Comparisons between Israel and Nazi Germany occur frequently in the political discourse of anti-Zionism.[1][2] Given the legacy of the Holocaust, the legitimacy of and intent behind these accusations are a matter of debate, particularly with regard to their potential nature as a manifestation of antisemitism. Historically, figures like British historian Arnold J. Toynbee have drawn parallels or alleged a relationship between Zionism and Nazism; British professor David Feldman suggests that these comparisons are often rhetorical tools without specific antisemitic intent. French philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy argues that such comparisons not only lack historical and moral equivalence, but also risk inciting anti-Jewish sentiment.[3]
According to American political scientist Ian Lustick, comparing the two countries is "a natural if unintended consequence of the immersion of Israeli Jews in Holocaust imagery."[4] Israeli-American historian Omer Bartov has drawn an analogy between the indoctrinated dehumanization of the adversary in the Germany army under Nazism and the attitudes displayed by young Israeli troops in the Israeli war in Gaza (2024).[5] A wide variety of political figures and governments, especially those on the left, have often invoked these comparisons, with the most prominent and influential example being that of Soviet anti-Zionism, which took root in response to Israel's integration with the First World in the aftermath of the 1967 Arab–Israeli War.[6] In the 21st century, politicians who have done so at least once include Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,[7] Brazilian president Lula da Silva,[8] Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez,[9] Colombian President Gustavo Petro,[10] and British parliamentarian David Ward.[11]
Just after the October 7, 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel, many instances of Holocaust inversion were reported on social media, "with the memory of the Holocaust weaponized".[12]
History
Comparisons between Zionism and Nazism predate the foundation of Israel in 1948. British Army officer and politician Edward Spears, who "best highlighted the Gentile use of the Zionist-Nazi analogy",[13] wrote that:
Political Zionism as it is manifested in Palestine today preaches very much the same doctrines as Hitler... Zionist policy in Palestine has many features similar to Nazi philosophy... the politics of Herrenvolk... the Nazi idea of Lebensraum, is also very in evidence in the Zionist philosophy... the training of youth is very similar under both organizations that have designed this one and the Nazi one.[14]
German-Jewish linguist and anti-fascist Victor Klemperer, who survived the Holocaust and chose not to move to Israel but stay in Germany after 1945, wrote in his LTI - Lingua Tertii Imperii (The Language of the Third Reich) that both Zionism and Nazism are essentially neo-Romantic nationalist ideologies. The components of this Romantic nationalism, according to Klemperer, are "the dethronement of reason, the animalization of man, the glorification of the idea of power, of the predator, of the blond beast ... and, most importantly, a strong biologization of the concept of a people, the belief in a "sacred mission" of a certain tribe or nation."[15][bettersourceneeded] Klemperer asserts that in the writings of both Adolf Hitler and Zionism's founder Theodor Herzl this Romantic nationalism is apparent:
The problem is that Hitler and Herzl feed to a very large extent on the same heritage. I have already identified the German root of Nazism, it is that partial, bigoted and perverted form of Romanticism. If I add Romanticism made kitschy, then I have defined exactly the intellectual and stylistic common ground between the two Führers. Herzl’s model, who is referred to lovingly on a number of occasions, is Wilhelm II.[16]
In 1948, Hannah Arendt, Albert Einstein and a number of other Jewish public figures signed an open letter which compared a Jewish political party to Nazism, writing that, "Among the most disturbing political phenomena of our times is the emergence in the newly created state of Israel of the 'Freedom Party' (Tnuat Haherut), a political party closely akin in its organization, methods, political philosophy, and social appeal to the Nazi and Fascist parties."[17][18]
English historian Arnold J. Toynbee believed that sinking back into the barbarity of Nazism was something that threatened not only Israel but the Western world generally. He described the contemporary Israeli "a Janus-figure, part American farmer technicians, part Nazi sicarius".[14] Comparing what Israel did to the Arabs, he considered that it was, morally but not statistically, worse than what Nazis did to Jews.[19][20] This formed part of his critique of Zionism. In the final volume of his A Study of History, Toynbee reconsidered his view that Zionism was like Nazism. He wrote that:
I think that, in the Zionist movement, Western Jews have assimilated gentile Western Civilization in the most unfortunate possible form. They have assimilated the West's nationalism and colonization. The seizure of the houses, lands, and property of the 900,000 Palestinian Arabs who are now refugees is on a moral level with the worst crimes and injustices committed, during the last four or five centuries, by gentile Western European conquerors and colonists overseas.'[21]
Toynbee sustained this viewpoint in the face of several critical responses, notably by Jacob Talmon and Eliezer Berkovits. Talmon argued that Toynbee's conclusion reflected his contempt for Western civilization's subjugation of so many peoples, about which Toynbee felt guilty and which he traced back to the idea of a Chosen people absorbed via Christianity from Judaism. Berkovitz argued Toynbee's loathing of Nazism as a caricature of the West betrays a tacit self-contempt, which carries over into his attitude to Zionism. Toynbee responded that there was some truth in both these observations, and while reaffirming his belief in the cogency of the analogy, admitted that, on reflection, his condemnation of Zionism's guilt in this regard was disproportionate.[22]
The Israeli philosopher Yeshayahu Leibowitz introduced the term "Judeo-Nazis". He argued that continued military occupation of the Palestinian territories would lead to the moral degradation of Israeli Defense Force (IDF), with individuals committing atrocities for state security interests.[23][24] In 1988, Holocaust survivor Yehuda Elkana warned that the tendency in Israel to see all potential threats as existential and all opponents as Nazis would lead to Nazi-like behavior by Jews.[25] During the First Intifada, Israeli-American historian Omer Bartov was enraged by Yitzhak Rabin's call to "break the bones" of Palestinians and wrote him a letter arguing that, based on Bartov's research, the IDF could be similarly brutalized as the German Army was during World War II.[26] One Israeli nationalist in a moshav told Amos Oz that he did not care if Israel was called a Judeo-Nazi state, it was "better [to be] a living Judeo-Nazi than a dead saint."[dubious–discuss][27] In 2018, Noam Chomsky cited Leibowitz, arguing that he was right in his prediction that the occupation was producing Judeo-Nazis.[dubious–discuss][28]
According to political scientist Ian Lustick, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania, such comparisons are "a natural if unintended consequence of the immersion of Israeli Jews in Holocaust imagery", and the term "Holocaust inversion" for Nazi comparisons is used by those who see the Holocaust as a template for Jewish life.[4][vague]
In the context of the Six-Day War, the administration of the Soviet Union compared Israeli tactics to those of Nazi Germany during the Second World War in official commentary.[6] After the victory of Likud in the 1977 Israeli legislative election, Holocaust metaphors began to be used by the Israeli right-wing to describe their left-wing opponents.[29] During the Israeli disengagement from Gaza, some settlers donned yellow stars to compare themselves to Holocaust victims, protesting the government's measures.[24] In 2016, Yair Golan, the Israeli general and deputy chief of staff of the IDF, sparked a controversy during a speech at Yom HaShoah. Golan stated:
If there is something that frightens me about the memory of the Holocaust, it is seeing the abhorrent processes that took place in Europe, and Germany in particular, some 70, 80 or 90 years ago, and finding manifestations of these processes here among us in 2016.[30]
These remarks were condemned by the prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.[30] Later, Golan retracted and said that he did not intend to compare Israel to Nazi Germany, releasing a statement in which he said "It is an absurd and baseless comparison and I had no intention whatsoever to draw any sort of parallel or to criticize the national leadership. The IDF is a moral army that respects the rules of engagement and protects human dignity."[31] He later again compared right wing Israeli politicians to Nazis, drawing criticism from the right in Israel.[32]
Debate on potentially antisemitic nature
This section needs expansionwith: more points of view, requires coverage from views that the comparison is not antisemitic. You can help by adding to itadding to it or making an edit request. (September 2024)
The subject of comparisons between Israel and Nazi Germany and whether or not such comparisons are antisemitic has received much commentary by academics worldwide who have studied history and politics,[33] including those who have deemed it to be a form of Holocaust trivialization called "Holocaust inversion" due to the potential implication it minimizes the scope of Nazi crimes.[34]
Deborah Lipstadt, the U.S. Special Envoy for Combating Antisemitism, has referred to comparisons between Nazi Germany and Israel as "soft-core" Holocaust denial, as contrasted with "hard-core" denial as practiced by David Irving, who sued Lipstadt in a celebrated legal case. She defines "soft-core denial" as "not denying the facts, but either inverting it so the victims become the perpetrators". She said in a 2009 interview that soft-core denial makes "a false comparison, and that dilutes what the Holocaust was. It’s a much more slippery kind of manifestation" than hard-core denial, she stated.[3]
According to Kenneth L. Marcus, the aim of those who employ Holocaust inversion is to "shock, silence, threaten, insulate, and legitimize. ... No one tells Holocaust survivors – or a nation of Holocaust survivors and their children – that they are Nazis without expecting to shock." Even when it is frequently used, the use of Holocaust inversion is still shocking, which facilitates its repeated use. He asserts that the tying together of Nazi motifs with Jewish conspiracy stereotypes has a chilling effect on Jewish supporters of Israel. He also says that by implying guilt, this discourse is threatening because it implies a required punishment. As this discourse is performed in the context of political criticism of Israel, it insulates those who use it from the resistance that most forms of racism face in post-World War II society. Finally, he states that inversion not only legitimizes anti-Israel activities but also legitimizes anti-Jewish activities that would otherwise be hard to conduct.[clarification needed] According to Bernard-Henri Lévy, this erodes societal safeguards,[35]
[...] a mass movement demanding the deaths of Jews will be unlikely to yell "Money Jews" or "They Killed Christ." [...] for such a movement to emerge, for people to feel once again [...] the right to burn all the synagogues they want, to attack boys wearing yarmulkes, to harass large number of rabbis [...] an entirely new discourse way of justifying it must emerge.
According to historian Bernard Lewis, the belief that the Nazis were no worse than Israel is has "brought welcome relief to many who had long borne a burden of guilt for the role which they, their families, their nations, or their churches had played in Hitler's crimes against the Jews, whether by participation or complicity, acquiescence or indifference."[34] In Austria, while overt antisemitism has been limited following the Holocaust, the Freedom Party of Austria is associated with using comparisons between Nazi Germany and Israel to delegitimize political opponents.[36]
According to Lustick, many Israelis are "already repelled by actions against Palestinians they cannot help but associate with Nazi persecution of Jews."[30] British scholar David Feldman argued that comparisons in relation to the 2014 Gaza War have not been motivated by a broader anti-Jewish subjectivity but by targeted criticism of Israeli policy in military actions.[37] The Working Definition of Antisemitism, which was adopted by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, the U.S. Department of State, and other organizations, has offered several examples in which criticism of Israel may be antisemitic, including "drawing comparison of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis."[38] This definition is controversial because of concerns that it could be seen as defining legitimate criticisms of Israel as antisemitic and has been used to censor pro-Palestinian activism. Alternative definitions such as the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism have been proposed.[39]
Critics of such comparisons like Lesley Klaff and Bernard-Henri Lévy argue that such comparisons not only lack historical and moral equivalence but also risk inciting anti-Jewish sentiment.[34][11] Klaff also see equating Israel with Nazis as a form of incitement and racial aggravation against Jews.[11] According to genocide researcher Eyal Levin, Holocaust Inversion is becoming part of the iconography of a new antisemitism. This phenomenon, according to Levin, has spread globally, particularly in the Arab and Muslim world and also become prevalent in Western Europe and America, often appearing in what he considers anti-Israel demonstrations and media portrayals.[40]
The deepest source of anti-Israel animus is the symbolization of the Jew as embodiment of evil. The satanic Jew has been replaced by the satanic Jewish state [...] The end of the post-Holocaust era is expressed most starkly in the inversion of the Holocaust [...] The Jew-as-Nazi is the endpoint of political supersessionism:[42] Not only have we forfeited our identity as "Israel," but we've assumed the identity of our worst enemy.
In the first three weeks after October 7, 2023, the Indiana University Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism reported many instances of Holocaust inversion on social media "with the memory of the Holocaust weaponized".[12] On the November 2024 anniversary of Kristallnacht, the only glatt kosher restaurant in the U.S capital, Washington D.C., was vandalized by breaking glass. Kristallnacht, the Nazi-ordered night of antisemitic attacks on Jewish homes, synagogues and businesses, was known as the ‘night of the broken glass”.[43]
In the 21st century
"Israeli soldiers are just following orders" by Carlos Latuff.
Israel
In 2024, Israeli-American Holocaust historian Omer Bartov spoke with Israelis who had fought in Gaza and compared their attitudes to those he had found in his research on German soldiers during World War II:
Having internalised certain views of the enemy – the Bolsheviks as Untermenschen; Hamas as human animals – and of the wider population as less than human and undeserving of rights, soldiers observing or perpetrating atrocities tend to ascribe them not to their own military, or to themselves, but to the enemy.[44]
United Kingdom
In the United Kingdom, erstwhile Member of Parliament for Bradford East, the Liberal Democrat politician David Ward, created controversy after signing the ceremonial Book of Remembrance in the Houses of Parliament on Holocaust Memorial Day, with him writing: "I am saddened that the Jews, who suffered unbelievable levels of persecution during the Holocaust, could within a few years of liberation from the death camps be inflicting atrocities on Palestinians in the new state of Israel and continue to do so on a daily basis in the West Bank and Gaza." He later said that "a huge operation out there" had distorted what he meant.[11] As a result of the scrutiny over the January 2013 controversy, the Liberal Democrats' leadership threatened Ward with formal disciplinary action over his arguments.[45]
Roger Waters of the British rock band Pink Floyd has repeatedly compared Israel to Nazi Germany. In a 2013 interview with Counter Punch, he accused "the Jewish lobby" of being very powerful in the United States and said, "There were many people that pretended that the oppression of the Jews was not going on. From 1933 until 1946. So this is not a new scenario. Except that this time it’s the Palestinian People being murdered."[46] American rabbi and writer Shmuley Boteach regarded this comparison as antisemitic, writing in The Observer, "Mr. Waters, the Nazis were a genocidal regime that murdered 6 million Jews. That you would have the audacity to compare Jews to monsters who murdered them shows you have no decency, you have no heart, you have no soul."[47] In a 2017 hour-long video live chat on Facebook, Waters again compared Israel to Nazi Germany.[48]
In August 2022, the President of the State of Palestine, Mahmoud Abbas, accused Israel of having committed "50 Holocausts" during a visit to Berlin, Germany. Abbas had responded to a reporter's question about the upcoming 50th anniversary of the 1972 Munich massacre committed by the internationally active Palestinian militant group Black September, who were at that time affiliated with Abbas' Fatah Party. When asked if he intended to apologize for the attack, Abbas responded by listing allegations of atrocities committed by Israel. Olaf Scholz, the Chancellor of Germany, grimaced at the use of the word "Holocausts" but said nothing. Scholz condemned the remarks later. He asserted, "Especially for us Germans, any relativization of the Holocaust is unbearable and unacceptable". The German publication Bild labeled the incident as antisemitic.[50][51] In response, Abbas said that his answer was not intended to deny the singularity of the Holocaust, which he stated that he condemned in the strongest terms, but that he had intended to discuss the "crimes and massacres committed against the Palestinian people since the Nakba at the hands of the Israeli forces" in his view.[52]
Tunisia
In 2023, Tunisian President Kais Saed said, "While Tunisians protected Jews during the Holocaust, today elderly women and children are being bombed in Gaza."[53][54] Rabbi Pinchas Goldschmidt, president of the Conference of European Rabbis, said such remarks incited hate against Tunisian Jews.[55]
Brazil
On 18 February 2024, the President of Brazil Lula da Silva stirred up controversy due to his statement comparing the actions of Israel in the Israel–Hamas war to the Holocaust.[8]
Antisemitism or Jew-hatred is hostility to, prejudice towards, or discrimination against, Jews. This sentiment is a form of racism, and a person who harbours it is called an antisemite. Primarily, antisemitic tendencies may be motivated by negative sentiment towards Jews as a people or by negative sentiment towards Jews with regard to Judaism. In the former case, usually presented as racial antisemitism, a person's hostility is driven by the belief that Jews constitute a distinct race with inherent traits or characteristics that are repulsive or inferior to the preferred traits or characteristics within that person's society. In the latter case, known as religious antisemitism, a person's hostility is driven by their religion's perception of Jews and Judaism, typically encompassing doctrines of supersession that expect or demand Jews to turn away from Judaism and submit to the religion presenting itself as Judaism's successor faith—this is a common theme within the other Abrahamic religions. The development of racial and religious antisemitism has historically been encouraged by the concept of anti-Judaism, which is distinct from antisemitism itself.
Soviet anti-Zionism is an anti-Zionist and pro-Arab doctrine promulgated in the Soviet Union during the Cold War. While the Soviet Union initially pursued a pro-Zionist policy after World War II due to its perception that the Jewish state would be socialist and pro-Soviet, its outlook on the Arab–Israeli conflict changed as Israel began to develop a close relationship with the United States and aligned itself with the Western Bloc.
New antisemitism is the concept that a new form of antisemitism developed in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, typically manifesting itself as anti-Zionism. The concept is included in some definitions of antisemitism, such as the working definition of antisemitism and the 3D test of antisemitism. The concept dates to the early 1970s.
Carlos Latuff is a Brazilian political cartoonist. His work deals with themes such as anti-Western sentiment, anti-capitalism, and opposition to U.S. military intervention in foreign countries. He is best-known for his images depicting the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the Arab Spring.
The terms "self-hating Jew", "self-loathing Jew", and "auto-antisemite" are pejorative terms used to describe Jewish people whose viewpoints, especially favoring Jewish assimilation, Jewish secularism, limousine liberalism, or anti-Judaism are perceived as reflecting self-hatred.
Nazi analogies or Nazi comparisons are any comparisons or parallels which are related to Nazism or Nazi Germany, which often reference Adolf Hitler, Joseph Goebbels, the SS, or the Holocaust. Despite criticism, such comparisons have been employed for a wide variety of reasons since Hitler's rise to power. Some Nazi comparisons are logical fallacies, such as reductio ad Hitlerum. Godwin's law asserts that a Nazi analogy is increasingly likely the longer an internet discussion continues; Mike Godwin also stated that not all Nazi comparisons are invalid.
Antisemitic tropes, also known as antisemitic canards or antisemitic libels, are "sensational reports, misrepresentations or fabrications" about Jews as an ethnicity or Judaism as a religion.
Anti-Zionism is opposition to Zionism. Although anti-Zionism is a heterogeneous phenomenon, all its proponents agree that the creation of the modern State of Israel, and the movement to create a sovereign Jewish state in the region of Palestine—a region partly coinciding with the biblical Land of Israel—was flawed or unjust in some way.
Antisemitic incidents escalated worldwide in frequency and intensity during the Gaza War, and were widely considered to be a wave of reprisal attacks in response to the conflict.
Hajo Meyer was a German-born Dutch physicist, Holocaust survivor and political activist. While primarily known for his public commentaries in terms of the European Jewish community, he is also noted for his work directing the facility Philips Natuurkundig Laboratorium for many years. In this capacity Meyer played a role in developing the ASML wafer stepper, a photolithography machine used in the production of integrated circuits (ICs) on silicon wafers.
Racism in the Palestinian territories encompasses all forms and manifestations of racism experienced in the Palestinian Territories, of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, irrespective of the religion, colour, creed, or ethnic origin of the perpetrator and victim, or their citizenship, residency, or visitor status. It may refer to Jewish settler attitudes regarding Palestinians as well as Palestinian attitudes to Jews and the settlement enterprise undertaken in their name.
Criticism of Israel is a subject of journalistic and scholarly commentary and research within the scope of international relations theory, expressed in terms of political science. Israel has faced international criticism since its establishment in 1948 relating to a variety of issues, many of which are centered around human rights violations in its occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
This timeline of anti-Zionism chronicles the history of anti-Zionism, including events in the history of anti-Zionist thought.
Belgium is a European country with a Jewish population of approximately 35,000 out of a total population of about 11.4 million. It is among the countries experiencing an increase in both antisemitic attitudes and in physical attacks on Jews.
The Holocaust and the Nakba have been regarded as interrelated events in discussions of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, both historically and in the way these two tragedies have influenced perceptions of the conflict by both parties. In Israel, all Israeli Jews are considered survivors of the Holocaust who must implement the imperative of never again in regards to being a Jewish victim. The uniqueness of the Holocaust is emphasized and linkage between it and the Nakba is often rejected. The 2018 book The Holocaust and the Nakba argues that "unless we can hold these two moments in our hearts and minds as part of the same story, there can be no moving forward in the seemingly unmovable conflict that is Israel-Palestine".
Anti-antisemitism is opposition to antisemitism or prejudice against Jews, and just like the history of antisemitism, the history of anti-antisemitism is long and multifaceted. According to historian Omer Bartov, political controversies around antisemitism involve "those who see the world through an antisemitic prism, for whom everything that has gone wrong with the world, or with their personal lives, is the fault of the Jews; and those who see the world through an anti-antisemitic prism, for whom every critical observation of Jews as individuals or as a community, or, most crucially, of the state of Israel, is inherently antisemitic". It is disputed whether or not anti-antisemitism is synonymous with philosemitism, but anti-antisemitism often includes the "imaginary and symbolic idealization of ‘the Jew’" which is similar to philosemitism.
Zionist antisemitism or antisemitic Zionism refers to a phenomenon in which antisemites express support for Zionism and the State of Israel. In some cases, this support may be promoted for explicitly antisemitic reasons. Historically, this type of antisemitism has been most notable among Christian Zionists, who may perpetrate religious antisemitism while being outspoken in their support for Jewish sovereignty in Israel due to their interpretation of Christian eschatology. Similarly, people who identify with the political far-right, particularly in Europe and the United States, may support the Zionist movement because they seek to expel Jews from their country and see Zionism as the least complicated method of achieving this goal and satisfying their racial antisemitism.
Zionist as a pejorative or Zio is a term commonly used by "anti-Zionists" as described by academics, political parties and civil rights organizations as antisemitic, including but not limited to the American Jewish Committee (AJC), Anti-Defamation League (ADL), the British Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats.
The exploitation of accusations of antisemitism, especially to counter anti-Zionism and criticism of Israel, may be described as weaponization of antisemitism, instrumentalization of antisemitism, or playing the antisemitism card. Bad-faith accusations against Israel's critics have been called a form of smear tactics. Some writers have compared them to playing the race card.
Anti-antisemitism in Germany is the German state's institutionalised opposition to antisemitism, in acknowledgement of German history and the murder of some six million Jews by the Nazi regime in the Holocaust. Anti-antisemitism has been described as "a defining marker of post-war German identity" and a commitment to supporting Israel is considered a "Staatsräson", a fundamental principle guiding the German state's actions. Following the 2015 European migrant crisis, the German federal government and most of Germany's states set up commissioners for fighting antisemitism. Controversially, the German government officially classifies the following as antisemitic: the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement, the accusation that Israel is committing the crime of apartheid against Palestinians, and the depiction of Israel as a colonial or settler-colonial entity. Many of those arrested and cancelled in Germany over allegations of antisemitism have been Jews critical of Israel's policies.
1 2 Druks, Herbert (2001). The Uncertain Alliance: The U.S. and Israel from Kennedy to the Peace Process. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp.50–51. ISBN9780313314247.
↑ Dow Jones Newswires reported that, on August 10, while giving a speech in eastern Venezuela, Chávez said Venezuelans are "making a call to world leaders, for the love of God, let's halt this crazy fascist aggression against innocent people. Are we human or what are we?... I feel indignation for Israel's assault on the Palestinian people and the Lebanese people. They dropped bombs on shelters. ... It's a Holocaust that is occurring there." - Venezuela President Asks International Leaders To Halt Israeli Offensive.[permanent dead link] Dow Jones Newswire, Morning Star, August 10, 2006.
↑ Feldhay, Rivka (2013). "The Fragile Boundary between the Political and the Academic". Israel Studies Review. 28 (1): 1–7. doi:10.3167/isr.2013.280102.
1 2 Elkad-Lehman, Ilana (2020). "'Judeo-Nazis? Don't talk like this in my house' voicing traumas in a graphic novel – an intertextual analysis". Israel Affairs. 26 (1): 59–79. doi:10.1080/13537121.2020.1697072. S2CID212958444.
↑ Oz, Amos (1983). ""Better a Living Judeo-Nazi Than a Dead Saint"". Journal of Palestine Studies. 12 (3): 202–209. doi:10.2307/2536162. JSTOR2536162. '"As far as I am concerned, you can give the State of Israel any name you wish. You can call it a Judeo-Nazi state, as did Leibowitz. Why not? As the saying goes - better a living Judeo-Nazi than a dead saint. I don't care if I am a Qadhafi. I am not after admiration from the Gentiles. I don't need their love. I don't need love from Jews like you, either. I have to live. And I intend that my children shall live as well- with or without the blessing of the Pope and the other religious leaders from the New York Times. I shall destroy anyone who raises a hand against my children - I shall destroy him and his children, with or without the famous purity of arms, and I don't care if he is Christian, Muslim, Jewish or pagan. History shows us that he who won't kill is killed by others. This is an iron law.'
↑ Stoegner, Karin (2016). "'We are the new Jews!' and 'The Jewish Lobby'–antisemitism and the construction of a national identity by the Austrian Freedom Party". Nations and Nationalism22 (3): 484–504.
↑ Lewin, Eyal (2017). Blaming the Jews for Acting like Nazis: The Rhetoric of Holocaust Inversion.
↑ Yossi Klein Halevi (October 10, 2024). "The End of the Post-Holocaust Era". Jewish Journal. Retrieved October 14, 2024. Oct. 7 shattered Israelis' faith that the state would protect them and shook American Jewry's sense of full social acceptance – but there is a way forward.
Bartov, Omer (2018). "National Narratives of Suffering and Victimhood: Methods and Ethics of Telling the Past as Personal Political History". The Holocaust and the Nakba. Columbia University Press. ISBN978-0-231-54448-1.
Steir-Livny, Liat (2019). "'Kristallnacht in Tel Aviv': Nazi Associations in the Contemporary Israeli Socio-Political Debate". New Perspectives on Kristallnacht: After 80 Years, the Nazi Pogrom in Global Comparison. Purdue University Press. ISBN978-1-61249-616-0.
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![22 October 2023: Pro-Palestinian demonstrators in Columbus, Ohio, displaying a poster that reads "Isreal [sic] are the new Nazis" amidst Israel-Hamas war protests in the United States. All Out for Gaza - IMG 7000-(60,8022) (53277447264).jpg](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/12/All_Out_for_Gaza_-_IMG_7000-%2860%2C8022%29_%2853277447264%29.jpg/220px-All_Out_for_Gaza_-_IMG_7000-%2860%2C8022%29_%2853277447264%29.jpg)
