Social Alliance (Poland)

Last updated
Social Alliance
Przymierze Społeczne
AbbreviationPS
Leaders
Founded27 June 1998 [1]
Dissolved23 September 2001 [2]
Headquarters Słupsk, Poland [3]
Membership (1998)65,000 [4]
Ideology
Political position Left-wing [6]
Members
Allies Democratic Left Alliance [7]
Polish Socialist Party [8]
Solidarność '80 [2]
Colors  Navy blue
  Green
SloganTogether we can do it
Polish: Razem damy radę
Balcerowicz－year's dud
Polish: Balcerowicz－bubel roku

The Social Alliance was an electoral coalition created for the 1998 Polish local elections. Formed on 27 June 1998, the Social Alliance included the Polish People's Party along with its smaller left-oriented party partners, such as the Labour Union, the National Party of Retirees and Pensioners, the Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland [9] and few members of Alliance of Democrats (Poland). The party represented the "independent left" that challenged the anti-communist and pro-communist dichotomy of Polish politics while maintaining a strongly leftist profile inspired by pre-WW2 socialist and agrarian movements. [5] It protested against the capitalist reforms carried out in Poland such as austerity, criticizing them for creating massive wealth inequality. [2] Nevertheless, the coalition cooperated with the post-communist Democratic Left Alliance as well as the Polish Socialist Party. [8]

Contents

Despite ideological disputes between coalition members, in particular between the Eurosceptic Samoobrona and the pro-EU Labour Union, as well as funding gap, the Social Alliance was well-received and achieved a good result. [10] With its anti-capitalist program, the coalition obtained 89 seats in provincial voivodeship sejmiks (12,04%) and 4,583 powiat and gmina councillor seats. Despite its success, the coalition was short-lived and was dissolved on the day of the 2001 Polish parliamentary election. [2] Nevertheless, the coalition is credited with successfully challenging the dichotomy of 1990s Polish politics, and became an inspiration for similar coalition concepts, such as the "Workers' and Peasants' Alliance" between Polish Socialist Party and Samoobrona, or an 'All-Agrarian Coalition' composed of Polish People's Party, Samoobrona and rural trade unions. [8]

History

The 1998 election

The coalition was officially formed on 27 June 1998, before the 1998 Polish local elections planned for the autumn. [11] It consisted of the Polish People's Party (PSL), the Labour Union (UP), Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (SPR) and the National Party of Retirees and Pensioners (KPEiR). Representatives of other formations, such as Alliance of Democrats, also ran on its lists. [2] In its manifesto, Przymierze Społeczne declared: 'Nothing will change in Poland if we do not counter the successive varieties of post-Solidarity and post-communist liberalism with an alliance of working people.' Labour Union leader Marek Pol indicated that the coalition aimed to represent, among others, those impoverished by capitalist transformation. Media polls at the time gave the coalition 8% support. [2]

Marek Pol argued that the formation of the coalition was necessary because the electoral law that was being prepared clearly favoured large groupings (i.e. the SLD and AWS), and according to Kalinowski of the PSL, one of the Social Alliance's main goals was to oppose the division of the political scene into post-Communist and post-Solidarity groupings and to establish an alternative for those who did not want to cast their votes for either the Democratic Left Alliance or the Solidarity Electoral Action. The agreement only concerned elections at the provincial level, but the local branches of the respective parties were advised to form similar alliances at the county and municipal levels. The coalition ran in the elections under the slogan "Together we can do it". The coalition members' conflicting stances on the European Union proved problematic for the party. [5]

In a pre-election CBOS poll, every second PSL supporter and a third of UP supporters declared support for the coalition. Amongst the more exotic candidates of the coalition where those of Samoobrona as well as the trade union Solidarity '80. Andrzej Lepper, the leader of Samoobrona, claimed: "There are no programme differences between us". However, the vice-president of the PSL, Marek Sawicki, protested this statement and pointed to programmatic differences between PSL and Samoobrona, stating: "The support in the local elections of the Social Alliance candidates by the farmers' union Samoobrona does not imply the Eurosceptic views of the PSL." Marek Pol also distanced himself from Samoobrona and Lepper: "The Labour Union is aware of the controversial nature of the candidate. We discussed this during the last Social Alliancecouncil meeting. However, since his person was supported by the PSL, I understand that it takes full responsibility for the fact that Mr Lepper will implement the programme of the Social Alliance". [2]

On the electoral lists of the Social Alliance, Samoobrona presented nearly 120 candidates, mostly for the West Pomeranian Voivodeship Sejmik. [12] The radically populist and aggressive style of campaigning of Samoobrona, known for its at times violent agrarian protests and trade union strikes, provided a great contrast to the moderate, well-established Polish People's Party as well as the social-democratic, "civil" Labour Union. However, both parties defended the presence of Samoobrona and its leader Andrzej Lepper in the coalition, arguing that it is preferable "that the participants of the radical agricultural protests get on the road to democratic procedures as soon as possible. Admittedly, he [Lepper] will not be an easy partner, but it is better to discuss with him in the assembly than on a blocked roadway". [13] Nevertheless, political magazine Polityka noted that Labour Union had been more supportive of agricultural protests as well as the economic proposals of the Polish People's Party and Samoobrona rather than its fellow social-democratic Democratic Left Alliance, thus acquiring a populist, agrarian image on its own. [14]

According to 1998 statistics, 450,000 fewer votes were cast for the Social Alliance than in the 1997 Polish parliamentary election for the PSL, UP and the KPEiR combined. [15] The press emphasised that it was mainly PSL that benefited from the coalition, while for the Labour Union, participation in the electoral bloc meant defeat. The coalition won a total of 4583 councillor seats out of a total of 63,765. [16] It won 89 provincial assembly councillor seats out of a total of 855. [17] [18] The Alliance won seats in all sejmiks; these were won mainly by representatives of the PSL. Andrzej Lepper was elected to the regional assembly of Zachodniopomorskie Voivodeship from the PS list. [19] In the assembly elections, the coalition came third behind AWS and SLD (and slightly ahead of UW) with a total of 12.04% of the vote. PS recorded the highest support, above 20%, in the Lubelskie and Świętokrzyskie voivodeships. [2]

Aftermath

After the elections, the PS declared an equal distance from AWS and SLD, claiming that it would not decide top-down who would be its coalition partner in local government. [20] However, in most assemblies the Alliance entered into a coalition with the SLD. The coalition established cooperation in nine provinces with the social-democratic SLD and in one province with the conservative AWS. [4] The coalition, although it achieved moderate success, was criticised by PSL politicians from the national-radical wing. Disappointment was expressed by the Labour Union, which argued against deepening cooperation with the PSL. [2]

Social Alliance was an unprecedented case of the PSL working together with much more radical Self-Defence, and there was speculation at the time about the possibility of a permanent alliance being formed on its basis, which in the long term could lead to the full unification of political structures representing Polish farmers and the rural population. However, this proposal failed as both parties started strongly competing with each other. In this situation, cooperation was limited to undertaking successive joint initiatives aimed at bringing together and working out common positions by the three largest agricultural trade unions; in June 1998, it was agreed that ZZR "Samoobrona" together with KZRKiOR and NSZZ "Solidarność" RI would work out a common position on the terms of Poland's accession to the European Union. [21]

The coalition is credited with contributing to Samoobrona's rise to relevance in the 2001 Polish parliamentary election. Samoobrona was a radical far-left agrarian socialist and Catholic socialist force that became a refugee for dissident wings of Polish United Workers' Party, such as national communists and also Maoists, with Polish Maoist groups being supportive of the party. Shortly before the 2001 Polish parliamentary election, there emerged a project of a "Workers' and Peasants' Alliance" combining Samoobrona and the Polish Socialist Party of Piotr Ikonowicz. More significantly, Samoobrona then gained informal support from the SLD, keen to weaken the PSL, which allowed Samoobrona to play the role of an informal SLD coalition partner in the Sejm and, after the 2002 local elections, also in the provincial assemblies. Although Lepper continued his lavish criticism on SLD politicians, he distinguished the liberal wing associated with Kwasniewski from the democratic socialist group headed by Miller and Oleksy. This allowed Samoobrona to attract a sizable group of left-wing activists, both at the central and local level. After 2001, Lepper went as far as announcing that Samoobrona would become the only party of the socialist left in Poland. [8]

The formation of Social Alliance and successful performance deepened ties between Samoobrona and the Polish People's Party, and led to their cooperation until the mid-2000s. Both parties coordinated their actions against the centre-right government of Jerzy Buzek (1997-2001). While Samoobrona organized roadblocks and massive farmer protests, the Polish People's Party used its Sejm presence to harshly criticize the cabinet and legitimatize the actions of Samoobrona. [22] After Samoobrona entered the Sejm for the first time in 2001, both the left-wing and right-wing blocs found cooperation with Samoobrona attractive. However, the party cast its lot with the left-wing camp. After a coalition cabinet of the social-democratic Left Democratic Alliance and Polish People's Party was formed, Samoobrona entered a confidence and supply agreement with it, displaying its post-communist alignment by supporting the cabinet's proposals to significantly limit the Lustration Act (which excluded former communist public servants from public offices), defund the anti-communist Institute of National Remembrance, and preserve the special privileges for the officers of the Communist Poland. This informal cooperation of Samoobrona with fellow left-wing parties was called "Self-Defence of Democratic Left” (Polish : Samoobrona Lewicy Demokratycznej) by the media. [23]

Social Alliance was considered a failed project for Labour Union, despite the satisfactory performance of the alliance. In December 1998, the Labour Union lost nine prominent politicians who deserted the party, who claimed that the Labour Union wants to compete with the Polish Socialist Party and abandoned its unique identity in favor of a "few parliamentary mandates". After the coalition, the party gradually abandoned its unique identity as an "outsider" laborist and socialist party in favor of approaching the post-communist SLD and moving closer towards it positions, such as pro-Europeanism. This prompted many left-wing nationalist members to leave the party, together with more radical members who protested forming a coalition with Democratic Left Alliance over its approval of privatization and capitalist reforms. [10]

Election results

Election year % of
vote		# of
overall seats won		+/–
1998 15.1 (#3)
89 / 855
Increase2.svg89

Ideology

The coalition was a combination of left-wing parties, and was staunchly left-wing in its program and outlook. [6] It combined the agrarianism of the PSL, laborism of the UP that was split between social democracy and democratic socialism, radical agrarian socialism of Samoobrona, and democratic, heavily welfare-oriented socialism of KPEiR. [2] The overarching goal of the coalition was to establish a third force that would arise above the seemingly impenetrable dichotomy of post-communist SLD and anti-communist AWS. The main electorate of the coalition were to be Polish farmers and rural population, [21] as well as the "losers" of neoliberal reforms that transitioned Poland to a capitalist economy - Balcerowicz Plan. [2]

Social Alliance protested the neoliberal reforms and austerity measures implemented in Poland after the downfall of communist Polish People's Republic, and heavily campaigned against them. The coalition argued that many Poles were left impoverished and destitute by the reforms, and even the few who gained from capitalist must "recognise that there are very many people living modestly in Poland". [2] Social Alliance stressed the need to bring a more humane system than capitalism and neoliberalism to Poland; the proposed system of the coalition was socialism, with strong agrarian and laborist overtones. It presented itself as above the post-communist and anti-communist blocs however, and instead evoked the socialist legacy of pre-WW2 Polish Socialist Party. [5]

The coalition heavily utilized endorsements of agrarian trade unions, which was made easy with the presence of both PSL and Samoobrona in the coalition. In its campaign, Social Alliance noted the disparity between the claims of continuous growth and development by neoliberal parties and the actual living conditions of most Poles, marked by persisting poverty and inequality. The coalition argued that the economy "must serve the people, and their success is to be measured by improvements in the living conditions of millions of citizens, not by the affluence of a narrow elite provided by liberals." It stated that its goal is to build a "just and equal Poland", where economic reforms will prioritize guaranteeing decent living conditions for all citizens. Members of the coalition also called for a new perspective on work, which is not to be considered "a common commodity, but a good that gives - in addition to a livelihood - dignity and a sense of security". The coalition also stated that the free market has failed to provide well-paid jobs to many citizens, and advocated restoring the socialist practice of jobs being funded and organized directly by the state for those in need. [24]

To accommodate all members of the coalition and carve out a unique identity that would set it apart from the two main forces competing in the election, Social Alliance presented an agricultural, rural ethos personified with the chant "Nation, Tradition, Land" (Polish : Naród, Tradycja, Ziemia) combined with feminist and anti-capitalist phraseology. To appeal to rural and poor voters, the coalition also stood out by the colloquial manners of its campaign, with one of its two main slogans being "Balcerowicz — dud of the year". Ultimately, Social Alliance sought to emphasize the agrarian character of PSL and Samoobrona, while presenting a syncretic social outlook that combined rural traditionalism and Catholicism with some progressive stances. [25]

The statements of the Social Alliance politicians were strongly emotive. With slogans such as "Together we can do it", "Serve no foreigners" and "Balcerowicz — dud of the year", it sought to evoke among their, largely poor, voters a sense of "ours", familiarity and emotional connectivity. The coalition portrayed the neoliberal and capitalist reforms carried out by previous governments as a heartless, pragmatic, pro-Western policy, with no regard for the ordinary people. The advertisements of the coalition were full of sentimentalism and presented idyllic, rural settings; however, it stopped short of showing nostalgia for the communist Polish People's Republic, given the Social Alliance's goal to present itself as the 'independent left' above the post-communist and anti-communist divide. [25]

However, there were clear ideological clashes between the coalition members on other matters. Labour Union was pro-European and protested the hard Euroscepticism of Samoobrona. [5] Samoobrona, a far-left socialist grouping, was strongly critical of Labour Union shortly before forming the coalition, denouncing it as "pure water liberals" pretending to be "defenders of working people". [8] Meanwhile, the Polish People's Party faced rebellion from its nationalist and conservative wings, whose representatives stated: "The Social Alliance is an artificial creation and should not exist. For a century we have had the words God, Honour, Homeland on our banners and we must not change that. An alliance with the Labour Union is an attack on our identity." Another split was on social issues, as the Labour Union was socially liberal and anti-clerical, whereas all other parties in the coalition (PSL, Samoobrona and KPEiR) were strongly supportive of the Catholic Church and Political Catholicism. [2]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)</span> Polish centre-left political party

The Democratic Left Alliance was a social-democratic political party in Poland. It was formed on 9 July 1991 as an electoral alliance of centre-left parties, and became a single party on 15 April 1999. It was the major coalition party in Poland between 1993 and 1997, and between 2001 and 2005, with four Prime ministers coming from the party: Józef Oleksy, Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz, Leszek Miller and Marek Belka. It then faded into opposition, overshadowed by the rise of Civic Platform and Law and Justice.

The Polish People's Party is an agrarian political party in Poland. It is currently led by Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz.

From 1989 through 1991, Poland engaged in a democratic transition which put an end to the Polish People's Republic and led to the foundation of a democratic government, known as the Third Polish Republic, following the First and Second Polish Republic. After ten years of democratic consolidation, Poland joined NATO in 1999 and the European Union on 1 May 2004.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland</span> Political party in Poland

The Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland is a socialist, populist, agrarian, and nationalist political party and trade union in Poland. The party promotes agrarian socialist and Catholic socialist economic policies combined with a left-wing populist, anti-globalization and anti-neoliberal rhetoric. The party describes itself as left-wing, although it stresses that it belongs to the "patriotic left" and follows Catholic social teaching. The party is sympathetic to Communist Poland, which led political scientists to label the party as neocommunist, post-communist, and far-left.

Poland has a multi-party political system. On the national level, Poland elects the head of state – the president – and a legislature. There are also various local elections, referendums and elections to the European Parliament.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">2005 Polish parliamentary election</span>

Parliamentary elections were held in Poland on 25 September 2005. All 460 members of the Sejm and 100 senators of the Senate were elected. The election resulted in a sweeping victory for two opposition parties: the right-wing, national-conservative Law and Justice (PiS) and the centre-right, liberal-conservative Civic Platform (PO). The incumbent centre-left government of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) was soundly defeated. PiS won 155 seats and PO 133, while the governing SLD was reduced to fourth place with 55 seats, behind Andrzej Lepper's Self-Defence party, which won 56 seats.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">League and Self-Defense</span> Political party in Poland

League and Self-Defense was a short-lived Polish political alliance between the left-wing populist Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland (Samoobrona) and the national conservative Christian right League of Polish Families (LPR) in July 2007. The alliance was directed against right-wing populist Law and Justice (PiS) that first formed a coalition with both parties, but then gradually marginalized them and shuffled away their ministers. The coalition was marked by mutual distrust as the parties had radically different outlooks, tied together by Euroscepticism, opposition to capitalism and aversion to PiS. The coalition was only polling 6%, and was dissolved by September 2007, shortly before the election. In the 2007 Polish parliamentary election, both LPR and Samoobrona failed to reach the 5% electoral threshold, losing all their 92 Sejm and 10 Senate seats. The downfall of both parties is considered to have been caused by PiS appropriating their political rhetoric.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Patriotic Self-Defence</span> Political party in Poland

Patriotic Self-Defence was a minor political party in Poland. The party was founded in September 2006 by former members of the Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland, who left the party following an argument with the leader of Self-Defence Andrzej Lepper. The party ran in the 2007 Polish parliamentary election, where it tried to take votes from their former party by using a similar name, logo and political program. Ultimately, the party's electoral lists were only accepted in one electoral district. The party won 0.02% of the nationwide vote. It disbanded in 2013.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">National Party of Retirees and Pensioners</span> Political party in Poland

National Party of Retirees and Pensioners is a minor left-wing political party in Poland. The main goal of KPEiR is protecting retired seniors, pensioners and trust-busting. The current leader is former Sejm Member Tomasz Mamiński.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Party of Regions (Poland)</span> Political party in Poland

The Party of Regions was a left-wing Polish non-parliamentary political party created in November 2007 and registered in February 2008. The Party of Regions was created by former members of Self-Defence and the Democratic Left Alliance after the parliamentary election in 2007, when Self-Defence support collapsed to far less than the 5% electoral threshold giving them no seats in the new legislature. Founders of the grouping included Krzysztof Filipek, Danuta Hojarska and Bolesław Borysiuk. For failure to disclose their financial records for the year 2015, they were struck off in early 2017.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">1998 Polish local elections</span>

The 1998 Polish local elections were held on October 11, 1998. The number of valid votes cast was 11,721,825, with 12,945,043 casting ballots out of 28,544,777 eligible voters. The turnout in the elections to the provincial assemblies was 45.35%, and the proportion of invalid votes cast was 9.06%.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Self-Defence Rebirth</span> Political party in Poland

Self-Defence Rebirth is a Polish political party founded by the former Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland activists. The party was founded by the former lawyer of Andrzej Lepper, Henryk Dzido, who split off from the main Self-Defence party following numerous scandals and the electoral collapse of Samoobrona. Self-Defence Rebirth was also created over concerns that Samoobrona might form a coalition with the right-wing League of Polish Families. Zbigniew Witaszek is one of the key activists of the new party. The party describes itself as Catholic socialist, agrarian socialist, Soft Eurosceptic and left-wing.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Peasants' Party (Poland)</span> Political party in Poland

Peasants' Party is a Polish political party founded by the former Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland activists in 2018. The party was registered in April 2018 by Krzysztof Filipek, a long-time vice-chairman of Samoobrona, who seceded from Samoobrona for the regionalist Party of Regions in 2007 before founding the Peasants' Party. The party includes former MPs and agrarian activists of Self-Defence such as Danuta Hojarska and Renata Beger. The party announced that it would not run independently in elections, and started cooperating with agrarian trade unions and sought coalitions with left-wing parties. In August 2018, the party entered an agreement with the left-wing Democratic Left Alliance to run on the party's electoral list.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">United Beyond Boundaries</span> Political party in Poland

United Beyond Boundaries, known as Action of Disappointed Retirees and Pensioners until 2022 is a Polish political party founded in 2018. The party was created in February 2018 and formally registered six months later, in August 2018. The leader of the party is Wojciech Kornowski, a prominent member and founder of the nationalist communist organisation Patriotic Union "Grunwald". Kornowski was briefly the leader of democratic socialist National Party of Retirees and Pensioners in May 2012, but seceded from the party to create his own pensioner-oriented party Pensioners' Party of the Republic of Poland, which then became the Action of Disappointed Retirees and Pensioners in 2018. Since 2022, the party also leads an electoral committee "United Beyond Divisions".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Edward Gierek's Economic Revival Movement</span> Political party in Poland

Edward Gierek's Economic Revival Movement is a Polish left-wing party with a communist programme, referring to the ideology and legacy of Edward Gierek, the First Secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party in the 1970s and 1980s. It was founded on 17 December 2004 and registered in March 2005 by Paweł Bożyk, who was one of Gierek's economic advisors. The largest regional structures of the party are located in Zagłębie and Warsaw. ROG advocates Poland's active participation in the European Union while having friendly relations with the East, and the cessation of activities within NATO. It called for the withdrawal of troops from Iraq.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Self-Defence Social Movement</span> Political party in Poland

Self-Defence Social Movement was a political faction within Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland and later an independent political party. Social Movement emerged as a political faction within SRP in early 2000s amongst the local activists of the party in Mazowsze. The faction placed particular emphasis on agrarianism and rural interests. It also fought for social justice and defended people against evictions. In 2006, Social Movement entered into conflict with party leader Andrzej Lepper over the party's electoral lists for the 2006 Polish local elections, which included many newcomers and non-members at expense of long-serving members of the party. The conflict came to a head when the leader of the faction Sławomir Izdebski demanded expulsions of Krzysztof Filipek from the party.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">People's National Movement (Poland)</span> Political party in Poland

People's National Movement was a parliamentary group in the 5th legislature (2005–2007) of Sejm of the Republic of Poland. It was founded on 22 September 2006 by former MPs of Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland and League of Polish Families and was a response to both parties distancing themselves from Law and Justice, which they considered breaking their coalition agreement with. The goal of the People's National Movement was to keep the coalition with Law and Justice at any cost.

Polish Reason of State was a minor Polish political party that was active between 2003 and 2005, with a parliamentary circle in the 4th Sejm that functioned between 2003 and 2004. Founded in September 2003 by former members of the Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland, the party was registered in late 2004 and was composed of four Samoobrona MPs that were expelled from the party on 23 July 2003. It was later joined by two former Samoobrona members that left the party prior to 2003.

The Alternative Social Movement was coalition of Polish political parties formed on 18 March 2001 in Warsaw for the 2001 Polish parliamentary election. The grouping was formed from a merger of Confederation of Independent Poland - Patriotic Camp led by Michał Janiszewski, Tomasz Karwowski, and Janina Kraus, together with a group of politicians originating from the Christian National Union (ZChN), including Henryk Goryszewski and Mariusz Olszewski. The coalition was also joined by the Free Trade Union 'August 80' Confederation, led by Daniel Podrzycki and Bogusław Ziętek. The Alternative Social Movement was registered as a political party, and its members mainly became the activists of August 80.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Social Movement of the Republic of Poland</span> Political party in Poland

Social Movement of the Republic of Poland is a Polish political party founded by the agricultural and farmer trade union All-Poland Alliance of Trade Unions of Farmers and Agricultural Organisations, which became known for farmer blockades and protests in winter 2015. It was headed by the leader of OPZZ RiOR Stanisław Izdebski, as well as a known socialist activist Piotr Ikonowicz. The party initially supported Paweł Kukiz, endorsing him in the 2015 Polish presidential election; it then formed and held its first party convention on 26 April 2015. The party was registered on 23 July, and distanced itself from Kukiz. It unsuccessfully attempted to organize a broad left-wing coalition for the 2015 Polish parliamentary election with minor socialist and left-wing parties. After the coalition talks failed, Social Movement ultimately ran independently in the election, but it only managed to gather enough signatures to register its electoral lists in three electoral districts. It won 3941 votes (0.03%) in the 2015 election. After the election, the party's activities were continued by the Social Justice Movement led by Ikonowicz.

References

  1. ↑ Sieklucki, Dominik (2007). Partie lewicy i centrolewicy w polskim systemie partyjnym: Aktywność SLD, PSL i UP na polskiej scenie politycznej (in Polish). Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. p. 150. ISBN   978-83-233-2241-2.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Syska, Michał (5 August 2019). "„Razem możemy więcej"". Krytyka Polityczna (in Polish).
  3. ↑ "Trójprzymierze" (PDF). Głos Pomorza (in Polish) (167): 1. 20 June 1998.
  4. 1 2 Tyrała, Marek (2014). Koalicje polityczne w Polsce w latach 1991-2011 (PDF) (in Polish). Katowice: Uniwersytet Śląski. pp. 146–147.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Sieklucki, Dominik (2007). Partie lewicy i centrolewicy w polskim systemie partyjnym: Aktywność SLD, PSL i UP na polskiej scenie politycznej (in Polish). Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. p. 156. ISBN   978-83-233-2241-2.
  6. 1 2 Zarycki, Tomasz; Kolankiewicz, George (2003). Regional Issues in Polish Politics. SSEES Occasional Papers. London: School of Slavonic and East European Studies. p. 247. ISBN   0903425718.
  7. ↑ Sieklucki, Dominik (2007). Partie lewicy i centrolewicy w polskim systemie partyjnym: Aktywność SLD, PSL i UP na polskiej scenie politycznej (in Polish). Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. p. 89. ISBN   978-83-233-2241-2.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 Tomasiewicz, Jarosław [in Polish] (2023). "Populiści w poszukiwaniu tożsamości – ideologiczne inspiracje Samoobrony (1991–2007)". Praktyka Teoretyczna (in Polish). 48 (2): 54–55. doi: 10.19195/prt.2023.2.2 .
  9. ↑ Kowalczy, Andrzej (2000). "Local Government in Poland" (PDF). Local Governments in Central and Eastern Europe. Budapest: Open Society Institute: 218–254. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-07-21.
  10. 1 2 Sieklucki, Dominik (2007). Partie lewicy i centrolewicy w polskim systemie partyjnym: Aktywność SLD, PSL i UP na polskiej scenie politycznej (in Polish). Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. p. 86. ISBN   978-83-233-2241-2.
  11. ↑ "Samorządowa koalicja PSL, UP i KPEiR". archiwum.rp.pl (in Polish). 29 June 1998. Retrieved 2022-02-10.
  12. ↑ Pellen, Cédric (2009). "Les manifestations paysannes polonaises de 1998-1999: Politisation, médiatisation et personnalisation d'une mobilisation contestataire". Dans Politix (in French). 22 (86). De Boeck Supérieur: 184. doi:10.3917/pox.086.0167. ISSN   0295-2319.
  13. ↑ Drozd-Piasecka, Mirosława (2001). "Andrzej Lepper - chłopski przywódca charyzmatyczny? Wizerunek medialny przewodniczącego „Samoobrony"". Etnografia Polska (in Polish). 45 (1–2): 54–55. ISSN   0071-1861.
  14. ↑ Janicki, Mariusz (9 February 2002). "Mniejszy brat". Polityka (in Polish).
  15. ↑ Janina Paradowska [in Polish] (19 December 1998). "Ciasto czteropartyjne". polityka.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 2022-02-10.
  16. ↑ Józef Ryszard Szaflik, Dzieje partii i stronnictw chłopskich w Europie. W podzielonej Europie, Akademia Humanistyczna im. Aleksandra Gieysztora, Pułtusk 2007, p. 505
  17. ↑ Dziś, nr 1, 2007, p. 147
  18. ↑ Halina Lisicka (red.), System polityczny Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Praca zbiorowa, Biuro Doradztwa Ekologicznego, Warszawa 2001, p. 55
  19. ↑ Maciej Łuczak; Ryszard Kamiński; Jacek Szczęsny (16 May 1999). "Prawo Leppera". wprost.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 2022-02-10.
  20. ↑ "Równy dystans do AWS i SLD". archiwum.rp.pl (in Polish). 31 October 1998. Retrieved 2022-02-10.
  21. 1 2 Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 73.
  22. ↑ Grabowski, Krzysztof (16 August 1998). "Rewolwerowiec. Benefis Andrzeja Leppera". Wprost (in Polish) (33): 23.
  23. ↑ Vlastimil Havlik; Anete Pinkova (2012). Populist Political Parties in East-Central Europe. Masaryk University Press. p. 182. ISBN   978-8021061057.
  24. ↑ "Wybierzmy ludzi mądrych: Przymierze Społeczne szansą dla młodzieży" (PDF). Życie Bytomskie (in Polish). 39 (2157): 17. 28 September 1998. ISSN   0239-2941.
  25. 1 2 Moch, Michał Aleksander (2001). "Perswazja - wartości - wybór. O języku kampanii samorządowej 1998 roku" (PDF). Poradnik Językowy (in Polish) (5). Bydgoszcz: 28–39.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.