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Brazil has a multi-party system since 1979, when the country's military dictatorship disbanded an enforced two-party system and allowed the creation of multiple parties. [1]
Above the broad range of political parties in Brazilian Congress, the Workers' Party (PT), the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB), the Liberal Party (PL), the Progressives (PP) and the Brazil Union (UNIÃO) together control the absolute majority of seats in the Senate and Chamber of Deputies. [2] Smaller parties often make alliances with at least one of these five major parties. [3] The number of political parties reached the apex of 35 on 2018, 30 of which were represented in congress after the 2018 general election. [4] [5] [6] However, an electoral threshold introduced on 2017 has resulted in the culling and merger of many parties, as it cuts access to party subsidies and free party political broadcasts. [4] [7]
Brazilian parties have access to party subsidies in form of the Fundo Partidário (lit. 'Party Fund') and the Fundo Eleitoral (lit. 'Electoral Fund') for elections. [8] And a system of free party political broadcasts during election time known as the horário eleitoral gratuito. [9]
Since 1982, Brazilian political parties have been given an electoral number to make it easier for illiterate people to vote. Initially, it was a one-digit number: 1 for PDS, 2 for PDT, 3 for PT, 4 for PTB, and 5 for PMDB. When it became clear that there was going to be more than nine parties, two-digit numbers were assigned, with the first five parties having a "1" added to their former one-digit number (PDS becoming number 11, PDT 12, PT 13, PTB 14, and PMDB 15). Political parties often change their names, but they can retain their number.
On 28 September 2021, Law No. 14,208 was enacted, establishing "federations" (Portuguese : federações). These federations are associations between parties, considered as a single party in elections and legislative activities such as the creation of caucuses and committees. The associated parties must belong to the federation for at least four years from the date of its registration, with penalties if they leave before the deadline.
The establishment of party federations followed the abolition of coalitions in proportional elections, which had functioned as single parties in seat allocation. This change was implemented through Constitutional Amendment No. 97 of 2017, which also introduced an electoral threshold for future parliamentary elections. Parties and federations that surpass this threshold gain access to public subsidies through the Party Fund (Portuguese : Fundo Partidário) and are entitled to free advertising on radio and television.
Below are listed the federations currently registered with the Superior Electoral Court: [27]
Federation | President | Representation [28] [29] [30] | Parties | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Deputies | Senators | Assemb. | ||||
Brazil of Hope Federation Federação Brasil da Esperança | Luciana Santos | 79 / 513 | 9 / 81 | 156 / 1,059 | PT | |
PCdoB | ||||||
PV | ||||||
PSDB Cidadania Federation Federação PSDB Cidadania | Marconi Perillo | 17 / 513 | 3 / 81 | 74 / 1,059 | PSDB | |
Cidadania | ||||||
PSOL REDE Federation Federação PSOL REDE | Paula Coradi | 14 / 513 | 0 / 81 | 28 / 1,059 | PSOL | |
REDE |
This list presents the parties of the current Sixth Republic that were once registered with the Superior Electoral Court, but have ceased to exist. The existence of all these parties has ended by the result of mergers.
This list presents the parties that never reached the Sixth Republic. Due to the large number of parties that were dissolved, especially during the First and Second Republics, it is not intended to be an exhaustive list.
The PL president has always been used to a more pragmatic party that participates in governments. After Bolsonaro's entry, a large part of the party became more right-wing and inflexible towards some local alliances with parties that have a different ideological vision.
One of the criticisms leveled at the current PSB is that it has left part of its ideology in the drawer in the face of a larger project of power. This has created an apparent dichotomy: while the group has names closely identified with the left, such as Bahia's senator Lídice da Mata, there are also politicians such as the current governor of São Paulo, Márcio França, who has been allied with the PSDB for years.
'Eduardo Campos saw that he needed to reach out to other sectors of society in order to make the PSB a national party. Because of this, he opened the party for people who were not very close to our values', says federal deputy Júlio Delgado.
The change is not just cosmetic: the party has abandoned the Marxism-Leninism of the old days and the 'democratic socialism' of the years after the fall of the Berlin Wall to embrace a combination that unites the defense of economic liberalism with a strong progressive discourse in the social area.
The move is not accidental. In recent months, the party has attracted various political renewal groups such as RenovaBR, Agora!, Livres and Acredito, all guided by a certain humanist liberalism and imbued with the pretension of building an alternative to the polarization between the right, represented by Bolsonaro, and the left, still led by Lula and the PT.
The theoretical reflections at the 2024 Congress reinforced the drift, noticeable since the Bolsonaro government, of the Movement away from liberal orthodoxy and towards properly conservative positions reminiscent of Gilberto Freyre and Oliveira Viana (cited positively at the Congress). This distancing is explained, in part, by the MBL members' disappointment with the perceived capitulation of a large part of the liberal movement to Bolsonarism, especially sensitive in the case of the New Party, whose founder, João Amoedo, abandoned his party because he refused to be part of a Bolsonarist organization.
Even so, the emphasis on public security consolidates the new phase of the MBL, which has sidelined calls for economic liberalism and drawn up a program inspired by Nayib Bukele, the president who managed to make El Salvador safe after multiplying the country's prison population.
One of the points the group will focus on is public security, the Achilles heel of Bahia's government. One of the inspirations is the incarceration policy of El Salvador, under the command of Nayib Bukele. 'One of MBL's members was in El Salvador following the country's transformation under Bukele. We are committed to the safety of the population and if necessary we will get tough', [Mauro Cardim] said.