get Romeu Zema re-elected governor of Minas Gerais. D'Avila attributed the election results to voters "doubling down on polarization", stating that the election had been "very poor in discussing proposals".[31]
In the first turn of the 2024 municipal elections, the party elected 14 new mayors and managed to get its 4 preexisting mayors reelected.[33] NOVO also saw an 800% increase in elected city councillors,[33] a success that NOVO president Eduardo Ribeiro attributed to their decision to ease restrictions on party membership and candidacy in smaller municipalities, seeking to expand their reach whilst preserving party ideals. Ribeiro argued that the party's decision to restrict expansion had cost them in 2020 and 2022.[33][34] NOVO registered 7,604 candidacies (compared to 620 in the 2020 elections), of which 34% were women and 43% were Black or Pardo Brazilians.[33] In the runoff of the elections, NOVO also elected Sergio Victor as mayor of Taubaté.[35]
↑ Bevins, Vincent (30 October 2022). "Brazil's Democracy Is on the Brink and the Ballot". New York. Retrieved 7 February 2025. After the first round of voting, all of the other major candidates, along with the founder of the country's right-libertarian NOVO party, lined up behind him.
Horta, José Luiz Borges (12 December 2021). "Federalismo e Democracia". Revista de Ciências do Estado (in Portuguese). 6 (2): 1–18. doi:10.35699/2525-8036.2021.37464. ISSN2525-8036. Em respeito aos fatos, é preciso registrar que nenhuma destas virtudes fez-se manifestar em Minas, tanto pelo perfil do eventual ocupante do Palácio da Liberdade (como se dizia) quanto, se não mesmo especialmente, pelas ideologias frequentadas pelo chamado "Partido Novo" a que o Governo (!?) de Minas pertenceu durante estes anos. Em algo como uma ultradireita, aproximam-se de uma mundivisão anarcocapitalista que, talvez, possa ser melhor compreendida pela via da chave de leitura que propomos: são apenas piratas, portando-se frente ao Estado exatamente como os piratas de antanho se comportavam frente às potestades de outrora.[With respect to the facts, it is necessary to note that none of these virtues were manifested in Minas Gerais, both due to the profile of the eventual occupant of the Palácio da Liberdade (as was said) and, if not especially, due to the ideologies favored by the so-called “Partido Novo” to which the government (!?) of Minas Gerais belonged during these years. In something like an ultra-right, they approach an anarcho-capitalist worldview that, perhaps, can be better understood through the reading key that we propose: they are just pirates, behaving before the State exactly as the pirates of yesteryear behaved before the powers of yesteryear.]
Albino, Nathália Moreira (1 September 2023). "A saúde como mercadoria: o projeto das Organizações Sociais de Saúde em Minas Gerais". Universidade Estadual Paulista (Thesis). Em 2018, Romeu Zema, do Partido Novo - a ultra direita liberal - assume o governo de Minas Gerais, baseado no discurso de que, se eleito, seu governo seria uma alternativa à "velha política".[In 2018, Romeu Zema, of the Partido Novo - a liberal far right - assumes government of Minas Gerais, based on speech that, if elected, its government would be An alternative to “old politics”.]
"Eleições 2024: olhando além das aparências". Brasil de Fato (in Brazilian Portuguese). 27 November 2024. Retrieved 8 February 2025. O quadro abaixo nos permite visualizar de forma mais nítida estes resultados. Nele agrupamos os partidos em quatro grandes blocos: a) a extrema direita: (PL, Republicanos e Novo); b) o "centrão": PP, PSD, União, PRD, Podemos e todos os outros pequenos partidos deste campo político; c) o centro tradicional: MDB, PSDB e Cidadania; e d) a esquerda: PDT, PSB, PT, PSOL, PV, Rede e PCdoB. Este é um agrupamento meio arbitrário, mas eficiente para efeitos da compreensão da dinâmica política, pois se pode perceber a evolução dos partidos de uma eleição para a outra. Para isto este tipo de agrupamento em blocos pode ser bastante esclarecedor, como se pode ver abaixo.[The table below allows us to visualize these results more clearly. In it we group the parties into four large blocks: a) the extreme right: (PL, Republicans and Novo); b) the “centrão”: PP, PSD, União, PRD, Podemos and all the other small parties in that political field; c) the traditional center: MDB, PSDB and Cidadania; and d) the left: PDT, PSB, PT, PSOL, PV, Rede and PCdoB. This is a somewhat arbitrary grouping, but it is efficient for understanding political dynamics, as it allows us to see the evolution of parties from one election to the next. For this reason, this type of grouping into blocks can be quite enlightening, as can be seen below.]
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