National organization(s) | COB, CAT, CUT, CBTC, CGT, CONTAG, FS |
---|---|
Density | 13% (2019) [1] |
CBA coverage | 64.8% (2020) [1] |
Global Rights Index | |
5 No guarantee of rights | |
International Labour Organization | |
Brazil is a member of the ILO | |
Convention ratification | |
Freedom of Association | Not ratified |
Right to Organise | 18 November 1952 |
Trade unions in Brazil first emerged in the late 19th century with the expansion of manufacturing and the influx of immigrant workers, especially from Spain, Italy and Germany, who were influenced by socialist and anarchist movements in their home countries. [2]
Trade unions in Brazil originated during the period of industrialisation at the end of the 19th century. As in other countries, Brazilian workers faced unfavorable working conditions, low wages and a lack of social protection.
The first organized movements emerged in the context of strikes and revolts by factory workers, mainly in industrialised urban areas such as São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. One of the first major strikes occurred in 1917, in the city of São Paulo, known as the general strike of 1917.
During the following decades, trade unions grew stronger with the formation of unions and worker associations in different sectors of the economy. The growth of industry and the urbanization of the country contributed to the increase in the organization and mobilization of workers.
In the 1930s, the government of Getúlio Vargas implemented policies that recognized unions and granted some rights to workers, such as regulating working hours and creating the Labor Court. This period also saw the rise of the state-linked trade union movement.
During the military dictatorship (1964-1985), unions were repressed and many union leaders were persecuted, arrested or exiled due to the anti-communism of the government at the time. However, the period also witnessed worker resistance, with strikes and demonstrations.
In the 1980s, with the redemocratization, the trade union movement re-emerged with strength, leading popular mobilizations for democratic and social rights. During this period, the Unified Workers' Central was created, later becoming one of the main trade union organizations in the country.
Since then, the labour movement in Brazil has continued to play an important role in the fight for better working conditions, decent wages and social rights.
Based on the demands of the labour movement, the so-called "labourism" (in Portuguese: trabalhismo) developed in Brazil as a set of doctrines on the economic situation of workers. Labourism emerged with the aim of defending workers' rights and promoting economic development with social justice. Among its characteristics are economic nationalism, social protection, corporatism, populism and developmentalism.
Labourism had, as theorists, Alberto Pasqualini and San Tiago Dantas. Pasqualini rejected revolutionary socialism and defended the market economy, but, inspired by Catholic solidarism, although agnostic in his public life, he considered that all profit must correspond to social gain, even using the term "solidarist capitalism" as a synonym of labourism. [3] Considering freedom and solidarity to be the two fundamental values of a society, he saw the possibility of social transformations through a change in mentality, which would be possible through public education policies. [4]
The roots of the Brazilian labour movement go back to factory trade unions, at the beginning of the 20th century, and the "tenentismo" of the 1920s, a movement formed by low-ranking military officers who demanded secret ballots, women's suffrage and educational reform.
In 1929, the lieutenants joined the Liberal Alliance, which also had the support of Alberto Pasqualini, opposing the milk coffee politics, which guaranteed oligarchs from Minas Gerais and São Paulo would alternated as president of the republic. Formally, labourism began with the founding of the Brazilian Labour Party inspired by Vargas. However, Pasqualini and his followers, called "Pasqualinistas", constituted a group more critical of Vargas inside the party. [5]
In the 1930s, the Vargas government implemented labour policies that recognized unions and granted some rights to workers, such as the regulation of working hours and the creation of the Labour Court. This period also saw the rise of the state-linked trade union movement.
During the 1950s and 1960s, labourism became the main branch of the moderate left in Brazilian politics, attracting sectors and voters who rejected both right-wing economics and communism. During his campaign for governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Leonel Brizola published a text giving his definition of labourism:
Among other things, it is worth saying that labourim is nationalist, communism is international; communism is materialist, labourism is inspired by Christian social doctrine; communism is the abolition of property, labourism defends property within a social purpose; communism enslaves man to the State and prescribes the work guarantee regime, labourism is the dignification of work and does not tolerate the exploitation of man by the State nor of man by man; communism educates to form a society of ants, labourism educates for progress, for freedom, for the elevation of the human person. Communism exists where reactionary and exploitative capitalism pontificates and disappears in communities and countries that are well organized from a social and human point of view.
— Leonel Brizola, 1958 [6]
Still in the 1960s, labourism had already experienced splits. From the end of the 1970s, the Brazilian Labour Party found itself divided politically by groups that disputed the use of the party's name as well as control over it. In 1980, by decision of the Superior Electoral Court, Ivete Vargas won the dispute, obtaining the right to use the name and control over the party, resulting in the confluence of left-leaning labourists founding the Democratic Labour Party, [7] led by Brizola, and other smaller groups organizing themselves into the Labour Party of Brazil (now Avante) and the National Labour Party (now Podemos).
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The Brazilian Communist Party, originally the Communist Party of Brazil, is a communist party in Brazil, founded on 25 March 1922. Arguably the oldest active political party in Brazil, it played an important role in the country's 20th-century history despite the relatively small number of members. A factional dispute led to the formation of PCdoB in the 1960s, though both communist parties were united in opposition to the Brazilian military government that ruled from 1964 to 1985. But with the fall of the Soviet Union and the collapse of communism circa 1990, the party lost power and international support. An internal coup in 1992 divided the party and formed a new party, called Popular Socialist Party, using the former identification number of the PCB, 23. That party has since moved towards the centre and now goes by the name Cidadania.
The Democratic Labour Party is a political party in Brazil.
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The Brazilian Socialist Party is a political party in Brazil. It was founded in 1947, before being abolished by the military regime in 1965 and re-organised in 1989 after the re-democratisation of Brazil. It elected six Governors in 2010, becoming the second largest party in number of state governments, behind only PSDB. In addition to that, it won 34 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and three seats in the Senate, besides having been a member of the For Brazil to Keep on Changing coalition, which elected Dilma Rousseff as President of Brazil.
Central Única dos Trabalhadores, commonly known by the acronym CUT, is the main national trade union center in Brazil.
The 1964 Brazilian coup d'état was the overthrow of Brazilian president João Goulart by a military coup from March 31 to April 1, 1964, ending the Fourth Brazilian Republic (1946–1964) and initiating the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964–1985). The coup took the form of a military rebellion, the declaration of vacancy in the presidency by the National Congress on April 2, the formation of a military junta and the exile of the president on April 4. In his place, Ranieri Mazzilli, the president of the Chamber of Deputies, took over until the election by Congress of general Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco, one of the main leaders of the coup.
Anarchism was an influential contributor to the social politics of the First Brazilian Republic. During the epoch of mass migrations of European labourers at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, anarchist ideas started to spread, particularly amongst the country’s labour movement. Along with the labour migrants, many Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and German political exiles arrived, many holding anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist ideas. Some did not come as exiles but rather as a type of political entrepreneur, including Giovanni Rossi's anarchist commune, the Cecília Colony, which lasted few years but at one point consisted of 200 individuals.
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João Belchior Marques Goulart, commonly known as Jango, was a Brazilian politician who served as the 24th president of Brazil until a military coup d'état deposed him on 1 April 1964. He was considered the last left-wing president of Brazil until Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva took office in 2003.
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The Brazilian Labour Party was a political party in Brazil registered in 1981 by Ivete Vargas, niece of President Getúlio Vargas. It claimed the legacy of the historical PTB, although many historians reject this because the early version of PTB was a center-left party with wide support in the working class. It was the seventh largest political party in Brazil with more than a million affiliated as of 2022.
The Brazilian Labour Party was a populist political party in Brazil founded in 1945 by supporters of President Getúlio Vargas. It was dismantled by the Institutional Act Number Two in 1965 during the military dictatorship in Brazil.
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The Brazilian Workers' Confederation was the first national trade union center in Brazil, founded in 1908, under the basis of agreement of the First Brazilian Workers' Congress of 1906. Through its newspaper, A Voz do Trabalhador, it allowed a certain coordination and exchange of information within the Brazilian worker movement at the national level. The COB was formed by national industry and craft federations, local and state unions, unions isolated in places where there were no federations and non-federated industries.
The Comício da Central, or Reforms Rally, was a rally held on March 13, 1964, in the city of Rio de Janeiro, at Praça da República, located in front of the Central do Brasil station. With about 200,000 people there they gathered to hear the words of the President of Brazil, João Goulart, and of the former governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Leonel Brizola. The General Workers Command, organizer of the rally, had been willing to take 100,000 people. The João Goulart Institute has documents showing that there were plans for a bombing of the rally, which was abandoned so as "not to create a martyr". At the time, there were reports of a sniper and rumors that communists would carry out the attack and blame the military. Goulart did not wish to go to the rally due to a heart condition, and to his wife, Maria Thereza Goulart, he said: "Teca, I'm going to fulfill my duty, even if it's the last one".