Срби у Црној Гори Srbi u Crnoj Gori | |
|---|---|
| State flag of the Principality of Montenegro and Kingdom of Montenegro, used nowadays as an ethnic flag of Serbs of Montenegro | |
| Total population | |
| 205,370 (2023) [1] | |
| Languages | |
| Serbian | |
| Religion | |
| Eastern Orthodoxy (Serbian Orthodox Church) |
| Part of a series on |
| Serbs |
|---|
| |
Serbs of Montenegro or Montenegrin Serbs, [a] are a recognized ethnic minority in Montenegro. According to data from the 2023 census, the population of ethnic Serbs in Montenegro is 205,370, constituting 32.9% of the total population; they are the second-largest ethnic group in the country after Montenegrins.
During the Slavic migrations of the 6th and 7th centuries, most of the territory of modern-day Montenegro was settled by Serbs who formed several principalities in the region; in southern parts of modern Montenegro, Principality of Duklja was formed, while western parts belonged to the Principality of Travunia. [4] Northern parts of modern Montenegro belonged to the inner Principality of Serbia. [5]
In 1018, all of Serbian principalities came under the supreme rule of the Byzantine Empire. [6] The Serb inahbited regions of Duklja and Travunia broke away from Byzantine rule c. 1034-1042, under prince Stefan Vojislav, founder of the Vojislavljević dynasty. His son Mihailo I Vojislavljević liberated Zahumlje and inner Serbia, creating a united Serbian polity and taking the title of king in 1077. [7] The reign of his son, King Constantine Bodin, was followed by a period of regional fragmentation, lasting throughout much of the 12th century. [6]
After 1180, all of present-day Montenegro came under the rule of Grand Prince Stefan Nemanja, the founder of the Nemanjić dynasty. The region of Zeta, formerly known as Duklja, became a crown land of the united Serbian state. [8] It was given to Vukan Nemanjić, the oldest son of Stefan Nemanja, and later to crown prince Stefan Radoslav, son of King Stefan Nemanjić, who succeeded his father as Serbian King in 1228. Thus it became a custom to grant the region to the heir of the throne or some other member of the ruling dynasty. In 1219, two dioceses of the Serbian Orthodox Church were created on the territory of modern-day Montenegro, Eparchy of Zeta with episcopal seat at the monastery of Holy Archangel Michael on Prevlaka, and Eparchy of Budimlja with episcopal seat at the Đurđevi Stupovi monastery. Several other monasteries also date to this period, such as: Morača, Praskvica, Vranjina, among others. [9] Serbian Despotate was the last independent medieval Serb state and it included most of modern-day Montenegro. Zeta regained semi-independence under local dynasties like the Balšić noble family, who ruled as Serbian lords but pursued their own policies. [10] By the 15th century, both Zeta and Serbia faced Ottoman expansion. Zeta, under the Crnojević noble family, maintained some independence longer than Serbia, which fell to the Ottomans in 1459. The Crnojevićs still identified as Serbs, and Zeta’s Orthodox heritage aligned with Serbian traditions.
The territories of present day Montenegro and Serbia were under direct Ottoman rule from 16th to 18th. During this period, "Montenegro" refers primarily to the region of Old Montenegro (rugged highlands around Cetinje), governed by the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty. The Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, eparchy under constant jurisdiction of the Serbian Patriarchate of Peć, directly influenced the establishment of the Prince-Bishopric of Montenegro in 1697. While nominally under Ottoman suzerainty, Montenegro’s mountainous terrain and tribal organization allowed it to maintained de facto autonomy and to resist direct Ottoman control. Montenegro’s autonomy allowed it to act as a symbol of resistance against Ottoman rule, inspiring Serbs in Ottoman-controlled Serbia.
Montenegro achieved independence under the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty, at first as a principality and then as a kingdom. The Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Montenegro fought together as the closest allies in the Balkan Wars and in the World War I.
The unification of Serbia and Montenegro in 1918, proclaimed by the Podgorica Assembly, and subsequent Christmas Uprising were pivotal events that marked the end of Montenegro’s independent state and its incorporation into the Kingdom of Serbia and, shortly thereafter, into newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia). These processes created critical schism in Montenegrin society between the Greens (Zelenaši) and Whites (Bjelaši). The Whites advocated for unconditional unification with Serbia and integration into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes under the House Karađorđević. The Greens, despite declaring themselves as Serbs, advocated for a partnership where Montenegro would maintain status equal to that of Serbia, constituting an integral part of the union state rather than merely a province of Serbia. These factions, rooted in political, cultural, and tribal differences, left a lasting impact on ethnic Serb and Montenegrin identities in contemporary Montenegro. [11] [12]
On November 26, 1918, the Great People’s Assembly, later known as the Podgorica Assembly, convened in Podgorica to decide the Montenegro’s future, deposed King Nicholas I and formalized Montenegro’s incorporation into Serbia and the new Yugoslav state, declared on December 1, 1918, under King Peter I of Serbia. [13] From exile, King Nicholas denounced the assembly as illegitimate, refusing to abdicate, but his influence was limited due to his absence and lack of military power. A portion of Montenegro's population became dissatisfied with the political developments following the Podgorica Assembly, leading to an insurrection in 1919 that was ultimately crushed. According to the British Military Mission to Montenegro, approximately one-fifth of the population supported the rebels. [14]
In 1941, after the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia, Montenegro was occupied by Italy, which established a puppet structure, the Italian governorate of Montenegro, under nominal Montenegrin leadership but Italian control. Two resistance structures emerged in Montenegro, part of broader pan-Yugoslav organisation: the Partisans and the Chetniks. The Green-White divide provided a framework for aligning with either the Chetniks or Partisans, though ideological and pragmatic factors also played significant roles. Chetniks’ royalist and Serb-centric vision naturally aligned with the Whites’ pro-Serbian stance from 1918 and many Whites or their descendants supported the Chetniks, seeing them as defenders of the pre-war Yugoslav state and the Karađorđević monarchy. Montenegrins (in both distinct ethnic or just regional Serb identification) were the second largest group within the Chetnik movement in whole of Yugoslavia. [15] [16] The Partisans attracted former Greens and their descendants, as well as others who were disillusioned with the inter-war marginalization of Montenegro. The Greens’ emphasis on Montenegrin autonomy and resistance to Serbian dominance found partial alignment with the Communist vision of a post-war federal Yugoslavia, where Montenegro would be a constituent republic with equal status. The Partisans ultimately liberated Montenegro from Axis forces in 1944. The Chetniks’ defeat and association with collaboration discredited the White-aligned, Serb-centric vision in Montenegro. This outcome entrenched the Partisan vision, aligning with Green aspirations for Montenegrin recognition. Montenegrin Partisan leader Milovan Đilas and one of the most important post-war Yugoslav communist leaders however described himself as a "Montenegrin Serb" and described Montenegro as the spiritual homeland of Serbs, saying: I am not a Montenegrin because I am a Serb, but a Serb because I am a Montenegrin. We Montenegrins are the salt of the Serbs. All the strength of the Serbs is not here (in Montenegro) but their soul is. [17] Đilas also has said the Montenegrins are, despite provincial and historical differences, quintessentially Serbs, and Montenegro the cradle of Serbian myths and of aspirations for the unification of Serbs. [17]
In socialist Yugoslavia, Montenegro was recognized as a separate constituent republic. The socialist framework emphasized Yugoslav unity but at same time recognized Montenegrins as a distinct ethnicity, separate from Serbs, with their own cultural institutions.
The relations between Serbia and Montenegro during the breakup of Yugoslavia were characterized by close alignment, as Montenegro was Serbia’s closest ally during this turbulent period, as Montenegrin leadership was staunchly pro-Serbian. Montenegro voted with Serbia in federal bodies to block independence efforts by Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 1992, Serbia and Montenegro formed the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Proclamation of a new state was preceded by the referendum in Montenegro, held to determine whether Montenegro would remain in a federation with Serbia or seek independence, as other Yugoslav republics had done. The electorate overwhelmingly supported continued union with Serbia, reflecting the strong dominance of pro-Serbian sentiment in Montenegro at the time. [18]
However, underlying tensions over Montenegro’s autonomy and identity began to emerge, particularly in the late 1990s, as Montenegro’s leadership, notably Milo Đukanović, started to diverge from Serbia’s policies. After overthrow of Slobodan Milošević and amid growing Montenegrin push for independence, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed in 2003 into the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, a very loose federal structure. [19] The arrangement proved dysfunctional and unstable, since the constitutional charter of newly-formed union included a clause allowing either republic to hold a referendum on independence after just three years. Montenegro’s independence in 2006, achieved through the referendum, marked the restoration of Montenegrin sovereignty after nearly a century of union with Serbia. The referendum’s narrow result (55.5% for independence; 44.5% against) reflected Montenegro’s old divisions, echoing the Greens-Whites and Partisans-Chetniks divide but above all divide between Serbs in Montenegro (Montenegrin Serbs) and ethnic Montenegrins.
The debates on the Montenegrin ethnic and linguistic identity centering on a core question whether Montenegrins are essentially the same people as Serbs or distinct ethnicity, ocassionaly spark tensions. The ethnic Montenegrins advocate for the creation of a separate Montenegrin language, regarded before as a dialect of the Serbian language, including the creation of a new Montenegrin Cyrillic alphabet which shares the same letters with the Serbian Cyrillic alphabet except for the addition of two new letters. The Serbs of Montenegro are opposed to the idea of a linguistic separation, just as they are opposed to the establishment of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church and consequential separation from the jurisdiction of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The Montenegrin language eventually gained international recognition and was assigned the ISO 639-2 and -3 code [cnr] in 2017. [20] However, the Montenegrin Orthodox Church remains canonically unrecognized. In 2019 and 2020, a wave of protests started against the controversial "Law on Freedom of Religion or Belief and the Legal Status of Religious Communities" which effectively transferred ownership of church buildings and estates built before 1918 (when the Kingdom of Montenegro was abolished) from the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro to the Montenegrin state. [21] The law was eventually repealed in 2021.
According to data from the 2023 census, 205,370 people in Montenegro identified as ethnic Serbs, i.e. 32.9% of total population, forming the second largest ethnic group after Montenegrins. [1] Additional 0.5% of the population self-identified as Serbs-Montenegrins (1,701) or Montenegrins-Serbs (1,268).
| Municipality | Population | Share |
|---|---|---|
| City of Podgorica | 55,365 | 30.8% |
| Nikšić | 22,270 | 33.9% |
| Bijelo Polje | 16,675 | 43.1% |
| Pljevlja | 16,027 | 66.4% |
| Herceg Novi | 14,901 | 48.3% |
| Berane | 14,742 | 59.8% |
| Bar | 11,968 | 26.1% |
| Budva | 9,822 | 35.8% |
| Kotor | 7,989 | 35.1% |
| Zeta | 6,946 | 43.2% |
| Danilovgrad | 6,589 | 35.4% |
| Tivat | 5,631 | 34.4% |
| Kolašin | 2,821 | 42.1% |
| Mojkovac | 2,804 | 41.7% |
| Andrijevica | 2,640 | 67.5% |
| Plužine | 1,621 | 74.4% |
| Žabljak | 1,548 | 52.6% |
| Ulcinj | 1,025 | 5% |
| Šavnik | 735 | 46.8% |
| Cetinje | 698 | 4.8% |
| Rožaje | 593 | 2.5% |
| Tuzi | 258 | 2% |
| Gusinje | 109 | 2.7% |
| Petnjica | 47 | 0.9% |
Some 269,307 people (43.2% of the population) declared Serbian as their mother tongue - the largest share of any language. The official language of Montenegro has historically and traditionally been called Serbian. [22] Serbian was the official language in Montenegro until 2007 when the new Constitution of Montenegro designated Montenegrin as the sole official language while Serbian was given the status of a "language in official use" (de facto recognised minority language) along with Bosnian, Albanian, and Croatian. [23] Two sub-dialects of the Shtokavian dialect of the Serbian language are spoken in Montenegro: the Eastern Herzegovinian dialect (in the western half of the country) and Zeta-Raška dialect (in the eastern half). Today, the national standard of Montenegrin language is based on the Zeta-Raška sub-dialect.
Serbs in Montenegro belong to the Eastern Orthodoxy and are adherents of the Serbian Orthodox Church. Four eparchies of the Serbian Orthodox Church have jurisdiction over the territory of Montenegro - two entirely within its borders (Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral and Eparchy of Budimlja and Nikšić), and two partially (Eparchy of Mileševa in the northwestern corner of Montenegro, corresponding to the Pljevlja Municipality; and Eparchy of Zahumlje and Herzegovina in the far southwestern corner of Montenegro, corresponding to the small coastal region of Sutorina in Herceg Novi Municipality). [24] [25] The 17th-century Ostrog monastery is the most visited pilgrimage site of the entire Serbian Orthodox Church. [26]
There are three main political parties representing interests of Serbs in Montenegro: New Serb Democracy (right-wing/conservative, 9 MPs), Democratic People's Party (left-wing/populist, 4 MPs), and United Montenegro (conservative, 1 MP). These parties were staunch advocates of "No" Vote in 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum and still generally support idea of Serbian–Montenegrin unionism, i.e. advocate for a political union between Montenegro and Serbia.
Serb National Council of Montenegro is an official body representing the interests of Serbs of Montenegro in matters regarding ethnic rights and cultural identity. [27]
The Montenegrin cap is a traditional cap worn by both Montenegrins and Montenegrin Serbs, originally in the shape of a flat cylinder, having a red upper surface (called tepeluk) not dissimilar to the Herzegovina and Lika caps. It was wholly red until Prince-Bishop Petar II Petrović Njegoš surrounded it with a black rim (called derevija), and the definition given was as a sign of grief of occupied Kosovo. [28] The Kosovo Myth was entrenched in the collective psyche during the times of the Prince-Bishopric of Montenegro, Principality of Montenegro, and later Kingdom of Montenegro. The enforcement of the cap upon the Montenegrin chieftains by Petar II was a mark of expression of then's dominating Serb ethnic identity. [29] According to tradition, the most often version of the cap was as following: the black wrapper was a sign of grief for the fall of once big Empire, the red for the bloody defeat at the Battle of Kosovo and the five small stripes on the top represent the remaining remains of the once greater Serbian realm, which became increasingly popular amongst the common folk during the reign of Prince Danilo I Petrović-Njegoš. [30] [31] Within the stripes is angled a six star, representing the last free part, Montenegro, shining upon the fallen and conquered. [32] Worn by the rulers and chieftains, the version with the Serbian cross in the star's place had become during the time with growth of nationalism very popular amongst the ordinary people, the symbol of the Serbian Orthodox Church.