A Polonophile is an individual who respects and is fond of Poland's culture as well as Polish history, traditions and customs. The term defining this kind of attitude is Polonophilia. The antonym and opposite of Polonophilia is Polonophobia. [1]
A Polonophile is an individual who respects and is fond of Poland's culture as well as Polish history, traditions and customs. The term defining this kind of attitude is Polonophilia. The antonym and opposite of Polonophilia is Polonophobia. [1]
The history of the concept dates back to the beginning of the Polish state in 966 AD under Duke Mieszko I. It remained strong among ethnic minorities as in allied neighbouring countries and during Polonization of the Eastern Borderlands, Livonia and other acquired territories implied by the Polish Crown or the Polish government, thus also triggering Polonophobia. [2] [3]
One of the first recorded potential Polonophiles were exiled Jews, who settled in Poland throughout the Middle Ages, particularly following the First Crusade (1096-1099). [4] The culture and the intellectual output of the Jewish community in Poland had a profound impact on Judaism as a whole over the next centuries, with both cultures becoming somewhat interconnected and being influenced by each other. Jewish historians claimed that the name of the country is pronounced as "Polania" or "Polin" in Hebrew, which was interpreted as a good omen because Polania can be divided into three separate Hebrew words: po (here), lan (dwells), ya (God) and Polin into two words: po (here) lin ([you should] dwell). [5] Thar suggested that Poland was a good destination for the Jews fleeing from persecution and anti-Semitism in other European countries. Rabbi David HaLevi Segal (Taz) expressed his pro-Polish views by stating in Poland, "most of the time the Gentiles do no harm; on the contrary they do right by Israel" (Divre David; 1689). [6] Ashkenazi Jews willingly adopted some aspects of Polish cuisine, language and national dress, which can be seen in Orthodox Jewish communities around the world. [7] [8]
When Polish King Stephen Bathory captured Livonia (Truce of Jam Zapolski), he granted the city of Tartu (Polish: Dorpat), now in Estonia, its own banner with the colours and layout resembling the Polish flag. The flag dates from 1584 and is still in use. [9]
When the Poles invaded the Tsardom of Russia in 1605, a self-identified prince, known as False Dmitry I, assumed the Russian throne. A Polonophile, he assured that King Sigismund III of Poland could control the country's internal and external affairs, secure Russia's conversion to Catholicism and thus make it a puppet state. Dmitry's murder was a possible justification for arranging a full-scale invasion by Sigismund in 1609. The Seven Boyars deposed reigning Tsar Boris Godunov to demonstrate their support for the Polish cause. Godunov was transported as a prisoner to Poland, where he died. [10] In 1610, the Boyars elected Sigismund's underage son Władysław as the new Tsar of Russia, but he was never crowned. [11] This period was known as the Time of Troubles, a major part in Russian history that remains relatively unmentioned in Polish historiography because of its implied Polonization policies.
During the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Zaporizhian Cossack state was allied to the Catholic King of Poland, and the Cossacks were often hired as mercenaries. That had a strong impact on the Ukrainian language and led to the establishment of a functioning Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in 1596 at the Union of Brest. [12] The Ukrainians, however, retained their Orthodox Christian faith and Cyrillic alphabet. During the Russo-Polish War of 1654–1667, the Cossacks were divided into the pro-Polish (Right-bank Ukraine) and pro-Russian (Left-bank Ukraine) factions. Petro Doroshenko, who commanded the army of Right-bank Ukraine, and Pavlo Teteria and Ivan Vyhovsky were open Polonophiles and allied to the Polish king. [13] The Polish influence on Ukraine ended with the partitions of the late 18th century, when the territory of contemporary Ukraine was annexed by the Russian Empire. [14]
Under John III Sobieski, the Christian coalition forces defeated the Ottoman Turks at the Battle of Vienna in 1683, which ironically sparked admiration for Poland and its Winged Hussars in the Ottoman Empire. The Sultan named Sobieski the "Lion of Lehistan [Poland]". [15] It also sparked admiration in Persia, with the Persians granting Sobieski the proud title of Ghazi . [16] That tradition was cultivated when Poland disappeared from map for 123 years. The Ottoman Empire, along with Persia, was the only major country in the world not to recognise the Partitions of Poland. [17] The reception ceremony of a foreign ambassador or a diplomatic mission in Istanbul began with an announcement sacred formula: "the Ambassador of Lehistan [Poland] has not yet arrived". [18]
The Partitions of Poland gave a rise to a new wave of Polonophilia in Europe and the world. Exiled revolutionaries such as Casimir Pulaski and Tadeusz Kościuszko, who fought for the independence of the United States from Great Britain, contributed to the sentiment that is relatively pro-Polish in North America. [19] [20]
In Haiti, the leader of the Haitian Revolution and first head of state Jean-Jacques Dessalines, called the Poles the white Negroes of Europe. [21] [22] This was an expression of respect and empathy for the situation of the Poles, after Polish soldiers sent by Napoleon to suppress the Haitian Revolution defected to join the insurgents. The 1805 Haitian constitution granted the Poles Haitian citizenship. [23]
When Belgium declared independence from the Netherlands, Belgian diplomats refused to establish diplomatic relations with the Russian Empire for annexing a large portion of Poland's eastern territories during the Partitions. [24] Diplomatic relations between Moscow and Brussels were established only decades later. [25]
The November Uprising in Congress Poland in 1830 against Russia prompted a wave of Polonophilia in Germany (excluding the partitioning state of Prussia), including financial contributions to exiles, the singing of pro-Polish songs, and pro-Polish literature. During the January uprising in 1863, however, the Polonophile sentiment had mostly vanished. [26]
One of the strongest centres of Polonophilia in 19th-century Europe was Ireland. [27] The Young Ireland movement and the Fenians saw similarities in both countries as "Catholic nations and victims of larger imperial powers". In 1863, Irish newspapers expressed wide support for the January uprising, which was then seen as a risky move. [27]
Italians and Hungarians supported the Poles in the January Uprising most numerously (see Hungary and Italy sections below), but other nations also showed sympathy for the uprising. In Sweden, various newspapers sympathized with the Poles, with some stating that Russia was a common enemy of Sweden and Poland, pro-Polish rallies were held, attended by Swedish parliamentarians, and funds were collected for arms for the Polish insurgents. [28] Swedish King Charles XV strongly supported Swedish involvement in the fight on the Polish side, which, however, did not take place due to the restrained stance of the Swedish government, which declared willingness to fight for Poland only alongside Western European powers of Britain and France. [29] An expedition of armed Polish volunteers from Western Europe assisted by foreigners of various nationalities, which stopped on the island of Öland and in Malmö on its way to Poland, was met with sympathy of the local Swedes. [30]
Throughout modern history, France was long Poland's ally, especially after French King Louis XV married Polish Princess Marie Leszczyńska, the daughter of Stanislaus I. Polish customs and fashion became popular in the Versailles such as the Polonaise dress (robe à la polonaise), which was adored by Marie Antoinette. Polish cuisine and also became known in French as à la polonaise. Both Napoleon I and Napoleon III expressed strong pro-Polish sentiment after Poland had ceased to exist as a sovereign country in 1795. [31] [32] In 1807, Napoleon I established the Duchy of Warsaw, a client state of the French Empire that was dissolved in 1815 at the Congress of Vienna. Napoleon III also called for a free Poland and his wife, Eugénie de Montijo, astonished the Austrian ambassador (Austria was one of three partitioning powers) by "unveiling a European map with a realignment of borders to accommodate independent Poland". [33]
The closely related Sorbs, who were also under Polish rule in the Middle Ages, sympathised with the Poles and viewed them as allies in the resistance against Germanisation policies. 19th-century Sorbian activist Michał Hórnik declared his sympathy and admiration for the Poles, popularised knowledge of Nicolaus Copernicus and Tadeusz Kościuszko through Sorbian press, reported on the events of the January Uprising and made contacts with Poles during visits to Warsaw, Kraków and Poznań. [34]
One of the most prominent and self-declared Polonophiles of the late 19th century was the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, who was certain of his Polish heritage. [35] He often expressed his positive views and admiration towards Poles and their culture. However, modern scholars believe that Nietzsche's claim of Polish ancestry was a pure invention. [36] According to biographer R. J. Hollingdale, Nietzsche's propagation of the Polish ancestry myth may have been part of his "campaign against Germany". [37]
In the early 20th century, a number of writers declared their admiration for the Poles, including Brazil's Ruy Barbosa, [38] Japan's Nitobe Inazō and Britain's G. K. Chesterton. [39] Nitobe Inazō called Poles a brave and chivalrous nation, and valued Polish devotion to history and patriotism. [40] Ruy Barbosa advocated for Polish independence at the Hague Conventions of 1907. [38]
I judged the Poles by their enemies. And I found it was an almost unfailing truth that their enemies were the enemies of magnanimity and manhood. If a man loved slavery, if he loved usury, if he loved terrorism and all the trampled mire of materialistic politics, I have always found that he added to these affections the passion of a hatred of Poland. She could be judged in the light of that hatred; and the judgment has proved to be right.
A display of sympathy and gratitude towards Poland in Bulgaria was the unveiling of a memorial complex and symbolic mausoleum of King Władysław III of Poland in Varna. [41] Władysław III commanded a coalition of Central and Eastern European countries at the Battle of Varna in 1444 in an attempt to repel the Ottoman invasion of Europe and liberate Bulgaria. Also, football club SK Vladislav Varna, the first ever Bulgarian football champion, was named after the Polish king.
When Poland finally regained its independence following World War I, Polonophilia gradually transformed into a demonstration of patriotism and solidarity, especially during the horrors of the Second World War and the Polish struggle against communism.
In 1939, Germany's allies, traditionally Poland-friendly Italy, Japan and Hungary, did not approve of the German invasion of Poland, which started World War II. Despite declared neutrality and German and Soviet pressure, Hungary, Romania, Italy, Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia sympathized with Poland and secretly allowed the escape of Poles through their territories to Polish-allied France, where the Polish Army was reconstituted to continue the fight against Germany. [42] Eventually, Greece and Yugoslavia, fearing Germany, became reluctant to further allow Poles to escape through their territories, however Bulgaria and Turkey allowed the escape through their lands to continue. [43] The Japanese helped secretly evacuate a portion of the Polish gold reserve from occupied Poland and closely co-operated with Polish intelligence. [44] Mahatma Gandhi declared appreciation for the Polish resistance against the German invasion. [45]
Polish troops took part in the liberation of a number of nations from German occupation, which is, for example, particularly strongly remembered in Breda in the Netherlands. [46] There is a Polish military cemetery, where Polish general and war hero Stanisław Maczek is buried, and the anniversary of the liberation is commemorated in the city, [46] also by supporters of the local football club NAC Breda. [47]
Several people who had contact with the Polish resistance praised the Poles. Ron Jeffery, British prisoner of war who escaped from German captivity in occupied Poland and joined the Polish resistance, stated in his memoirs that People of more matchless moral and physical courage than the Poles have never existed, and a sense of pride at having fought and been closely associated with them in their scarce unbroken struggles, is always with me. [48] Australian Walter Edward Smith, who similarly escaped from German captivity and joined the Polish resistance, [49] declared that Poles, not Australians as he previously believed, were the best soldiers in the world. [50]
Despite Soviet rule, Polish cemeteries and graves from World War II in Uzbekistan have mostly survived the post-war period. [51] After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and restoration of independent Uzbekistan, Uzbeks often annotated Polish cemeteries with inscriptions referring to buried Poles as their friends (see Poland–Uzbekistan relations ). [51]
In Argentina, 8 June is celebrated as the "Day of the Polish Settler" to honour the contribution of Polish immigrants to Argentina. [52]
Armenians in Poland have an important and historical presence which dates back to the 14th century, [53] however, the first Armenian settlers arrived in the 12th century, which makes them the oldest minority in Poland with the Jews. [54] A very significant and independent Armenian diaspora existed in Poland but was assimilated over the centuries because of Polonization and the absorption of Polish culture. Between 40,000 and 80,000 people in Poland today claim Armenian nationality or Armenian heritage. [55] Mass waves of Armenian immigration to Poland has occurred since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. [55] [56]
Armenians are highly fond of Polish culture and history. [57] Several Armenian cultural features also exist in the Polish national dress, most notably the Karabela sabre introduced by Armenian merchants under Poland-Lithuania.
Many Georgians participated in military campaigns that were led by Poland in the 17th century. Bogdan Gurdziecki, an ethnic Georgian, became the Polish king's ambassador to the Middle East and made frequent diplomatic trips to Persia to represent Polish interests. As both nations shared a similar fate, with Poland partitioned by Russia, Prussia and Austria in the late 18th century, and Georgia annexed by Russia in the 19th century, the two nations had more frequent encounters, particularly as a result of Russian deportations of Poles to Georgia and Georgians to Poland. Both nations supported each other's independence movements, and young Georgians came to study in Warsaw as they considered Poles an inspiration and model for their national liberation activity. [58]
Following the Red Army invasion of Georgia, many Georgian military officers found refuge in Poland and joined the Polish Army. They later fought in Polish defense during the joint German-Soviet invasion of Poland at the start of World War II and afterwards many joined the Polish resistance movement.
During the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, Poland strongly supported Georgia. Polish President Lech Kaczyński flew to Tbilisi to rally against the Russian military intervention and the subsequent military conflict. Several European leaders met with Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili at Kaczyński's initiative at the rally held on 12 August 2008, which was attended by over 150,000 people. The crowd responded enthusiastically to the Polish president's speech and chanted, "Poland, Poland", "Friendship, Friendship" and "Georgia, Georgia". [59]
The main boulevard in the city of Batumi, Georgia, is named after Lech Kaczyński and his wife, Maria. [60]
Hungary and Poland have enjoyed good relations since the inauguration of diplomatic relations between the two countries in the Middle Ages. [61] Hungary and Poland have maintained a very close friendship and brotherhood "rooted in a deep history of shared monarchs, cultures, and common faith". Both countries commemorate a fraternal relationship and Friendship Day.
Poles and Hungarians have repeatedly supported each other's national liberation uprisings, including the Polish November Uprising, January Uprising and Warsaw Uprising and Hungarian Rákóczi's War of Independence, Revolution of 1848 [62] and Revolution of 1956. After the fall of the Rákóczi's War of Independence, Poland took in fugitive Hungarian insurgents, including its leader Francis II Rákóczi, [63] and following the fall of the January Uprising, Hungary received Polish refugees. [64] Polish general Józef Bem is considered a national hero in Hungary, and is commemorated with several monuments.
During the Second World War, Hungary refused to allow Adolf Hitler's troops to pass through the country during the invasion of Poland in September 1939. Although Hungary, which was ruled by Miklós Horthy, was allied with Nazi Germany, it declined to participate in the invasion as a matter of "Hungarian honour". [65]
On 12 March 2007, the Hungarian Parliament declared 23 March as the "Day of Hungarian-Polish Friendship", with 324 votes in favor, none opposed, and no abstentions. Four days later, the Polish Parliament declared 23 March as the "Day of Polish-Hungarian Friendship" by acclamation. The Hungarian Parliament also voted 2016 as the Year of Hungarian-Polish solidarity. [66]
The Hungarian-born Prince Stephen Báthory was elected King of Poland in 1576 and is the primary figure of the close ties between the countries.
Italy and Poland shared common historical backgrounds and common enemies (Austria), and a good relationship is maintained to this day. Poles and Italians supported each other's independence struggles. The Poles fought in the First Italian War of Independence [62] and the Expedition of the Thousand, contributing to the birth of a unified Italy. The Italian government subsequently agreed to establish a Polish Military School in Genoa, which trained Polish officers in exile, who then fought in the Polish January Uprising against Russia. [67] Italian volunteers formed the Garibaldi Legion which also fought for Poland's independence in the uprising. Its leader Francesco Nullo was killed at the Battle of Krzykawka in 1863. [68] In Poland, Nullo is a national hero, and numerous streets and schools are named in his honour. [69]
The struggle for a united and sovereign nation was a common goal for both countries and was noticed by Goffredo Mameli, a Polonophile and the author of the lyrics in the Italian national anthem, Il Canto degli Italiani . [70] Mameli featured a prominent statement in the last verse of the anthem, Già l'Aquila d'Austria, le penne ha perdute. Il sangue d'Italia, il sangue Polacco.... ("Already the Eagle of Austria has lost its plumes. The blood of Italy, the Polish blood...").
During World War I, Italy established two POW camps for soldiers of Polish nationality conscripted to the Austrian Army, who were then allowed to leave Italy and join the Polish Blue Army in France to fight for Polish independence. [71] The Italian government and people were friendly towards the Polish troops, [71] and Italian cities gifted banners to the newly formed Polish units in Italy.
Pope John Paul II also greatly contributed to a favourable opinion of the Polish people in Italy and in the Vatican during his pontificate. [72]
Tadeusz Kościuszko and Casimir Pulaski, who fought for the independence of the United States and Poland, are seen as the foundation of Polish-American relations. However, the United States began to be involved in Poland's struggle for sovereignty during two uprisings, which took place in the 19th century.
When the November Uprising started in 1830, there were very few Poles in the United States, but American views of Poland were shaped positively by their support for the American Revolution. Several young men offered their military services to fight for Poland, the most well-known of which was Edgar Allan Poe, who wrote a letter to his commanding officer on 10 March 1831 to join the Polish Army if it was created in France. Support for Poland was highest in the South, as Pulaski's death in Savannah, Georgia, was well-remembered and memorialized. The most famous landmark representing American Polonophilia of the time was Fort Pulaski in the State of Georgia.
Włodzimierz Bonawentura Krzyżanowski was another hero who fought at the Battle of Gettysburg and helped to repel the Louisiana Tigers. He was appointed the governor of Alabama, Georgia and served as administrator of Alaska Territory, a high distinction for a foreigner at the time. He had fled Poland after the failed 1848 Greater Poland Uprising.
Strong support for Poland and pro-Polish sentiment were also observed by US President Woodrow Wilson. In 1918, delivered his Fourteen Points as peace settlement to end World War I and stated in Point 13 that "an independent Polish state should be erected... with a free and secure access to the sea...". [73] [74]
US President Donald Trump also expressed his sentiment towards Poland and Polish history in his speech in Warsaw on 6 July 2017. Trump spoke highly of the spirit of the Polish for defending the freedom and the independence of the country several times at the speech, notably the unity of Poles against the oppression of communism. He applauded the Poles' prevailing spiritual determination and recalled the gathering of the Poles in 1979 with the famous chant "We want God". [75] Trump also made remarks on Polish economic success and policies towards migrants. [75]
The large Polish-American community maintains some traditional folk customs and contemporary observances, such as Dyngus Day and Pulaski Day, which became well known in American culture. It also includes the influence of Polish cuisine and the spread of famous specialties from Poland like pierogi, kielbasa, Kabana sausage and bagels. [76]
The history of Poland spans over a thousand years, from medieval tribes, Christianization and monarchy; through Poland's Golden Age, expansionism and becoming one of the largest European powers; to its collapse and partitions, two world wars, communism, and the restoration of democracy.
From 1795 to 1918, Poland was split between Prussia, the Habsburg monarchy, and Russia and had no independent existence. In 1795 the third and the last of the three 18th-century partitions of Poland ended the existence of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Nevertheless, events both within and outside the Polish lands kept hopes for restoration of Polish independence alive throughout the 19th century. Poland's geopolitical location on the Northern European Lowlands became especially important in a period when its expansionist neighbors, the Kingdom of Prussia and Imperial Russia, involved themselves intensely in European rivalries and alliances as modern nation-states took form over the entire continent.
The Bar Confederation was an association of Polish nobles (szlachta) formed at the fortress of Bar in Podolia, now part of Ukraine, in 1768 to defend the internal and external independence of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth against Russian political influence and against King Stanislaus II Augustus with Polish reformers, who were attempting to limit the power of the Commonwealth's wealthy magnates.
Congress Poland, Congress Kingdom of Poland, or Russian Poland, formally known as the Kingdom of Poland, was a polity created in 1815 by the Congress of Vienna as a semi-autonomous Polish state, a successor to Napoleon's Duchy of Warsaw. It was established when the French ceded a part of Polish territory to the Russian Empire following France's defeat in the Napoleonic Wars. In 1915, during World War I, it was replaced by the German-controlled nominal Regency Kingdom until Poland regained independence in 1918.
The Kościuszko Uprising, also known as the Polish Uprising of 1794, Second Polish War, Polish Campaign of 1794, and the Polish Revolution of 1794, was an uprising against the Russian and Prussian influence on Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, led by Tadeusz Kościuszko in Poland-Lithuania and the Prussian partition in 1794. It was a failed attempt to liberate the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth from external influence after the Second Partition of Poland (1793) and the creation of the Targowica Confederation.
The history of the Jews in Poland dates back at least 1,000 years. For centuries, Poland was home to the largest and most significant Ashkenazi Jewish community in the world. Poland was a principal center of Jewish culture, because of the long period of statutory religious tolerance and social autonomy which ended after the Partitions of Poland in the 18th century. During World War II there was a nearly complete genocidal destruction of the Polish Jewish community by Nazi Germany and its collaborators of various nationalities, during the German occupation of Poland between 1939 and 1945, called the Holocaust. Since the fall of communism in Poland, there has been a renewed interest in Jewish culture, featuring an annual Jewish Culture Festival, new study programs at Polish secondary schools and universities, and the opening of Warsaw's Museum of the History of Polish Jews.
Pułtusk is a town in northeast Poland, by the river Narew. Located 70 kilometres north of Warsaw in the Masovian Voivodeship, it has a population of 19,224 as of 2023. Known for its historic architecture and Europe's longest paved marketplace, it is a popular weekend destination for the residents of Warsaw.
During the Polish–Soviet War of 1919–1921, Soviet Russia and its client state, Soviet Ukraine, were in combat with the re-established Second Polish Republic and the newly established Ukrainian People's Republic. Both sides aimed to secure territory in the often disputed areas of the Kresy, in the context of the fluidity of borders in Central and Eastern Europe in the aftermath of World War I and the breakdown of the Austrian, German, and Russian Empires. The first clashes between the two sides occurred in February 1919, but full-scale war did not break out until the following year. Especially at first, neither Soviet Russia, embroiled in the Russian Civil War, nor Poland, still in the early stages of state re-building, were in a position to formulate and pursue clear and consistent war aims.
There were many resistance movements in partitioned Poland between 1795 and 1918. Although some of the szlachta was reconciled to the end of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1795, the possibility of Polish independence was kept alive by events within and without Poland throughout the 19th century. Poland's location on the North European Plain became especially significant in a period when its neighbours, the Kingdom of Prussia and Russia were intensely involved in European rivalries and alliances and modern nation states took form over the entire continent.
The Flying University was an underground educational enterprise that operated from 1885 to 1905 in Warsaw, the historic Polish capital, then under the control of the Russian Empire, and that was revived between 1977 and 1981 in the communist People's Republic of Poland. The purpose of this and similar institutions was to provide Polish youth with an opportunity for an education within the framework of traditional Polish scholarship when that collided with the ideology of the governing authorities. In the 19th century, such underground institutions were important in the national effort to resist Germanization under Prussian and Russification under Russian occupation. In the People's Republic of Poland, the Flying University provided educational opportunities outside government censorship and control of education.
For our freedom and yours (Polish: Za naszą i waszą wolność) is one of the unofficial mottos of Poland. It is commonly associated with the times when Polish soldiers, exiled from the partitioned Poland, fought in various independence movements all over the world. First seen during a patriotic demonstration to commemorate the Decembrists, held in Warsaw on January 25, 18311, it was most probably authored by Joachim Lelewel. The initial banner has the inscription in both Polish and Russian, and was meant to underline that the victory of Decembrists would also have meant liberty for Poland. The slogan got shorter with time; the original had the form 'In the name of God, for our freedom and yours' ('W imię Boga za Naszą i Waszą Wolność'). The original banner has been preserved in the collection of Muzeum Wojska Polskiego in Warsaw.
Official relations between Poland and the United States on a diplomatic level were initiated in 1919 after Poland had established itself as a republic after 123 years of being under foreign rule from the Partitions of Poland. However, ties with the United States date back to the 17th century, when the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth was one of Europe's largest powers, and many Poles immigrated to the Thirteen Colonies. During the American Revolutionary War, the Polish military commanders Tadeusz Kościuszko and Casimir Pułaski contributed greatly to the Patriot cause, with Kościuszko becoming a national hero in America. Since 1989, Polish–American relations have been strong and Poland is one of the chief European allies of the United States, being part of both NATO and the European Union. There is a strong cultural appreciation between the two nations (Polonophilia). According to the US Department of State, Poland remains a "stalwart ally" and "one of strongest Continental partners in fostering security and prosperity, throughout Europe and the world." Poland was also one of four participating countries in the American-led Iraq War coalition in 2003.
The Russian Partition, sometimes called Russian Poland, constituted the former territories of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth that were annexed by the Russian Empire in the course of late-18th-century Partitions of Poland. The Russian acquisition encompassed the largest share of Poland's population, living on 463,200 km2 of land constituting the eastern and central territory of the former commonwealth. The three partitions, which took place in 1772, 1793 and 1795, resulted in the complete loss of Poland's sovereignty, with its territory split between Russia, Prussia and Austria. The Napoleonic Wars saw significant parts of Prussia's and Austria's partitions reconstituted as the Duchy of Warsaw, most of which was then reconstituted as the Kingdom of Poland within the Russian Empire in 1815.
British–Polish relations are the bilateral relations between the countries of United Kingdom and Poland. Exchanges between the two countries date back to medieval times, when Britain and Poland, then one of Europe's largest countries, were linked by trade and diplomacy. As a result of the 18th-century Partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth by its neighbours, the number of Polish immigrants to Britain increased in the aftermath of two 19th-century uprisings which forced much of Poland's social and political elite into exile. A number of Polish exiles fought in the Crimean War on the British side.
Austria–Poland relations are foreign relations between Austria and Poland. The two nations have a very long historical relationship dating back several centuries, which has been complicated throughout most of their history.
Georgia–Poland relations refers to foreign relations between Georgia and Poland. Both nations enjoy close and historically friendly relations, rooted in similar experiences, solidarity and shared struggles against foreign imperialism, especially that of Russia.
While Poland did not exist as an independent state during World War I, its geographical position between the fighting powers meant that much fighting and terrific human and material losses occurred on the Polish lands between 1914 and 1918.
Italy–Poland relations are cultural and political relations between Italy and Poland. The strong historical ties between both countries, such as the Roman Catholic religion and common fights for independence, have caused many to call the relationship the Polish–Italian brotherhood. Italy has given full support to Poland's membership in the European Union and NATO.
The Polish question was the issue, in international politics, of the existence of Poland as an independent state. Raised soon after the partitions of Poland in the late 18th century, it became a question current in European and American diplomacy throughout the 19th and parts of the 20th centuries. Historian Norman Davies notes that the Polish question is the primary lens through which most histories of Europe discuss the history of Poland, and was one of the most common topics of European politics for close to two centuries. The Polish question was a major topic at all major European peace conferences: at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, at the Versailles Conference in 1919, and at the Yalta Conference and the Potsdam Conference in 1945. As Piotr Wandycz writes, "What to the Poles was the Polish cause, to the outside world was the Polish question."
The Provisional People's Government of the Republic of Poland, also known as the Government of Ignacy Daszyński, was established on 7 November 1918 in Lublin in the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria. It was a precursor government of a sovereign Poland following World War I. It proclaimed the creation of a constitutional republic with the right to parliamentary elections, nationalization of key industries, as well as social, labour, and land reforms. Prominent personalities of the provisional government included Stanisław Thugutt as Minister of Internal Affairs, Tomasz Arciszewski as Minister of Labour, as well as Col. Edward Rydz-Śmigły as the Minister of War and Supreme Commander of the Polish Armed Forces. Ignacy Daszyński became Prime Minister. The Provisional Government dissolved itself after several days when Józef Piłsudski became Head of State on 14 November 1918 in Warsaw.
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