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There are several points of dispute over the ethnic and linguistic identity of several communities in Montenegro, some of them related to identity of people who self-identify as ethnic Montenegrins, while some other identity issues are also related to communities of Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and ethnic Muslims. All of those issues are mutually interconnected and highly politicized.
The central issue is whether self-identified Montenegrins constitute a distinct ethnic group or a subgroup of some other nation, as often claimed by self-identified Serbs. This divide has its historical roots in the first decades of the 20th century, during which the pivotal political issue was the dilemma between retaining national sovereignty of Montenegro, advocated by supporters of the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty, most notably Greens, i.e. members of the True People's Party, and supporters of integration with the Kingdom of Serbia, and consequently with other South Slavic peoples under the Karađorđević dynasty, advocated by the Whites (gathered around the People's Party). This dispute renewed during the dissolution of Yugoslavia and subsequent secession of Montenegro from the state union with Serbia after the 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum. According to the 2011 census data, 44.98% of people in Montenegro identify as ethnic Montenegrins, while 28.73% declare as ethnic Serbs; 42.88% said they spoke "Serbian" whereas 36.97% declared "Montenegrin" as their native language.
There are generally two variants of nationalism in Montenegro, pro-Montenegrin and pro-Serb. [1]
Metropolitan Danilo I (r. 1696–1735) called himself "Duke of the Serb land". [2] Metropolitan Sava Petrović called his people, the Montenegrins, the "Serbian nation" (1766). [3] Petar I Petrović-Njegoš (r. 1784–1830) was the conceiver of a plan to form a new Slavo-Serbian Empire by joining Bay of Kotor, Dubrovnik, Dalmatia, Herzegovina to Montenegro and some of the highland neighbours (1807), [4] he also wrote "The Russian Czar would be recognized as the Tsar of the Serbs and the Metropolitan of Montenegro would be his assistant. The leading role in the restoration of the Serbian Empire belongs to Montenegro."[ citation needed ]
In the late 19th century Montenegro's aspirations mirrored that of Serbia — unification and independence of Serb-inhabited lands. [5] Njegoš (r. 1830–1851), regarded the greatest Montenegrin poet, was a leading Serb figure and instrumental in codifying the Kosovo Myth as the central theme of the Serbian national movement. [5] The Petrović-Njegoš dynasty tried to take the role as the Serb leader and unifier, but Montenegro's small size and weak economy led to the recognition of the primacy of the Karađorđević dynasty (in Serbia) in this respect. [5] Although Montenegrins espoused a Serb identity, they were also proud of their state, especially in the Cetinje area, the capital of the Kingdom of Montenegro. [5] The sense of distinct statehood bred an autonomist sentiment in part of the Montenegrin population following the unification with Serbia (and dissolution of Montenegro) in 1918. [5]
During the First World War, a controversy over ethnic identity of Montenegrins was sparked by lawyer Ivo Pilar who claimed that during the early medieval times, territory of modern-day Montenegro belonged to Red Croatia, developing from that a theory of Croatian ethnic origin of Montenegrins. After the war, that theory was accepted and developed by Savić Marković Štedimlija, who claimed that Montenegrins were in fact a branch of Croatian people. [6]
It has been argued by some that there was no separate Montenegrin nation before 1945; they claim that the language, history, religion and culture of Montenegro were considered unquestionably Serbian. [7] Josef Korbel stated, in 1951, that "The Montenegrins proudly called themselves Serbs, and even today it would be difficult to find people of the older generations who would say they are Montenegrin. Only young Communists accept and propagate the theory of a Montenegrin nation." [8]
The Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ, 1942–45) recognized five constituent peoples of Yugoslavia: Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians and Montenegrins. [9]
Until the 1990s, most of the Montenegrins defined themselves as both Serbs and Montenegrins. [10] The vast majority of Montenegrins declared themselves as Montenegrins in the 1971–1991 censuses because they were citizens of the Socialist Republic of Montenegro. [10] The 1992 Montenegrin independence referendum, which Montenegrin separatists boycotted, saw 96% in favour of Montenegro remaining a part of rump Yugoslavia (FR Yugoslavia – Serbia and Montenegro). [11] Until 1996, a 'pro-Serbian consensus predominated in Montenegrin politics'. [12]
As Montenegro began to seek independence from Serbia with the Đukanović–Milošević split after the Yugoslav Wars, the Montenegrin nationalist movement emphasized the difference between the Montenegrin and Serbian identities and that the term "Montenegrin" never implied belonging to the wider Serb identity. [10] The people had to make a choice whether they supported Montenegrin independence – the choosing of identity seems to have been based on their stance on independence. [10] Now, those who supported independence redefined the Montenegrin identity as a separate identity (unlike the previous overlapping Montenegrin/Serbian identity espoused by the later rulers from the Montenegrin Petrović-Njegoš dynasty), while those who supported federation with Serbia increasingly insisted on their Serb identity. [10]
According to historian Srdja Pavlović, the Montenegrins preserved the sense of their political and cultural distinctiveness with regard to the other South Slavic groups and continuously reaffirmed it through history. According to Pavlović, the notion of Serbdom was understood by Montenegrins to be their belonging to the Eastern Orthodox faith and to Christianity in general, as well as the larger South Slavic context. They incorporated this idea in the building blocks of their national individuality. Because it was understood as the ideology of a constant struggle, this Montenegrin Serbdom did not stand in opposition to a distinct character of Montenegrin national identity. Rather it was used as a tool of pragmatic politics in order to achieve the final goal. Montenegrins used the terms Serbs and Serbdom whenever they referred to South Slavic elements rallied in an anti-Ottoman coalition and around Christian Cross. Whenever they referred to particular elements of their social structure and their political system, they used the term Montenegrin. [13] [ page needed ][ failed verification ]
The pro-Yugoslav (unionist) side, headed by Momir Bulatović, stressed that Serbians and Montenegrins shared the same ethnicity (as Serbs) and evoked 'the unbreakable unity of Serbia and Montenegro, of one people and one flesh and blood'. [14] Bulatović promoted an exclusive Serb identity for the majority Orthodox population. [14]
There is an ongoing historical revisionism in Montenegro, where Montenegrin identity is promoted with the "Duklja (Doclean) narrative" as founding myth. [15]
Year | Total | Serbian or Serbo-Croatian language | % | Area | Note |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1909 | 317,856 | ~95% | Principality of Montenegro | According exclusively to language. | |
1921 | 199,227 | 181,989 | 91.3% | Andrijevica, Bar, Kolasin, Niksic, Podgorica and Cetinje counties of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (which are categorized in official statistics as Montenegro) | According to language: Serbo-Croatian |
Year | Total | Serbs | % | Montenegrins | % | Area | Note |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1948 | 377,189 | 6,707 | 1.78 | 342,009 | 90.67 | People's Republic of Montenegro (part of FPR Yugoslavia) | First census in Yugoslavia |
1953 | 419,873 | 13,864 | 3.3 | 363,686 | 86.61 | People's Republic of Montenegro (part of FPR Yugoslavia) | |
1961 | 471,894 | 14,087 | 2.99 | 383,988 | 81.37 | People's Republic of Montenegro (part of FPR Yugoslavia) | |
1971 | 529,604 | 39,512 | 7.46 | 355,632 | 67.15 | Socialist Republic of Montenegro (part of SFR Yugoslavia) | |
1981 | 584,310 | 19,407 | 3.32 | 400,488 | 68.54 | Socialist Republic of Montenegro (part of SFR Yugoslavia) | |
1991 | 615,035 | 54,453 | 9.34 | 380,467 | 61.86 | Socialist Republic of Montenegro (part of SFR Yugoslavia) | Last census in Yugoslavia |
2003 | 620,145 | 198,414 | 31.99 | 267,669 | 43.16 | Montenegro as part of Serbia and Montenegro | First census after breakup of Yugoslavia. |
2011 | 620,029 | 178,110 | 28.73 | 278,865 | 44.98 | Independent Montenegro | First census as independent state. |
Petar II Petrović-Njegoš, commonly referred to simply as Njegoš (Његош), was a Prince-Bishop (vladika) of Montenegro, poet and philosopher whose works are widely considered some of the most important in Montenegrian and Serbian literature.
Montenegrins are a South Slavic ethnic group that share a common ancestry, culture, history, and language, identified with the country of Montenegro.
Montenegrin is a normative variety of the Serbo-Croatian language mainly used by Montenegrins and is the official language of Montenegro. Montenegrin is based on the most widespread dialect of Serbo-Croatian, Shtokavian, more specifically on Eastern Herzegovinian, which is also the basis of Standard Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnian.
Nicholas, Prince of Montenegro is a French-born architect and the Head of the House of Petrović-Njegoš, which reigned over Montenegro from 1696 to 1766 and again from 1782 to 1918.
Onamo 'namo! is a patriotic song written by Prince Nicholas of Montenegro and first published in the Novi Sad-based Serbian-language literary journal Danica in 1867. Its melody can be attributed either to the Slovene composer Davorin Jenko or the Czech chaplain František Wimmer, the conductor of the Royal Montenegrin Army's military band.
Sava Petrović was the Metropolitan of Cetinje between 1735 and 1781, ruling what is known in historiography as the Prince-Bishopric of Montenegro; the polity in the hands of the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty. He succeeded his relative Danilo I as Metropolitan in 1735, having served as Danilo's coadjutor since the 1719, when he was consecrated by Serbian Patriarch Mojsije I.
Vasilije Petrović was the metropolitan bishop of Cetinje, ruling with Sava Petrović, his cousin. He was author of the History of Montenegro, published in 1754.
The Mountain Wreath is a poem and a play written by Prince-Bishop and poet Petar II Petrović-Njegoš.
The Great People's Assembly of the Serb People in Montenegro, commonly known as the Podgorica Assembly, was an ad hoc popular assembly convened in November 1918, after the end of World War I in the Kingdom of Montenegro. The assembly was organized by a committee supported by and coordinating with the government of the Kingdom of Serbia. The committee convened the assembly with the aim of facilitating an unconditional union of Montenegro and Serbia and removing king Nikola I of Montenegro from the throne. The unification preceded establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a unified state of South Slavs by mere days. The unification was justified by the need to establish a single Serbian state for all Serbs, including Montenegro whose population as well as its king felt that it belonged to the Serbian nation and largely supported the unification.
The Greens were a group of loyalists of King Nikola of Montenegro. They originated from the members of the True People's Party and were most notable for instigating the Christmas Uprising of 1919. The rebellion was staged in an attempt to prevent the dethroning of the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty and the subsequent integration of Montenegro into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The Greens were supporters of the House of Petrović-Njegoš, which once the house was dethroned after World War I, led the Greens to fight for the establishment of Montenegro as a province within the Yugoslav kingdom. Following their defeat in the Christmas Rebellion, the Greens continued on with their guerrilla warfare until 1929. The motto of the movement was "For the Right, Honour and Freedom of Montenegro".
Nicholas Petanovich, born Nikola Petanović, also known under the alias Naiad, was an American Montenegrin emigrant, philosopher, writer, political publicist and fighter for Montenegro's sovereignty and independence. He was one of the very few amongst the Montenegrin diaspora to achieve higher-level education.
Serbian–Montenegrin unionism is a political movement which arose after the break up of former Yugoslavia. It advocates Montenegro being in a political union with Serbia. The relationship between Serbs and ethnic Montenegrins is generally identified as being the most amicable of all the peoples of the former Yugoslavia. According to a 2011 national census, 178,110 Montenegrin citizens ethnically identify as Serb, with more than 4,000 identifying as "Serbian-Montenegrin" or "Montenegrin-Serbian".
Špiro Kulišić was a Montenegrin Serb ethnologist and one of the founders of the Montenegrin autochthonist school. He contributed to ethnology and museology in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia. His research interests were in tribal organization in the Dinaric region, ethnic history and relations between the Slavs and indigenous population in the Balkan, and religion among the Serbs and Montenegrins.
Staniša "Stanko" Crnojević was a member of the Crnojević noble family that held the Lordship of Zeta; Stanko was the heir to Ivan I Crnojević, who ruled from 1465 to 1490. In 1482 his father Ivan sent him and several of his close friends to the court of the Ottoman sultan Bayezid in order to guarantee his loyalty. Stanko converted to Islam and received the name Skender, hence he is also known as Skender-bey Crnojević, and became the Ottoman sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Montenegro in 1514–1528. He is enumerated in Serbian and Montenegrin epic poetry, in which he is sometimes known as Maksim.
Montenegrin nationalism is the nationalism that asserts that Montenegrins are a nation and promotes the cultural unity of Montenegrins.
The Rovčani are a historical tribe of Montenegro and one of the seven highlander tribes of the Brda region, alongside the BjelopavlićRovca.
The People's Party, also known as the Klubaši or the Narodnjaci, was a political party in the Principality of Montenegro and the Kingdom of Montenegro. The party represented the opposition to King Nikola I. The People's Party main political goal was the dethroning of the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty and the unification of Montenegro and Serbia. The founder of the party was Šako Petrović-Njegoš, Nikola I's cousin, other notable founding members of the party included Andrija Radović, Marko Radulović and Mihailo Ivanović. As a response to the formation of the People's Party in 1907, Petrović-Njegoš dynasty loyalists organised themselves into the True People's Party, also known as the Rightists.
Serbs of Montenegro or Montenegrin Serbs, compose native and the second largest ethnic group in Montenegro, after the ethnic Montenegrins. Additional 0.64% of the population is made up of Serbs-Montenegrins and Montenegrins-Serbs.
The ethnic groups in Yugoslavia were grouped into constitutive peoples and minorities.
Srdja Pavlović, also Srđa Pavlović, is a Montenegrin and Serbian historian. He was born in and educated in Montenegro, but left his homecountry to continue education around the world. He currently teaches in Canada. He specialized in the modern European and Balkan history, with a main focus of research in the field of political and cultural history of the South Slavs during the 19th and 20th centuries.
Sava Petrovich [...] Serbian nation (nacion)
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